A dictionary of Tocharian B by Douglas Q. Adams (Leiden Studies in Indo-European 10), xxxiv, 830 pp., Rodopi: Amsterdam – Atlanta, 1999. [The k̂ of that book is called ḱ here.]
A second, much enlarged, edition (964 pp.) has appeared in print in 2013.

aṃśūk (n.) ‘(upper) garment’
[aṃśūk, -, aṃśūk//] somonaṃts no aṃtsanemeṃ litau aṃ[śuk] ‘the aṃśuka-garment [has] slipped from the shoulders of some [of them]’ (H-149-ADD.13b3 [Hilmarsson, 1989:7]). ∎From BHS aṃśuka-.


akañc ([indeclinable?] adj.) ‘± distant, remote’
akäñc ṣpä leke asān = BHS prāntaṃ ca śayanāsanam (U-24a3). ∎A derivative of āke ‘edge,’ q.v., as TchA ākiñc is to āk. See also akañcar.


akañcar ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± distant, remote’
akañcar wṣeññaṃ /// = BHS prāntāni śayanāsanāni (542b3). ∎A derivative of the preceding entry.


akappi (n.) ‘impurity’
[akappi, -, -//-, -, akappinta] /// kektseñe akappi ste ‘the body is an impurity’ (121b5), akappī = BHS aśuciṃ (529a3). ∎From BHS akalpya- (or more likely some Prakrit equivalent).


akaru (n.) ‘Commiphora roxburghii (Arn.) Engl.’ [aka C. agallocha (W. & A.) Engl., Amyris agallocha, A. commiphora Roxb., etc.]? (Filliozat) or ‘aloe’? (Pinault) (a medical ingredient)
[akaru, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS agaru-. See also okaro.


akart(t)e (adv.) ‘near’
[lareñ ssuś]kañ plamas-ñ akarte ‘[my] dear sons, set yourselves before me!’ (46b4). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (1972[74]:141-2, 1976:141-2) posits a connection with Lithuanian gretaĩ ~ gretà ‘beside,’ gretà ‘proximity,’ grẽtas ‘neighbor.’ He assumes a PIE *gṛto- as the antecedent of the Tocharian form (though a *greto- with late metathesis of *-rä- to *-är- would also do), prefixed by the intensive prefix -. However, contra VW, the usual intensive prefix e(n)- occurs with an initial - only when an -- follows in the next syllable. Nevertheless the equation is attractive and perhaps we have the verbal prefix ā- ‘± near,’ q.v., instead (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:118-119).


akalṣälle (nm.) ‘pupil’
[akalṣälle, akalṣälyepi, -//akalṣälyi, akalṣälyeṃts, akalṣälyeṃ] omp akalṣlyeṃts pelaikn=āksaṣṣi ‘there he instructed [his] disciples in the law’ (3b3), krentäṃ akalṣälyeṃ = BHS sacchiṣyāṃ (H-ADD.149.62a2 [Couvreur, 1966:165]). ∎The gerund of ākl-, q.v., used as a nomen agentis.


akalye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘learning, study’ [āklyi yām- ‘practice, school oneself’]
[akalye, -, āklyi//] āklyi yāmoṣ papāṣṣorñecci = BHS abhyavacīrṇa brahma-[ca]rya (542b2), mā āyorṣṣe kreṃt waṣmoṃmpa āklyi yāmu ‘[he has] not schooled himself in the good friendship of giving’ (K-6a3), [aiṣṣeñca] ṣpä mäsketär su nauṣ cmelaṣṣe āklyisa ‘he is also generous through the study of prior births’ (K-6b1). ∎A nomen actionis from ākl- ‘learn,’ q.v. See also ākl-, akalṣälle, and aklyilñe.


akākatte* (adj.) ‘uninvited’
[akākatte, -, -//] (331b1). ∎Privative of kāk- ‘invite,’ q.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:21-22).


akālk (n.[m.sg.]) ‘wish’ [akālk ñäsk- ‘cherish a wish’]
[akālk, akālkäntse, akālk//-, -, akālkänta] karsnaṃ pärmank ṣañ śāmnaṃts mäntaṃ pw akālkänta ‘it cuts off hope and destroys the wishes of his own people’ (3b7), pw akālkänta kanṣeñca ‘fulfilling all wishes’ (14a5), ñäṣṣītr= ākālk seyi cmelñeṣṣe ‘he cherished a wish for the birth of a son’ (42b4). -- akālkäṣṣe ‘prtng to a wish’ (AMB-b4);
akālkätstse ‘having a wish’ (101a1). ∎TchA ākāl ‘id.’ and B akālk reflect independent borrowings from Middle Iranian, presumably Sogdian, where we have āɣal(ak)- ‘wish’ from an earlier Iranian āɣaδ--cf. Parthian āgadaka- ‘wish’ (Szemerényi, 1966: 220-221, VW:622).


akāśadhātu (n.) ‘element of empty space’
[akāśadhātu, akāśadhātuntse, akāśadhātu//] (178a5). ∎From BHS ākāśa-dhātu-. See also akāśe.


akāśe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sky, air, empty space’
[akāśe, akāśäntse, akāś//] [ścma]re ponta [tsä]nkär [r]āmtä akāśne ‘they all stood like a [mountain-]peak in the sky’ (365a3), akāśne maś mantä ksa wīpä[ṣṣäṃ] mā ‘he never shakes [his] fist in the air’ (597a5). -- akaśaṣṣe* ‘prtng to sky or air’ (338a2). ∎From BHS ākāśa-


akäñc See akañc.


akuśal ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘inauspicious’
∎From BHS akuśala- (200b3).


akṛtajñe (adj.) ‘ungrateful’
[m: akṛtajñe, -, -//akṛtajñi, -, -] akṛtatñi [sic] (230b2), akṛtajñe śaumo rā mā su lkāträ nyatsene ‘like the ungrateful man, he does not see his danger’ (255a3). ∎Like TchA akritānik from BHS akṛtajña-.


akek (adv.) ‘finally’
akek postäṃ sruka ‘finally later he died’ (25a2). ∎From āke ‘end’ plus the strengthening particle k(ä).


akeññe (adj.) ‘Agnean’ (?)
[m: akeññe, akeññepi, -//] akeñe ypoyämoko t[e] ñī pne ‘the akeññe "land-elder;" this [is] my [mark]: PNE’ (Lévi, 1913:320 -a4). ∎The yapoyämoko is some sort of official which, in its other attestations, is modified by an adjective of place. Akeññe must be an adjective derived form āke ‘end.’ Its meaning must (originally) have been something on the order of ‘pertaining to the border’ or the like. It is most tempting to follow Sieg (1937) and see in this TchB word the equivalent of Agni, the BHS designation of the "Tocharian A state" or Tumshuqese agñ(y)e xšera of the same meaning. The Tocharian A state would then have originally been something like ‘The March’ (cf. Old English Mierce ‘Mercia,’ Italian Le Marche, or the Ukraine).


akessu See āke.


akautatte* (adj.) ‘unsplittable’
[m: -, -, akautacce//] späntaitsñentaṣṣe enku wājrä akautacce ‘holding the unsplittable thunderbolt of trustworthiness’ (TEB-58-18). ∎Privative of kaut- ‘split,’ q.v. (see 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:22).


akauwse ‘?’
ekṣinekaṃñana misa akauwse /// (ST-a6).


aknātsa (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘foolish, stupid’; (b) ‘fool’
[aknātsa, -, aknātsai//aknātsañ, aknātsaṃts, aknātsaṃ] (a) wnolmi [lege: wnolme] aknātsa ‘a foolish being’ (2a6), mā-yśeñcañ aknātsañ = BHS ajānakāḥ (31a6/7=32a1);
(b) aknātsaṃ = BHS bālāḥ (23b7), aiśmw akn[ā]tsa wat āṃtpi ksa ṣp mā=läṃ mäskentär ‘wise man or fool, the two are not different’ (28b3). -- aknātsaññe ‘ignorance’: [ṣe]mi wnolmi tetrikoṣ ytariṃ ṣeṃ aknātsaññesa ‘some beings were confused [in their] ways out of ignorance’ (29b5), aknātsaññentse nautalñemeṃ = BHS mohakṣayād (H-149-ADD.124a2 [Thomas, 1974:90]);
aknātsaññeṣṣe ‘prtng to ignorance’: [aknātsaññe]ṣṣe orkamñe kauṣeñc[antse] = BHS ajñānatimira-ghnasya (H-149.47b2 [Couvreur, 1966:162]);
aknātsaññetstse ‘possessing ignorance’: aknā[tsaññetse kselñemeṃ] = BHS avidyanirodhāt [lege: avidyānirodhat] (157a2);
aknatsā-yāmor ‘± foolish deed, fool's deed’ (255a7). ∎TchA āknats ‘id.’ and B aknātsa reflect Ptch *āknātsā- where the first *- is a reflex of the negative prefix *e(n)- whose vowel has undergone -umlaut (see 2e(n)-). In PIE terms we may have *ṇ-ǵneh3-to- ‘unknown, unknowing’ (with the common change in Tocharian of a *to-stem to a *tyo-stem) [: Sanskrit ájñāta- ‘unknown,’ Greek ágnōtos ‘id.,’ Latin ignōtus ‘id.,’ and Greek agnōs (gen. agnōtos) ‘unknown, unknowing,’ all derivatives of PIE *ǵneh3- ‘know’ (P:376-378)] (VW, 1972a:103, 1976:159). Alternatively Hilmarsson (1991:124-125) suggests the possibility that we have here an inner-Tocharian development whereby the agentive suffix -tsa has been added to the PTch verbal root *knā- ‘know’ (cf. nān-). Those Indo-European forms in Hittite (ganess- ‘know’), Albanian (njoh ‘I know’), and Tocharian A (kña- ‘know’) that have been explained as reflecting *ǵneh1- and thus necessitating a reconstruction *ǵnoh1- for the previous set of forms, are probably to be explained as *ǵnēh3- where the lengthened vowel is not colored by the adjacent vowel ("Eichner's Law"). See also nān-.


akrūna* (n.pl.) ‘tears’
[//-, akrūna] /// akruna pest lyelyuwormeṃ ‘having wiped away tears’ (514a8). ∎TchA ākär ‘tear’ (plural ākrunt) and B akrūna reflect PTch *ākru, pl. ākrū-nā from PIE *haekru- [: Sanskrit áśru- (nt.), Avestan asrū, Lithuanian ašarà (f.) and, more distantly, Greek dákru (nt.), Old Latin dacruma (f.), Old Irish dér (nt.), Gothic tagr (nt.) (P:23, 179; MA:567)] (Schulze, 1927, VW:158, though they reject any connection with those forms that begin with *d-). The relationship of the forms with *d- and those without it is difficult (cf. Hamp, 1967). Within Tocharian one can point to a possible loss of initial PIE *d- also in or ‘wood’ (< *dóru), q.v.


akraupatte (adj.) ‘± unassembled, uncombined’
[akraupatte, -, -//] akraupatte = BHS asamāhitā (537a5). ∎Privative of kraup- ‘gather,’ q.v. (see 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:22-23).


aklyilñe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘study’
[aklyilñe, aklyiñentse, aklyilñe//] saṃvar ṣamāññe āśäṃ ostw-ostä tärknaṃ aklyilñe śak-wi klautkeṃtsa ‘monkish behavior leads him from house to house and he gives up the study of the twelve ways’ (33b2), aklyil[ñ]e[sa] = BHS āgamena (547b4). ∎The abstract noun from the subjunctive stem of ākl- ‘learn,’ q.v.


akwane* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, akwaneṃ] akwaneṃ käryāmte 30 kuśāneṃtsa 550 ‘we bought 30 akwaneṃ for 550 kuśānes’ (490a-III-2).


akwam-pere (n.) ‘sprout and stalk’
[akwam-pere, -, -//] akwam-pere ra ñe[m ersna] ‘name and form like sprout and stalk’ (PK-NS-53a6 [Pinault, 1988:100]). ∎Akwam is (as if) from PIE *haeḱú-mn- (nt.), a derivative of *haeḱu- ‘sharp.’ Particularly striking is the resemblance to Latin acūmen (nt.) ‘sharp point’ (as if) from PIE *haeḱu-ha-men- (Pinault, 1988:146-147). More s.v. akwatse.
Pere is (as if) from PIE *poro- ‘± what is crossed,’ a derivative of *per- [: Sanskrit píparti ‘brings across,’ Greek peráō ‘bring through,’ peírō ‘bores through,’ Latin portō ‘carry,’ Gothic faran ‘travel,’ OCS naperjǫ ‘bore through,’ etc. (P:816-817: MA:228-229). One should compare formally Greek póros ‘passage, way’ and semantically Sanskrit páruṣ-/párvan- ‘joint, knot’ (especially of a cane or reed). Both semantic identification and etymology are Pinault's (1988:147-148). See also prāri.


akwatse (adj.) ‘sharp’
[m: akwatse, -, -//] [f: //akwatsana, -, -] akwatsana ... läklenta ‘sharp pains’ (19a1), akwatse pilko olyapotse = BHS atīkṣṇacakṣuṣaḥ (545a1). ∎TchB akwatse reflects a putative PIE *haekutyo-, a derivative of the widespread *haek- ‘sharp’ [: particularly those derivatives with *-u- Latin acūs (f.) ‘needle,’ acuere ‘sharpen,’ German Achel (f.) ‘awn’ (< *haeku-leha-), Old English āwel (m.) ‘hook, fork’ (< *haeku-olo-, etc. (P:19; MA:509)]. Particularly close is the relationship with Latin acūtus ‘sharp’ (cf. VW, 1949:301, 1976:142). The Tocharian word is PIE *haekuto- (with the common transfer to the yo-stems) while Latin reflects *haekuhato-. Both are adjectives of appurtenance with *-to-. The pre-Tocharian adjective is derived from the simple u-stem while the pre-Latin adjective is derived from the corresponding abstract/collective *haeku-(e)ha-. (For a similar formation in Tocharian, see orotstse.) See also akwam- in the compound akwam-pere.


akṣār* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘syllable’
[-, -, akṣār//akṣāränta, -, akṣāränta ~ akṣaranma] (548a3). ∎From BHS akṣara-. See akṣarālaṃbaṃ*.


akṣarālaṃbaṃ* (n.) ‘± taking hold of the akṣara
[-, -, akṣarālaṃbaṃ//] (183a2). ∎If from BHS *akṣar-ālaṃbaṇa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See akṣār*.


akṣai ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘undecaying’
(156a4). ∎From BHS akṣaya-.


akṣobhe (adj.) ‘unagitated, unmoved’ (?)
akṣobhe tretke memis ̇/// (367b6). ∎If from BHS akṣobha-.


akṣnai (adv.) ‘± transversely, wrongly, diagonally’
(388b7). ∎If from BHS akṣṇayā.


aksaṣṣuki (n.) ‘instructor’
[aksaṣṣuki, -,-//-, -, aksaṣṣukiṃ] teṃ yiknesa weweñu mā tākaṃ wac[e] kaum [sic] aksaṣṣuki mā śilmaṃ-ne ‘[if] the instructor has not said in this manner, on the second day he will not guide him’ (331b3). ∎An agent noun to āks-1 ‘instruct,’ q.v.


agamadhare* (nm.) ‘person of a particular theological position’
[//agamadhari, -, -] (H-149.X.5b4 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ∎From BHS āgamadhara-.


agrakulike (n.) ‘one from a very prominent family’
[agrakulike, -, -//agrakuliki, -, -] (602.2b5).


agradharma ‘± foremost law’ (only in the compound agradharma-yoñyo* ‘way of the foremost law’)
(554b6) ∎From BHS *agra-dharma- (not in M-W or Edgerton).


ankānmi* (n.) ‘± commonality’ (?) [snai ankāmi ‘± unique’ (?)]
[-, -, ankānmi//] yolaiñemeṃ maukatai krent wäntrene späntaicu | späntai[tsñe]mpa śwaraikne späntai mästa nervānne | späntai wilyuśc akalkä snai ankānmi ṣäñ śaumo | späntaitsñentäts aṣāṃ po ci wi[nask]au späntaicu ‘thou hast left off from evil, O truster in the good affair! thou didst go trustingly to nirvana with fourfold trust; ... thine own person [is] unique (?); I honor thee, O trusting one, worthy of all trusts’ [?] (241a4-6). ‣In determining the meaning we must start from the bilingual context of the derived adjective. BHS sādhāraṇa- is ‘something in common, a common rule or one generally applicable, a general characteristic of all individuals of a species’ while vihanya- [pass.] is ‘be frustrated, exert oneself in vain’). It appears that this passage is contrasting the ability of an individual to achieve redemption with the inability of a group to do so. It may be that the same theme is inherent in 241a4-6, though our ignorance of the meaning of wilyuśc makes any understanding of this line most problematic. -- ankāmnitstse* ‘± shared, common (i.e. having something in common), general’ po añmantse ekalymiññe säkwä [] ankāmniccene m/// = BHS sarvam ātmavaśaṃ sukhaṃ [] sādhāraṇe vihanyante ‘[their] good fortune [is] completely dependent on [their] own will[s]; they are frustrated/exert themselves in vain as a group’ [?] (TX-2a5 [Thomas, 1974:79/85]). ∎Etymology uncertain. It would appear that the word contains the intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut). If the meaning of the word is as we have supposed the rest of the word might reflect a putative PIE *kōmniyom, a vṛddhied derivative of the *kom-no- seen in Oscan comono ‘comitia,’ and Umbrian super kumne ‘super comitio,’ kumnahkle ‘in conventu.’ PIE *kom-no- (the metathesis of *-mn- to -nm- in TchB is regular), of course, is an adjectival derivative of the adposition *kom ‘with.’ Not with VW (147) a derivative of kām-, a part of the suppletive paradigm of pär- ‘bear, carry,’ q.v. Though some instances pär-/kām- translate BHS dhṛ-, neither the prefix of the Tocharian word nor its suffix is productive in attested Tocharian. Thus ankānmi is unlikely to be any kind of calque on some Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit original.


ankāre (n.) ‘± profligacy, immorality’ (?)
[ankāre, -, -//] /// ypauna kuṣaintsa kaklautkau ankāre wnolme[ntsa] ‘in lands and villages [has] profligacy [been] brought by beings’ (2b6). ∎Meaning and hence etymology are uncertain. If the meaning is something like ‘immorality,’ then VW's suggestion (1972[74]:142-3, 1976:147) of a compound consisting of the intensive prefix e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + kāre which would be connected with Gothic hōrs ‘prostitute’ and its Germanic congeners and, more distantly, with Latin cārus ‘dear’ is attractive.


ankaiṃ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘false; reverse’ [ankaiṃ yām- ‘vomit’]
eroṣ pilko ankaiṃ ṣeyeṃ ‘they have evoked false insight’ (15a5=17a6), ankaiṃ ytārasa [lege: ytārisa] ‘by a false path’ (30a7), weṃts weṣṣiye ankaiṃ y[āmor] śuwaṃ prete[nne] ‘urine, excrement, vomit they eat among the pretas’ (522a3). -- ankaiṃ-pilko* ‘false thought, false doctrine’: [ankaiṃ]-p[i]lkontse enkälyñemeṃ = BHS mithyādṛṣṭisamādānāt (H-150. 114a3 [Thomas, 1969:301]);
ankaiṃ-pilkoṣṣe ‘prtng to false thought’ (282a3). ∎TchA keṃ ‘id.’ and B ankaiṃ reflect a PTch *(ān)kāin. TchB shows a form with the intensive prefix *e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut--see 1e(n)-) and A shows a form without. Further connections are unknown. VW (213) implausibly suggests a connection with PIE *kwei(n)- ‘punish’ with the notion ‘false’ being a development of ‘culpable.’ Hilmarsson (1991:121) more cogently from the semantic point of view suggests a relationship with Old Irish gáu ~ gáo ~ gó ‘lie,’ Middle Welsh geu ‘false; lie’ (modern Welsh gau), and Breton gaou ‘id.’ The Celtic words apparently reflect a Proto-Celtic *gāwā; the Tocharian might for Hilmarsson reflect *gāwāīn-.


anklautkatte (adj.) ‘unturning, irreversible, unchangeable’
[anklautkatte, -, anklautkacce//] tsmoytär-ñ nete pälskoṣṣe anklautka[t]te ‘may the spiritual and unchangeable power grow for me’ (S-8b2). ∎The privative of klautk- ‘change,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:23).


ankwaṣ(ṭ) (n.) ‘asa fetida’ (Ferula foetida Regel [aka F. asafoetida]) (a medical ingredient)
[ankwaṣ(ṭ), -, -//] ankwaṣṭä (P-2b5), aṃkwaṣ = BHS hingu- (Y-1a5). ∎Cf. Khotanese aṃgūṣḍa- (Filliozat). From Proto-Iranian *angu-ǰatu- (where *ǰatu- is ‘gum’) (Bailey, 19769:1).


ang See ānk.


acakarm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
[acakarm, -, -//] tumpa [tasema]n[e] su acakarm ṣe/// (576b1).


acalasuttär (n.) ‘acalasutra’ (a kind of salve)
[acalasuttär, -, -//] (W-19b4).


acār* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘propriety, rule’
[-, -, acār//acāränta, -, -] spārtalñent=ācāränta muskauw=āttsaik ‘[good] behaviors and conducts [have] completely disappeared’ (12b2), acār sparkoṣ yaknesa ṣekka-ṣekka sankantse antarāy maṣṣäṃ ‘in a manner having lost [all] decency, always and always he pains the community’ (DAM-507-a6/7 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). -- acāräṣṣe* ‘prtng to propriety’ (549b2). ∎From BHS ācāra-.


acirne (n.) ‘absence of digestion’
[acirne, -, -//] (Y-1b4). ∎From BHS ajīrṇa-.


ajamot (n.) a kind of parsley (Apium graveolens Linn.) or common caraway (Carum carvi Linn.) (a medical ingredient)
[ajamot, -, -//] (497b6, W-33a3) ∎From BHS ajamodā-.


Ajātaśatru* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Ajātaśatru’ (PN of a king of Magadha)
[-, Ajātaśatruñ, Ajātaśatruṃ//] (K-3a6).


Ajite (n.) ‘Ajita’ (PN of heretical teacher)
[Ajite, -, -//] (28b1).


ajvare (adj.) ‘without a fever’
[m: ajvare, -, -//] (509b3). ∎From BHS *a-jvara- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


añityātṣe See anityāt.


añiye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘breath’
///ets wseṣṣe añiye tarkärm[pa] tasem[ane] ‘the poisonous breath of the .... like a cloud’ (H-149.71a6 [Hilmarsson, 1996:30]). A derivative of PIE *haen(h1)- ‘breath.’ See further s.v. anāsk-.


añcāṃ (n.) ‘black pigment or collyrium’
[añcāṃ, -, añcāṃ//] (408b5, P-2a4). -- añcānäṣṣe ‘prtng to añjana’: añcānäṣṣe ṣale [ramt] [= BHS añjanāgiri-, the name of a mountain] (356a3). ∎From BHS añjana-.


añcāl ~ añcāli only attested in the compound añcal(i)-ṣarne ‘with hands in the añjali-position’
añcali-ṣarne (128b7), ñakty=āñcāl-ṣarne keṃ ññi rämnoyeṃ ‘the gods, [their] hands in the añjali, bowed to the ground to me’ (246a2/3). ∎From BHS añjali-.


añmaññ- (vt.) ‘wish, desire, hope for’ [in all clear cases followed by an infinitive]
Ps. XII /āñmäññ'ä/e-/ [MP añmaññemar, -, añmantär// -, -, añmaññentär; MPImpf. -, añmaññītar, añmaññītär//] /// [ā]l[y]auce waiptār nessi añmañenträ /// ‘they wish to be separate from one another’ (193b8), /// piṃtwāt aitsi añmaññīta[r] /// ‘thou desiredst to give alms’ (374.c), añmaññitär = BHS kānkṣati (PK-NS-12b4 [Couvreur, 1967:154]). ∎A denominative verb from 1āñme ‘wish,’ q.v.


añmalāṣṣälñe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sympathy’
[añmalāṣṣälñe, -, añmalāṣṣälñe//] āñmalāṣṣälñe ecce e[nkormeṃ] = BHS anukampām upādāya = TchA käryā lotklune ṣu eṃtsuräṣ (PK-NS-13+516a4 [Couvreur, 1967:154]). -- añmālaṣlñeṣṣe ‘prtng to sympathy, sympathetic’ (TEB-59-26). ∎The regular abstract derived from añmālaṣle.


añmālaṣle (n.) ‘± sympathy, pity’
[añmālaṣle, -, añmālaṣle//] wase yoktsi yaskasträ cmelaṣṣe añmālaṣle ertsi yesäñ aikne ste (282a2). -- añmalaṣleṣṣe ‘prtng to sympathy’ (281b5). ∎A derivative of 2āñme ‘self’ but the exact formation is unique. See also añmalāṣṣälñe.


añmassu See āñme1.


añmālaṣke (adj.) ‘pitying, sympathetic’
[añmālaṣke, -, añmālaṣkeṃ (voc. añmālaṣka)//] pontäts saimo kärtse-ritai añmālaṣka ‘refuge of all, seeker of good, pitying [one]!’ (229b3/4), ceu ṣäp yene saim pyamttsait añmalāṣkai [lege: -eṃ] käṣṣintse akṣoṣ krentä [p]elaikne ‘take [as] your refuge the good law announced by the pitying teacher’ (295a9/10). -- añmalaṣkaññe ‘± pity, sympathy’: ket no cämpämñe seṃ takoy alyekepi somotkäñe añmalaṣkäñ=onolmennai [lege: -nne] ‘to whom, however, there might be this ability, to another likewise [there would be] pity for beings’ (224a1/2). ∎An adjectival derivative of 2āñme ‘self’ but, as with añmālaṣlñe, the formation is unique.


at (adverb) ‘± away’
toṃ läklentameṃ ṣañ añm skāyau krui tsälpastsi [[]] at no ceṃ yāmu kuse ñī yāmṣare /// ‘if from these sufferings I try to free myself, though [I have] sent them away, they do me ...’ (220b2). ∎The apocopated form of ate, q.v, in the same way we have omp ~ ompe ‘there’ or ket ~ kete ‘whose.’ See also ate.


Atakke (n.) ‘Atakke’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Atakke, -, -//] (LP-4a3).


atameṃ ‘?’
/// [wawayau]cai mā kallaṃ tāu ytarimeṃ parna lantsi atameṃ mā campäṃ (330a3), tentsa olyapotse ṣarttaṣ[ṣ]iññe yāmtsi atameṃ mā rittetär (331b5). ‣Are these misspellings for añmameṃ?


atākatte (adj.) ‘untrue, unfounded’
[m: atākatte, -, atākacce//] krentäṃtsa tattaṃ nāki atākatte neṣamye ‘they will lay reproach on the good and untrue rumor’ (15a5=17a6/7), [a]tākatte = BHS abhūta (16a4). ∎Privative of tāk- ‘be,’ s.v. nes- (see also 2e(n)- and cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:36-39).


atāne See āto.


atāmo (n.) ‘± unfruitful ground’
[atāmo, -, -//] t[untse] ṣa[rmtsa] atāmo taur tweye mäsketrä pākri ‘for this reason unfruitful ground, or dust, or dirt appears’ (K-8b2). ∎The negative prefix 2e(n)- + tāmo, a nominal derivative of täm- ‘be born,’ q.v.


atit ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± past, done on’
(183a3). ∎From BHS atīta-.


Atidivākare (n.) ‘Atidivākara’ (PN)
[Atidivākare, -, -//] (357b5).


atibala (n.) ‘Sida rhombifolia Linn.’ [aka S. rombhoidea Roxb.] (a medical ingredient)
[atibala, -, -//] (W-24b3). ∎From BHS atibalā-.


atiyo* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘grass’ [usually in plural but may be used in the singular as a collective]
[-, -, atiyai//atiyañ, atiyaṃts, atiyaṃ] ckentse manarkaisa nyagrot-stām ñor atiyaisa lyama ‘on the bank of the river he sat on the grass under a nigrodha-tree’ (107b5), atiyai pisäl melte oraṣṣe puwar ‘a fire of grass, chaff, dung or wood’ (194b1), atīy ̇/// = BHS tṛṇa- (530b3). ∎TchA āti ‘id.’ and B atiyo reflect PTch *ātiyā- but further connections, if any, are uncertain. Lane (1938:25) connected this word with Latin ador ‘spelt’ and Gothic atisk ‘grainfield.’ Watkins (1973b) connects all three words with Hittite hat- (< PIE *h2ed-) ‘to dry, parch’ (ador originally being ‘dried spelt’) and Greek ázomai ‘dry out’ (so too Puhvel, 1991:248; cf. P:3, MA:237). Pedersen (1941:64), on the other hand, followed by VW (624), takes PTch *ātiyā- as a borrowing from Turkish ot ‘grass’ but neither the initial vowel nor the stem form of the Tocharian word is clarified by such a hypothesis. Čop (apud Isebaert, 1978a:97) more reasonably suggests a connection with the otherwise isolated Old Irish áith ‘sharp, energetic’ (< *āti- or *ōti-). The semantic development would be similar to that seen in Sanskrit tṛṇa- ‘grass’ (= English thorn). Beside the adjectival āt-i- seen in Old Irish I assume there was a nominal *āt-u- which, when augmented by *-i̯ā(n)-, gave PTch *ātäi̯ā-).


atiṣṭhit See adhiṣṭhit.


ate (adverb) ‘± away’ [ate ra tsa i- ‘to go any which way’]
āppa ate yāmtsi päkn[a]star-ñ ‘dear father, dost thou intend to send me away?’ (83a5), kelästa läkle pratinmeṃ waskātai ma at=ate śaiṣṣe tsälpastsī läklentameṃ ‘thou hast suffered pain [but] from [thy] decision to redeem the world from sufferings thou hast not moved away’ (224b2/3), ceu prekar ate kampāl yamaṣṣasta ‘they asked him: didst thou set the cloak aside?’ (337a5=PK-NS-18A-b2 [Thomas, 1978:239]), eśane epinkte pärwāne wat no lupṣale ate ra tsa yaṃ mā lkāte ksa ‘[it is] to be smeared between the eyes or on the brows; no matter how he might go, he was not seen by anyone’ (M-3b5). ∎TchA atas ‘id.’ and B ate are related but the details are not clear. By itself ate could reflect PTch āte with the attested initial a- resulting from its being always unstressed. That *āté would reflect either a PIE *haetō (as in Lithuanian ato- ‘back, away’) or *haetos (as in Sanskrit ataḥ ‘from there’). One should compare also OCS otъ ‘away,’ Greek atár ‘however,’ Latin at- ‘id.’ (< pre-Latin *ati), Gothic aþ-þan ‘id.,’ OCS ot-, otь ‘away, out’ (P:70-71; MA:37). A atas may be from PTch *āté plus some further enclitic -s with the initial - shortened in this consistently atonic word (a similar shortening may account for atsek vs. ātsek, see s.v. attsaik). The connection with Sanskrit ataḥ was first made by VW, 1941:8 (see also VW, 1976:152). See also at.


atkwal ‘?’
ankain placsa sewīträ atkwal ṣpä (282a4).


attai See ate.


Atyuccagāmī (n.) ‘Atyuccagāmin’ (PN of a former buddha)
[Atyuccagāmī, -, -//] (AMB-a1).


atraikatte (adj.) ‘unfailing, not misleading’
[atraikatte, -, -//] ∎A privative of the causative of trik-, q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:56-58).


attsaik (adv.) ‘completely, only’ [in general a strengthening particle]
śaul attsaik totka śāmnaṃts ñke wrīyeṣṣe pältakwä atyaṃts a[k]entasa ‘the life of men is now very short [like] a water drop on the tips of grasses’ (3b3/4), walo aknātsa su märsau ṣañ āñm atsaik ñem Araṇemi ‘the king [is] a fool; he [has] forgotten indeed his own name, Araṇemi’ (81a2/3), entsesa attsaik eśne wawālaṣ ‘through greed [are their] eyes completely covered’ (K-6a2). ∎TchA āttsek and B attsaik reflect PTch *āttsai-k where the final -k is the strengthening particle and the ātts- is somehow related to A ats and B ats but further connections are unknown (Smith, 1910:8, Duchesne- Guillemin, 1941:175, VW:153). See also ats.


adhivacanasaṃsparś (n.) ‘± conjunction of epithets’
[adhivacanasaṃsparś, -, -//] (171a1). ∎From BHS *adhivacanasaṃsparśa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


adhiṣṭhit (also atiṣṭhit) in the phrasal verb adhiṣṭhit yām- ‘take control of, exercise (magical) control over’
dhutaguṇ[ä] no pañäkti käṣṣīnta adhiṣṭhit mā yamaskenträ ‘the buddha-teachers do not exert control over the dhutaguṇas’ (560a1/2). ∎From BHS adhiṣṭhita-.


anagāmäññe See anāgāme.


anantārś* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘sin whose penalty is death’
[//-, -, anantārśänta] (22b3). ∎From BHSānantarya- by way of Khotanese (Sieg, 1949:89)?


anantaryavimuktimārg (n.) ‘± way of immediate deliverance’
[anantaryavimuktimārg, -, -//] (591a4). ∎From BHS *anantarya-vimukti-marga- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


anabhiprāy* (n.) ‘± lack of intention’
[-, -, anabhiprāy//] (331a2). ∎From BHS *an-abhiprāya- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See abhiprāy.


anahār (n.) ‘fast’
[anahār, -, -//] (M-1b5). ∎From BHS anāhāra-. See also āhār and poṣat.


anākätte (adj.) ‘blameless, irreproachable’
[m: anākätte, -, -//] anākätte = BHS aninditaḥ (U-18a2). ∎Privative to nāk- ‘blame, reproach,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:95-96).


anāgat (n.[m.sg.]) ‘non-attainment’
[anāgat, -, anāgat//] (182a3). ∎From BHS anāgati-.


anāgāme (n.) ‘one destined to return no more to this world’
[anāgāme, -, -//] (333b3). -- anāgāmäññe ‘prtng to an anāgāmin’ (591a1). ∎From BHS anāgāmin-.


Anāthapiṇḍike (n.) ‘Anāthapiṇḍika’ (PN of a merchant in whose garden the Buddha instructed his disciples).
[Anāthapiṇḍike, Anāthapiṇḍikentse, -//] (380b5).


anāntapa ‘?’
/// orṣṣe ñi iñcwo ra anāntapa - wi (520b6).


anāpatti (n.) ‘unpunishableness, no offence’
[anāpatti, -, -//] ṣamāne ytāri mā aiśtär klyiye ytāri ṣärpṣūkiññesa yaṃ-ne anāpatti ‘[if] a monk does not know the road and a woman, as a guide, goes [with] him, [there is] no offense’ (330a2). ∎From BHS anāpatti-.


anāyätte (adj.) ‘ungiven’
[anāyätte, -, -//] anāyätte kakāmarsa = BHS adattādānena (H-149-ADD.8a4 [Thomas, 1969:302, fn. 66]). ∎Privative of ai- ‘give,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:84).


anās ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘miserable’
Samantatir sankrām ... anās erkatte ṣe-ñ ‘my monastery S. was miserable and detestable’ (DAM-507-a/23 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). -- anāsäññe ‘miserable’ (220b1). ∎Like TchA ānās ‘id.’ B anās must be a borrowing from some Prakrit reflex of Sanskrit anātha- ‘without protector, without help’ (VW:623, following Konow).


anāsk- (vi./vt.) G ‘breathe; inhale’; K ‘make breathe, resuscitate’
G Ps. IXa /ānāsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, anāṣṣäṃ//; Ger. anāṣṣälle]; Ko. IXa (= Ps.);
K Ps. IXb /ānäsk'ä/e-/ [A //ānäskem, -, -; MP //ānäskemtär, -, -] trīwäṣlñe kuce satāṣṣäṃ tu anāṣlñe enkastär [] anāṣṣäṃ wat satāṣlñe keś yamastär . astarñe ṣiś [lege: piś] anāṣṣäṃ piś tu ṣaṃṣträ ([]) satāṣṣäṃ wat piś lykwarwa tuk piś ṣaṃṣtär ... ent=ānāṣṣäṃ melentsa ‘a mixture [is]: what he exhales, that he takes as inhalation; or he inhales and he counts [it as] exhalation; purity [is]: five [times] he inhales and he counts it [as] five or five times he exhales and he counts it [as] five ... whenever he inhales through the nose’ (41b1-3), anāṣṣälle-satāṣṣälleṣṣe ime = BHS prāṇāpānasmṛti (H-149.289a5 [Thomas, 1972b:443, fn. 5]]); satāstsy anāst[s]i (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1972b:ibid.]); ///ne nta pāskem [m]añyeṃ ānäskem wraṃ ta /// (574a4), /// otak tane lālyi ānäskemträ /// (574a5). ‣The Grundverb is attested only in contexts where it is opposed to satāsk- ‘exhale.’ In those contexts the meaning of anāsk- must be ‘inhale.’ However the causative would seem to be attested in the sense ‘make breathe, resuscitate’ (the context is that of a sea voyage and the resuscitation of servants after a near-drowning). Thus it seems likely that the basic meaning of the verb is ‘breathe’ toute simple and only by contrast to satāsk- is the meaning specifically ‘inhale.’ -- anāṣṣälñe ‘breathing, inhalation’ (41a1). ∎There is no doubt that anāsk- is a reflex of PIE *haen(h1)- ‘breathe’ [forms for which *haenh1- are necessary or probable: Sanskrit ániti ‘breathes,’ ánila- ‘breath, wind,’ Greek ánemos ‘breath, wind,’ Latin animus ‘spirit, soul,’ anima ‘breath, soul, life,’ Old Irish aná ‘breath’ (<*haenh1tlo-), Gothic uzanan ‘exhale;’ forms for which *haen- are necessary: Latin hālāre ‘exhale’ (< denominative *haens-l-eha- with unetymological h-), Hesychian ántaiánemoi,’ and antáspnoiás’ (if these are not to be corrected to aētai and aētás); indeterminate forms: Avestan åntya- ‘inhalation’ and paråntya- ‘exhalation’ (with prefixes - and pra-), Old Norse ǫnd (f.) ‘breath, life, soul’ (= Greek ántai), OCS vonja ‘smell’ (< *anyā-), Albanian ëj ‘swell’ (P:38-39; MA:82)] (Couvreur, 1949:33, VW:144). VW and Hilmarsson (1986a:198), under the assumption that a vocalic laryngeal always gave PTch *, assume we have *haenh1-sḱe/o-. Alternatively Hilmarsson later suggests (1991:120) that we might have something like *h1on-haen(h1)-sḱe/o- where the initial ān- reflects the prepositional prefix ‘in.’ The causative ānäsk- must be a new formation within TchB. See also āñme1, āñme2, añiye, onolme, and possibly satāsk-.


anāsrap (n.) ‘freedom from sinful influences’
[anāsrap, -, -//] (171a5). ∎From BHS anāsrava-.


anityāt (n.[m.sg.]) ‘impermanence’
[anityāt, -, -//] (182b2). -- anityātṣṣe ‘prtng to impermanence’ (G-Su1). ∎From BHS anityatā-. See also anityä.


anityä ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘transient’
(161a4). ∎From BHS anitya-. See also anityāt.


anindri ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘without senses’
(193a9). ∎From BHS anindriya-.


Aniruddhe (n.) ‘Aniruddha’ (PN of a monk).
[Aniruddhe, -, -//] (AMB-a1, 58b3).


anupasaṃpanne (adj.) ‘unordained’
[m: anupasaṃpanne, -, -//] (329a2). ∎From BHS anupasaṃpanna-.


anubhāp (n.) ‘perception, apprehension’
[anubhāp, -, -//] (197b1). ∎From BHS anubhava-.


anumodit only in the phrasal verb anumodit yām- ‘give approbation to’
or[ot]stse-cämpamñecci ñakti anumod[i]t yamaṣṣare-me ‘the great-powered gods gave them approbation’ (PK-AS16.3a5 [Pinault, 1989:156]). ∎From BHS anumodita-, the participle of anumud-.


Anurat* (n.) ‘Anurādhā’ (the constellation ‘Scorpio’)
[-, -, Anurat//] (M-2a3). ∎From BHS anurādhā-.


anulakṣaṃ* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘± subsidiary characteristic’ (?).
[//anulakṣan(än)ta, -, -] (182b5). ∎From BHS *anu-lakṣaṇa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See also lakṣāṃ.


anuwasāṃ (n.) ‘washing, bath’
[anuwasāṃ, -, -//] anuwasāṃ yamaṣle yente kauṣeñca ‘a bath [is] to be made, destroying wind [diseases]’ (Y-2b1). ∎From BHS anuvāsana-.


anaikätte (adj.) ‘unknown’
[m: anaikätte, -, anaikätte//] [f: -, -, anaikättai//] (12a6). ∎Privative of aik- ‘know,’ q.v. (though note the unexpected accusative singular anaikätte rather than *anaikäcce). See also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:98-105.


anaiwatstse (adj.) ‘± unpleasant, unwanted, irksome’
[anaiwatstse, -, anaiwacce//anaiwacci, -, anaiwacceṃ] kos tne ñakta pelaikni [po] śaiṣṣents=ānaiwacci ‘how [is it] O Lord, [that there are] laws unwished for by all peoples?’ (5a5/6), taka rano anaiwatse srukalñeṣṣe ime onolmets ‘certainly the thought of death is unpleasant to creatures’ (K-11a5). -- anaiwatsñe ‘± unpleasantness, something unwanted’ (117b1). ∎TchA ānewāts ‘id.’ and B anaiwatste reflect PTch *ānāiwātstse composed of the negative prefix *e(n)- (its vowel *- is regular by -umlaut) + *-āiwā- the subjunctive and preterite stem of *āiw- ‘turn towards’ + the adjective forming *-tstse. The same formation is seen in ayātaitste, q.v. See also 2e(n)- and cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:125-128 somewhat different treatment. More s.v. aiw-.


anaiśai (adv.) ‘carefully, attentively; clearly’ [anaiśai kärs- ‘recognize, comprehend’; anaiśai wawlāwau ‘one who has concentrated his thoughts in devotion, steadfast’]
a[nai]śai ra papāṣwa srūka[l]ñ=[āke] pontaṃts ‘however carefully guarded [are life and body], death [is] the end of all’ (3a3), klautsn=naiśai pepīltso śau[l]mpa mā spänteträ ‘prick up [your] ears attentively; do not trust in life!’ (3b4/5), anaiśai wawlāwau = BHS susamāhitaḥ (31a4), anaiśai kärsa[nalle] = BHS parijñeyaṃ (527a5), mā anaiśai /// = BHS ananubodhāt (542b6), kuce te mant wñāwa tu nke weñau anaiśai ‘what I have so said, that I will speak clearly’ (K-2a5/6). ‣If correctly restored, aneyśai at 213b3 is an extremely aberrant spelling. Perhaps it is a miswriting for anaiyśai. ∎The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the - is regular by -umlaut) + aiśai, a verbal noun from aik- ‘know,’ q.v. Cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:120.


anautatte* (adj.) ‘± imperishable’
[-, -, anautacce//] weñim ñäś anautacc=aiśamñesa mā āroy wentsi ‘I would speak: because of [his] imperishable wisdom may he not cease from speaking!’ (291a2). ∎Privative of naut- ‘disappear,’ q.v. See also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:32-35.


antapi (pronoun/adj.) ‘both’
[antapi ~ āntpi, -, antapi ~ āntpi] lyam=Ānande kenisa [a]lyinesa antapi | pudñäktentse kektseño klawāta-ne ‘Ā. sat on [his] knees and with both palms touched the Buddha's body’ (5b4/5), aiśmw akn[ā]tsa wat āṃtpi ksa ṣp mā=läṃ mäskentär ‘wise [man] and fool, the two are not distinguishable’ (28b3), antapi = BHS ubhayatra (U-15b3), /// [o]rotse-pacere nesteñy [lege: nesteṃñy] antpī ktsaitsī eś-lmoṣä ‘my grandfathers are both old and blind’ (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [K. T. Schmidt, 1987:288]). ∎TchA āmpi (m.?) ‘id.’ (feminine [?] āmpuk) and B antapi ~ āntpi reflect PTch *āntäp(ä)i which must, in some fashion, be related to the widespread Indo-European group meaning ‘both’ [: Greek ámphō, Latin ambō ~ -ae ~ -, and without the nasal, Sanskrit ubhau, Avestan uwā, Lithuanian abù, OCS oba, and, without the first syllable, Gothic bai (m.) ~ ba (f.), all ‘both’ (P:34-35)] (Meillet, 1911:147, 150, VW:162). Jasanoff (1976) has shown that of the Greek, Latin, and Tocharian forms, TchB antapi is notably archaic and requires a PIE *h2ent-bho-, with *h2ent- as in Hittite hant- ‘face,’ hanz(a) (< *h2enti) ‘in front,’ Greek antí ‘against,’ Latin ante ‘in front of,’ etc. (P:48-49; MA:400). The AB ending -i reflects the old neuter dual *-oih1, while in the TchA -uk (whether feminine or, as Winter, 1991:148, has argued, pronominal as opposed to an adjectival āmpi) we probably have the old masculine *-ōu (plus the strengthening particle k(ä)), relegated to the feminine by the original neuter. See Hilmarsson, 1989a:56-58, for further discussion and slightly different conclusions. See also Winter, 1991:147-150.


antarakalp (n.[f.pl.]) ‘internal subdivision of an eon, intermediate eon’
[antarakalp, -, -//antarakalpanma, -, -] (590a1). ∎From BHS antarakalpa-.


antariye (adj.) ‘± under or lower (of garments)’
[m: antariye, -, -//] [anta]riye wastsi yäṣä[lle] ‘underclothing [is] to be worn’ (320b4). ∎If from BHS antarīya-.


antartiṣ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘invisible’
kete āñme tākaṃ antartiṣ nessi ‘to whomever is the wish to be invisible’ (M-3b4). ∎From BHS antardhiṣ ‘concealment, disappearance.’


antāpce (n.) ‘± firebrand’
[antāpce, -, -//] pälketär-ne po kektseñe antāpce ramt enkältsa ‘his whole body blazed with passion like a firebrand’ (8a5). ∎Etymology uncertain. Perhaps with VW (1941:5, 1976:145) we have the intensive prefix e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + tāpce where tāp- reflects PIE *tōp- from *tep- ‘be hot’ [: Sanskrit tápati ‘is warm, burns,’ Avestan tāpaiti ‘is warm,’ Albanian ftoh ‘cool off’ (<*h4eps-top-eh1-sḱe/o-), Latin tepeō ‘am warm,’ and possibly Hittite (or Luvian since this word sometimes occurs with the Glossenkeil) tapassa- ‘fever, heat’ (note that this word is not spelled *tappassa- as we would expect by Sturtevant's Law is a derivative of PIE *tep-), etc. (P:1069-1070)]. Perhaps instead we have a loanword from some Middle Iranian source, *(h)antāp-, as suggested by Hansen (1940:145).


antarābhav* (n.) ‘intermediate state of existence (between death and rebirth)’
[antarābhav, -, antarābhav//] (175a1). -- antarābhaväṣṣe* ‘prtng to such a state’ (179b2). ∎From BHS antarābhava-.


antarāy (n.) ‘embarrassment, obstacle’, only in the phrasal verb antarāy yām- ‘embarrass, put up an obstacle.’
acār sparkoṣ [sic] yaknesa ṣekka ṣekka sankantse antarāy maṣṣäṃ ‘in that way having lost all decency he is always and for ever putting an obstacle in the way of the monastery’ (DAM-507-a6/7 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). ∎A calque on Pali verb underlying the attested nomen agentis, antarāya-kara- (Pinault, 1984a:27).


antiṣpūr (n.) ‘harem’
[antiṣpūr, -, -//] (AMB-a4). -- antiṣpuräṣṣe* ‘prtng to a harem’ (109a6). ∎From BHS antaḥpura-. It is noteworthy that the Tocharian form shows a Sanskrit antecedent with ‘close’ sandhi (with retroflex --) rather than visarga as in the standard Sanskrit form.


Andhave (n.) ‘Andhava’ (PN of a forest)
[Andhave, -, -//] (H-149.X.4a3 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]).


apamārga (n.) ‘Achyranthes aspera Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[apamārga, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS apāmārga-.


aparimāṃ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘immeasurable’
(154b1). ∎From BHS aparimāṇa-.


apaśabdh* (n.) ‘bad or vulgar speech’ (?)
[-, -, apaśabdh//] (134b6). ∎If From BHS apaśabda-.


apākärtse ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘manifest, apparent’ [apākärtse yām- ‘reveal, make manifest’; apākärtse länt- ‘reveal onself, leave openly’]
ytārye sā ... apākärtse yāmusa ‘the way made evident’ [apākärtse yāmusa = BHS prakāśitaḥ] (30a3/4), [a]pākärtse ltuṣañ yapo[ymeṃ] ‘having left openly from his own kingdom’ (94b6). ∎The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + pākr- ‘evident’ + the adjective forming -tstse (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:121-123). See also pākri and apākśai.


apākśai (adv.) ‘± with genitals exposed’
mā apākśai ene[nka] /// = BHS na viḍangikayātargṛhe niṣatsyāma (H-149- ADD.131a5 [Couvreur, 1954b:51]). ‣The BHS equivalent of this TchB hapax legomenon is almost as rare. The Tibetan, Japanese, and, in part, the Chinese equivalents of BHS viḍangika- mean ‘showing the private parts’ while, in part, the Chinese evidence, perhaps euphemistically, suggests ‘bending over’ as the meaning. Etymological considerations within Tocharian show the Tocharian translator to have understood the BHS word as ‘showing the private parts, exposing oneself’ as the meaning. ∎From the intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + -pāk- ‘± obvious, evident’ (cf. pākri) + -śai, the frozen accusative singular of some sort of derivative suffix (in PIE terms *-Kyeha-). See also pākri and apākärtse.


apāy* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘lower being’
[//apāynta, -, apāynta] (52b4). ∎From BHS apāya-.


apāṣṣätte (n.) ‘one who has not behaved morally’
[apāṣṣätte, -, apāṣṣäcce//] (31b2=32a4). ∎The privative of pāsk- ‘guard,’ q.v. (see also 2 e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:110).


Apiś* (n.) ‘the Avīcī-hell’
[-, -, apiś//] Devadatte sū Apiś nraine temtsate ‘this D. was re-born in the avīcī-hell’ (22b3). -- apiśäṣṣe* ‘prtng to the avīcī-hell’ (TEB-64-04). ∎From BHS avīcī-.


appakke (n.) ‘(dear) father’
[appakke, -, - (voc. appakka)//] śaula-preñcai sauśka [lege: soṃśke] se wate appakke snai tränko ñake päst rinastä[r]c[i] t..ṣp./// (83a4). ∎A diminutive of āppo ‘father,’ q.v.


appamāt only in the phrasal verb appamāt yām- ‘treat badly, wrong’
appamāt yamaskentär = BHS avajānanti (31a6=32a1), ceṃ ksa yāmtär appamāt wrocce lupṣtär nraisa ‘[if] someone does this one wrong, he casts himself into hell’ (31b1=32a4). -- appamātäññe ‘± ill-treatment’ (246b1, 371b4). ∎Like its TchA cognate, appärmāt, B appamāt is a borrowing from BHS pramata- or some Prakrit equivalent. See also appamatiśśa.


appamatiśśa (adj.) ‘scornful, disdainful; dispicable’ (?)
/// [se or]otse - - ̇i no appamatiśśa (575b2). ∎A derivative of appamāt. For the formation, see Winter, 1979.


apratitulyeṃ* (n.) name of a meter (4 X 25 syllables, rhythm 5/5/6/7)
[-, -, apratitulyeṃ//] (379b1, 380a4).


apratisaṃkhyānirot* (n.) ‘the unobserved annihilation of an object’
[-, -, apratisaṃkhyānirot//] (189b3). ∎From BHS apratisaṃkhyānirodha-.


apramaṇi* (n.) ‘infinitude, high number’ (?)
[//-, -, apramaṇinta] (575a6). ∎If from BHS apramāṇa-.


aplāc (adv.) ‘in conversation’
ṣamyeṃ mākaṣamāni aplāc ‘many monks were sitting in conversation’ (3a5). ∎The prepositional/intensive prefix 1e(n)- ‘in’ + the accusative singular of plāce ‘conversation,’ q.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991:123).


apsāl (n.) ‘sword’
[apsāl, -, apsāl//] apsāltsa yāmu pīle ketseṃne ‘a wound having been made in the body with a sword’ (15b1=17b3). ∎Etymology uncertain. By its form apsāl would appear to be an old verbal abstract (cf. TchA śwāl ‘food’). VW (148) relates this Tocharian word to Avestan afša-, afšman- ‘damage.’ Apsāl might be as if from PIE *haeps-eha-, a denominative verb derived from the *haeps-o- that lies behind Avestan afša-. If so, we would expect the original meaning to have been ‘± damage’ and the shift to *‘damager,’ whence ‘sword’ is difficult.


abraji* (n.) ‘particle of water’ [as a unit of measurement] (?)
[//abrajinta, -, -] (326b3). ∎Cf. BHS abrajas-.


abhijñä* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘(higher) knowledge’
[-, -, abhijñä//-, -, abhijñänta] (31a3). ∎From BHS abhijñā-


abhidārm* (n.) ‘Buddhist metaphysics’
[-, -, abhidhārm//] (G-Su2). ∎From BHS abhidarma-.


abhidharmike (n.[m.sg.]) ‘one learnèd in the abhidhārma
[abhidharmike, -, -//] (H-149.X.5b4 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ∎From BHS *ābhidhārmika- (not in M-W or Edgerton), a derivative of abhidhārma-. See s.v. abhidharm.


abhinai only in the phrasal verb abhinai yām- ‘represent dramatically’
/// olyapotstse nessi täṅwaṃñe abhinai yāmt[s]i /// ‘to be very ... to represent love dramatically’ (516b3). ∎From BHS abhinaya-.


abhiprāy (nnt.) ‘intention’
[abhiprāy, -, abhiprāy//abhiprāy(ä)nta, -, -] (325b3). ∎From BHS abhiprāya-. See also anabhiprāy.


abhīṣek* (n.) ‘ritual bathing or consecration (by pouring water over the head)’
[-, -, abhiṣek//] (205a5). -- abhiṣekṣe* ‘prtng to ritual bathing’ (211b2) ∎From BHS abhiṣeka-.


abhyantarakālp* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘intermediate age’
[-, -, abhyantarakālp//] (525a5). ∎From BHS abhyantarakalpa-.


abhyākhyāṃ (n.) ‘false or groundless accusation, calumny’
[abhyākhyāṃ, -, -//] (330a1). ∎From BHS abhyākhyāna-.


amarṣ* (n.) ‘impatience, indignation, anger’
[-, -, amarṣ//] [a]marṣsa Jaṃbudvipṣeṃ lantäṃts po krempär warkṣäl ‘they hinder out of anger the energy of all the kings of India’ (PK-13E-b8 [Couvreur, 1954c:87/88]). -- amarṣäṣṣe ‘prtng to impatience, anger’ (PK-17.4a5 [Couvreur, 1954c:87]). ∎From BHS amarṣa-.


amalāk(ā) (n.) ‘Emblica officinalis Gaertn.’ [aka Phyllanthus emblica Linn.] (a medical ingredient)
[amalāk, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS āmalaka-.


amāṃ (n.) ‘pride, arrogance’
[amāṃ, -, amāṃ//] lauke tattārmeṃ laṃ ntuñeṃ yetweṃ amāṃ śāmpa ‘having set afar the trappings of kingship, pride and arrogance’ (100b6). -- amānäṣṣe ‘± prtng to pride’ (518b7). ∎Like TchA āmāṃ ‘id.,’ B amāṃ translates BHS māna- ‘id.’ However, it may reflect an Iranian borrowing, from a form like that seen in Sogdian ’’m’n ‘energy, force’ reflecting Proto-Iranian *ā-māna-.


amāc (nm.) ‘minister’
[amāc, amācäntse, amācäṃ//amācänta, -, amācänta] klyauṣa sū śaumo mas= āmāciṃśco po tw akṣā-ne amāc masa lānte tw ākṣa aurtsesa ‘this person heard [it] and went to the minister and instructed [him in] it all, and the minister went to the king and instructed [him in] it publicly’ (18a1), [pä]knāträ lāṃnt amācänta watä ekalmi yāmntsi ‘[if] he intends to make subject the king or [his] ministers’ (M-1b5). -- amāciññe ‘prtng to a minister, ministerial’ (425a1). ∎Like TchA āmāc ‘id.,’ B amāc is a borrowing from Khotanese āmāca- ‘id.,’ itself a borrowing from Prakrit amacca- (BHS amātya-) ‘id.’ (Bailey, 1941:598, VW:623).


amāntatte (adj.) ‘not evil-minded’ or ‘not scattered, concentrated’ (?)
[m: amāntatte, -, -//] ket palskw astare amāntatte taka[rṣ]k[e] /// ‘whose spirit [is] pure, not evil-minded, and believing’ (H-149-ADD.63/59b5 [Thomas, 1972b:454, fn. 9]). ∎A privative of mänt- ‘be evil-minded’ (also ‘scatter’), q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:29-31).


amārraṣṣe (adj.) ‘immortal, undying’ or an adjective referring to some plant (?)
[m: amārraṣṣe, -, -//] [f: amārraṣṣa, -, -//] [wa]rpalñe amārraṣṣe yel ra ‘suffering [is] like an immortal worm’ (152b5), sā amārraṣṣa ṣpakiye (W-9b3). ∎If a derivative of BHS amara- ‘immortal’ and/or amara-/ amarā-, the name of several plants.


amāllatte (adj.) ‘not depressed, not cast down’
[amāllate, -, -//] (255b3). ∎The privative of mäl-1 ‘crush, repress, oppress,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:28-29).


amāsko* (a) (n.); (b) (adv.); (c) ([indeclinable] adj.) (a) ‘difficulty’; (b) amāskai ‘with difficulty’; (c) ‘difficult’
[-, -, amāskai//] pos=amāskai karkats[i] = BHS sudurharam ‘very difficult to steal’ (14b8), tusa amāskai lwāsameṃ onolmeṃ tsä yśamna cmetsi ‘thus [it is] difficult for animals to be born of beings among men’ (407b2/3). -- amāskaitstse* ‘± difficult’ (384b2). ∎The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + māsk- ‘difficulty’ (Hilmarsson, 1991: 119-120). See More s.v. māskw.


amäkṣpänte* (n.) ‘± wagon-master’
[(voc. amäkṣpänta)//] amäkṣpänta karpām lantäññai ytārine ‘O wagon-master, we have descended on the royal way’ (PK-12K-b3 [Couvreur, 1954c:86]). ∎Etymology uncertain. Bailey (1958; followed by VW:621) sees in this word a compound, perhaps itself of Iranian origin, certainly of Iranian origin in its components. The first part of the compound amäkṣ- is in the first instance equated with Khotanese maś- in maśpa- ‘road’ (< *‘± wagon-place’) and further to Greek ámaksa (Attic hámaksa) ‘chassis of a four-wheeled wagon’ while the second part of the compound is Iranian *pati- ‘master.’ However, it may well be that TchB amäkṣ- and Greek are cognate because they are both inherited from PIE *h2em-haeks-y(e)ha- ‘wagon-chassis,’ whether or not Khotanese maś- (if such a form has an independent existence) belongs here or not. Likewise I do not see -pänte as borrowed from Iranian *pati-. Such an etymology leaves the -n- without any explanation. Instead I see -pänte as a putative PIE *pṇth2-ó- ‘one pertaining to the way,’ an exocentric thematic derivative to *póntōh2s ‘way’ [: Sanskrit pánthāḥ (m.), Avestan pantå (m.), Armenian hun, all ‘way,’ Greek póntos (m.) ‘sea,’ OCS pǫtь (m.) ‘way,’ Old Prussian pintis ‘id.,’ etc. (P:308-309)] (cf. Adams, 1984b; MA:625).


amiśke (adj.) ‘bad-tempered, despondent’
[m: amiśke, -, -//-, -, amiśkaṃ] [wnolme]ntso ra ponts [lege: pontaṃts] aiṣi [sic] amiśkana [lege: amiśkane?] eśne no (92b1), am[i]śk=[e]ntsesse ‘bad-tempered and greedy’ (117a3). -- amiśkäññe ‘bad disposition, despondency’: amiśkäññe = BHS daurmanasya (156a5). ∎Probably with VW (1941:80, 1976:143-144, though details differ) an adjective with the diminutive suffix -śke added to a form *ām(i)-, related to Sanskrit ámīvā- ‘sickness, suffering,’ ámīti ‘torments, presses,’ Greek anīā (Aeolic onīā) ‘grief, sorrow, distress, trouble’ (< *amīwā- with dissimilation of *m ... w to *n ... w), Old Norse ama ‘torment, wound,’ all reflecting a PIE *haem(hx)-, distinct from Greek ómnūmi ‘swear’ (cf. P:778; MA:413).


amok* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘art, artifice’
[-, -, amok//-, -, amokänta] kus=āmoksa trikoṣ cai po śaiṣṣe mā ṣäṃṣy[e]nträ ‘whoever [have] gone astray because of [your] artifice count for nought the whole world’ (24a5), ce [lege: kuce] amokänta Dharmacandre yātka paikatsi ‘since Dh. has commanded the arts to be written’ (605b1). -- amokäṣṣe ‘± prtng to art’ (429b5);
amokätstse* ‘artisan’ (434a3, TEB-74-3). ∎AB amok reflect borrowing(s) from some Middle Iranian source, cf. Parthian ‘mwg, Middle Persian hmwg ‘doctrine’ (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:12, fn. 1, VW:621).


amaukatte* (adj.) ‘undrainable, unceasing’
[-, -, amaukacce//] (231a3). ∎The privative of mauk- ‘drain away,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:31-32).


ampar See āmpär2.


amparwa See āmpär1.


ampalakkesar (n.) a kind of tree
[ampalakkesar, -, -//] (115a1) ∎From BHS ambāṭakakesara- (identification by Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas [1953:115]; not in M-W or Edgerton).


ampoño (n.) ‘rottenness, infection’
[ampoño, ampoñantse, ampoñai//] ampoñaṃtse sāṃtke ‘the remedy for infection’ (P-1a1). ∎A nomen actionis from āmp- ‘rot,’ q.v., from Khotanese hambu-, i.e. hambu- + the Khotanese abstract-forming suffix -oña.


ampraṣṭo (n.) ‘Oxalis monadelpha’ (a medical ingredient)
[ampraṣṭo, -, -//] (W-24a4). ∎From BHS amlaṣṭa-.


amprätapātär (n.) ‘leaf of Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers’ (a medical ingredient)
[amprätapātär, -, //] (W passim). ∎From BHS amṛtapattra-.


Amprätodane* (n.) ‘Amṛtodana’ (PN of an uncle of the Buddha)
[-, -, Amprätodaneṃ//] (517a5).


Amprätaśarme (n.) ‘Amṛtaśarma’ (PN in graffito)
[Amprätaśarme, -, -//] (G-Su2).


Amprätasene (n.) ‘Amṛtasena’ (PN in graffito)
[Amprätasene, -, -//] (G-Su12). See also Amrätasene.


amplākätte (adv.) ‘uninvited, without permission’
se ṣāmāne [sic] kätkoṣ preke amplākätte kwaṣaine yinmaṣṣäṃ ‘whatever monk enters into a village at an inconvenient time or uninvited’ (H-149.X.3b2 [Couvreur, 1954b:48]), Dhanika ñem ṣamāne Ajāśatruñ lānte amplākätte or kamāte ‘a monk, Dhanika [by] name, took king A.'s wood without permission’ (H-149-ADD.8a2F [Thomas, 1957:124]). ∎A privative of plāk- ‘please,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:88-94).


Ambare* (n.) ‘Ambara’ (PN of a king)
[-, Ambari, -//] (AMB-a4).


ammakki* (nf.) ‘mother’
[(voc. ammaki)//] weṣṣän-neścä ṣarya ammakki poññ āppai mā ñiś cempaṃts rak ṣatsents aiṣṣäṃ ‘[the boy] speaks to her: dear mother, speak to father; don't let him give me to these rakṣas’ (85a2). ∎This word is likely to be in onomatopoetic in origin though we can point to potential Indo-European cognates in Old Norse amma ‘grandmother’ or Greek ammás ~ ammía ‘nurse, mother’ (MA:386). Certainly not a borrowing from Gilyak (so VW:621).


Amrätarakṣite (n.) ‘Amṛtarakṣita’ (PN in graffito)
[Amrätarakṣite, -, -//] (G-Su34.1).


Amrätasene (n.) ‘Amṛtasena’ (PN in graffito)
[Amrätasene, -, -//] (G-Su19). See also Amprätasene.


Ayardhyāme (n.) ‘Ayardhyāme’ (PN of Uyghur origin)
[Ayardhyāme, -, -//] (289b2).


ayāto (a) ([indeclinable] adj.); (b) (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘suitable, pleasant; possible’; (b) ‘benefit’
(a) sankantse ayāto nesaññe ste ‘the situation of the monastery is fitting’ (DAM-507-a4 [Pinault, 1984a:24]), mäkte omteṃ tañ maiyyane sankantse spelke kuśalapākṣ ayāto tākaṃ yāmtsi ‘as here, in thy power, the zeal and fitting behavior of the community can come to be’ (TEB-74-7), [in Manichean script] ’’y’tv (Gabain/Winter:14);
(b) ceu wäntre poyśi lyelykormeṃ weña tarya ślokanma ṣamāññents=ayātoś ‘having seen such a thing, the Buddha spoke three ślokas for the benefit of monasticism’ (31a4). ∎The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + yāto, a derivative of yāt- ‘be able’, q.v. TchA āyāto ‘id.’ is presumably a borrowing from B (Winter, 1961:273, 276). See also yāt- and ayātaitstse*.


ayātaitstse* (adj.) ‘untamable’
[-, -, ayātaicce//-, -, ayātaicceṃ] (213a3, S-7a2). ∎A negative adjective (but not a privative) derived from yāt- ‘be able, tame,’ q.v. The formation is the same as in anaiwatstse, q.v. Hilmarsson (1991:58-61) does take this word to be a privative ayātatte*. See also yāt- and ayāto.


ayāmätte* (adj.) ‘non faciendus’
[m: -, -, ayāmäcce//ayāmäcci, -, -] (522b7, K-12a4). ∎Privative of yām- ‘do, make,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:94).


ayāw a medical ingredient?
ayāwä (P-1b6).


arañce (n.[m.sg.]) ‘heart’ (both the physical heart and the seat of the emotions)
[arañce, arañcäntse, arañc//aräñci, -, arañcäṃ] läkleñ arañce nittaṃ ‘because of suffering [his] heart is breaking’ (88b4/5), aräñci särpar ka śāmāne ‘the living hearts beat’ (119a4), katkomñaisa arañce pluṣā-ne ‘his heart soared with joy’ (375b4), araṃśne = BHS hṛdaya- (Y-1a6). -- arañcaṣṣe ‘prtng to the heart’ (207a3);
aräñcatstse* ‘± great-hearted’ (241a2). ∎TchA āriñc ‘id.’ and B arañce reflect PTch *āräñce. The *-äñce is the same suffix seen in akañc (A ākiñc) ‘pertaining to the end’ beside āke (A āk) ‘end’ and in a few other cases (cf. A ṣuliñc beside ṣul ‘mountain’ and probably B salañce ‘salt-encrusted ground’ [?] beside salyiye ‘salt’). The proper comparandum of the underlying *ār-(e) is Hittite hah(a)ri-, the designation of some part of the body. Puhvel translates it as ‘± lung(s), midriff.’ In one occurrence we have, after ‘breast,’ ‘heart,’ and ‘entrails,’ hah(a)ris-set-a hah(a)risni dākki ‘and his h. matches the h.’ In other contexts it occurs following ‘entrails’ or between ‘breast’ and ‘entrails.’ It would appear to be a paired, internal body part perhaps ‘kidney’ or ‘lung.’ Both Hittite and Tocharian reflect a PIE *h2eh2(e)ri- (MA:329). Stalmaszczyk and Witzcak (1990:36-39) suggest that arañce is connected with Old Irish áru (f.) (gen. árann) ‘kidney, gland,’ Welsh arenn (f.) (pl. eirin) ‘kidney, testicle.’ They reconstruct for Tocharian and Celtic a PIE *adren- ‘internal organ.’ For Celtic they are following an early suggestion of Stokes who assumed a morphological division *ad-ren- and connected the Celtic words with Latin rien ~ rēn (pl. rēnēs]) ‘kidney’ (Stalmaszczyk and Witzcak do not include the Latin in their etymon). However, a PIE *āren- would also be possible for the Celtic data and such a form might also be a derivative of a PIE *h2eh2(e)r-i-. The Latin rēnēs might reflect an unreduplicated *h2r-én-. Not with VW (167) who takes the underlying noun to be a reflex of PIE *haer- ‘fit together, fix’ (P:55-61) in its secondary meaning of ‘be fond of, love’ (cf. Greek aréskō ‘like,’ [Hesychian] ártus ‘love,’ TchB ārtt- ‘love’) with the heart then being ‘the seat of love.’ Nor with Pisani (1942-1943) who connects the Tocharian words to Greek ētor (nt.) ‘heart’ and ētron ‘lower belly’ [: also Old Norse ǟdr (f.) ‘vein,’ Old English ǟdre] (f.) ‘vein’ (plural ‘kidneys’), OHG ād(a)ra ‘vein, sinew’ (plural ‘guts’) (P:344)], since we would expect PTch *āträñce.


Araṇemi See Aranemi.


araṇyāyataṃ* (n.) ‘hermitage’
[-, -, araṇyāyataṃ//-, araṇyāyatannaṃts, -] (561a2). ∎From BHS araṇ-yāyatana-.


Aranemi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Araṇemi’ (PN of a king)
[Aranemi, Aranemiñ, Aranemiṃ//] (81a2).


arahānte (n.[m.sg.]) ‘arhat, the ideal personage of Hinayana Buddhism’
[arahānte, -, arahānteṃ//arahānti, -, -] arahaṃnte ñi[ś neseu] arahaṃnteñe perneś wat speltkessu ‘I am an arhat or am zealous for the rank of an arhat’ (333b2/3). -- arahanteññe ‘prtng to an arhat’ (369a6). ∎From BHS ar(a)hant-. See also arhānte and the semantically equivalent aṣanīke.


arāññe (n.) ‘an ascetic dwelling in the forest’
[arāññe, -, -//] samp arāññe ste cwim nau ṣpete ‘this one is an āraṇyaka; give [it] to him first’ (H-149.X.5b3 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ∎From Pali āraññaka-.


arāḍe* ~ arāḷe* (n.) the name of a meter (4 X 12 syllables, rhythm 5/7)
[//-, -, arāḍeṃ ~ arāḷeṃ] (K-2a4, PK-AS16.3b1 [Pinault, 1989]).


arirāk (n.) ‘Terminalia chebula Retz.’ (a medical ingredient)
[arirāk, -, -//-, -, arirākäṃ] (Y-2a1). -- arirākäṣṣe* ‘prtng to arirāk’ (W- 2a3). ∎From BHS harītaki-.


aruci (n.) ‘lack of appetite’
aruci = BHS aruci- (Y-3b3/4). ∎From BHS aruci-.


aruṇariju (n.) ‘Asteracantha longifolia Nees.’ [aka Hygrophila spinosa T. And.] (?) (a medical ingredient)
[aruṇariju, -, -//] (W-8a6). ∎If from BHS aruṇarju-.


Aruṇāvati* (n.) ‘Aruṇāvati’ (PN of a city)
[-, -, Aruṇāvati//] (90a4). -- aruṇāvatiṣṣe* ‘prtng to A.’ (89b4).


aretsa ‘?’
/// ceu kenaṣṣe aretsa /// (526b2).


arai (interjection) ‘O’ [introduces vocatives], ‘Oh’
/// w[e]ṣṣäṃ arai | tu kka ka ñi śaul pern[e] st[e] waike w./// (78b1), arai srukalyñe cisa nta kca mā prāskau ... s=ārai ñi palsko cisa prāskau ‘O death, I fear nothing more than thee! ...’ (298a1), arai näkte [lege: mäkte] ñäke täne yanäṣälle [lege: yamäṣälle] ‘Oh, how [is it] to be done here?’ (PK-12D-a6 [Thomas, 1979:13]). ∎Etymology unknown.


ark* See erk1.


arkiye (adj.) ‘± necessary, obligatory’ (?)
[m: arkiye, -, -//] /// śik ṣapātäntse ṣpä arkiye putkalñe nesalle ṣai ‘the necessary [?] separation of the Ś. was to be ’ (176b2), /// arkye pelai[kn]e /// (373.d). ∎If an adjectival derivative of ārk- ‘be obliged to,’ q.v. See also arkuye.


arkuye (n.) ‘± necessity’ (?)
[arkuye, -, -//] mā cpī taurä mā tweye kektseñäśc ma wat [t]swetär nt[a] | wässanma ṣpä arkuye [as read by Lévi, 1933; Sieg, 1938, reads artkye] mäskentär-ne - - - - - [kälpauca] ṣpä mäsketär po-yknesa krenta wässanma ‘never does dust or ash cling to [his] body; to him clothes are an arkuye ... and he is an obtainer, by every method, of good clothes’ (K-10a3/4). ∎If Lévi's reading is correct, then this word might be a substantival use of arkiye. This etymon would represent a virtual PIE *h2erk-u-h1en-.


arkwañña See ārkwi.


arkwaññaṣṣe* (adj.) ‘± white’
[f: arkwaññaṣṣa, -, -//] arkwañaṣṣa tāno puwarne hom yamaṣäle (M-1b5). ∎An adjectival derivative from the feminine form of ārkwi ‘white,’ q.v.


arkwiññe (n.) ‘± whiteness’
[arkwiññe, -, -//] arkwiññe krośśaññe = BHS śvetatvaśītatva- (Y-3a4). ∎A nominal derivative of ārkwi ‘white,’ q.v.


arjuṃ (n.) ‘Terminalia arjuna W. & A.,’ only in the compound arjuṃ-stām.
(107b4). ∎From BHS arjuna-.


Arjune (n.) ‘Arjuna’ (PN in graffito)
[Arjune, -, -//] (G-Su7).


Arṇyārtate (n.) ‘Arṇyārtate’ (PN in monastic document)
[Arṇyārtate, -, -//] (DAM.507-a10).


artalle See ārtt-.


artkye See arkuye.


arth See ārth.


Arthadarśi (n.) ‘Arthadarśin’ (PN of a former buddha)
[Arthadarśi, -, -//] (74b3).


armokiññe (adj.) ‘prtng to the Armoki (River)’
[armokiññe, -, -//] armokiññe cake ‘the Armoki River’ (Otani 19.1.3 [Pinault, 1998:364]).


Aryakoṣe (n.) ‘Āryakoṣa’ (PN)
[Āryakoṣa, -, -//] (Otani 19.1.1 [Pinault, 1998:364]).


aryamarkṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the way of the honorable ones’
[f: -, -, aryamarkṣai//] (554a1). ∎An adjectival derivative of an unattested *aryamark from BHS āryamārga-.


aryamaitreye* (n.) ‘± honorable maitreya’ (?)
[//-, -, aryamaitryeṃ] (552b3). ∎If from BHS *arya-maitreya- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


Aryārak(ṣ)īte (n.) ‘Āryarakṣita’ (PN in graffito)
[Aryārak(ṣ)īte, -, -//] (G-Su29, Otani 19.1.1 [Pinault, 1998:364]).


arwāre (adj.) ‘ready’ (of horses, ‘saddled’)
[m: arwāre, -, -//-, -, arwāreṃ] laute ka kalloy sāw weṣyetsai kotaiśc om katoytr arwāre | śuwoy ‘she only wanted the opportunity to find a sewer, then she might spread her self ready and eat’ (42b5), a[r]wāreṃ krentäṃ yakweṃmpa ‘with good, saddled horses’ (409b1). See s.v. ārwer.


arśakärśa (n.) ‘bat’
[arśakärśa, -, -//] arśakärśa = BHS maṇḍilya [in the calendrical cycle] (549a6). ∎Etymology uncertain. Not with VW (150) do we have a compound of ārśä-, related to Thracian árgilos ‘mouse’ (ultimately a reflex of PIE *h2erǵ- ‘be brilliant’ [P:64]), and a nomen agentis from kärk- ‘steal,’ q.v., thus ‘mouse-stealer’ or the like. A bat is not a bird of prey and the semantics seem very unlikely. Perhaps *h2erǵi- ‘swift’ (as in *h2ṛǵi-ptyo- ‘swift-flying’ [: Sanskrit ṛjipyá- ‘swift-flying,’ Arm arcwi ‘eagle’ (MA:469)]) plus *(s)kreg-, otherwise seen in OHG hewi-screcko ‘grasshopper,’ screcken ‘make leap.’ The Tocharian word then would have been ‘swift-leaper’ or the like.


arśe See ārśe.


arṣāklo (nf.) ‘(poisonous) snake’
[arṣāklo, arṣaklāntse, arṣāklai//-, arṣāklaṃts, arṣāklaṃ] matre-ws= arṣāk]l[o] ‘a snake with sharp poison’ (43a6), [arṣā]klo auk catä tsākaṃ ‘[if] a snake, adder, or viper bites’ (503a2). -- arṣāklatstse* ‘± snake- infested’: arṣāklacce ālmene ‘in the snake-infested spring’ (152b2). ∎Etymology unknown. TchA ārṣal ‘id.’ is obviously related in some fashion to B arṣāklo but the details are obscure. The difference between A -l- and B -kl- might possibly be the different hearings of a non-Tocharian (Iranian?) cluster *-xl- but no obvious Iranian source exists (Martin Schwartz, p.c.). VW (623) suggests an Indic or Iranian source related to Sanskrit īrṣyati ‘envies,’ Avestan arəšyant- ‘jealous’ but neither form nor semantics is particularly close. Pedersen (apud VW, 1974:225) suggests an inheritance from PIE *ers- ‘move’ and compares Armenian eṙal ‘bulicare di vermi’ and zeṙun ‘rettile, serpente.’ A PIE *hxōrsyeha- might then do for the first part of the Tocharian words but the -l and -klo would still remain without any explanation.


arhānte (n.) ‘arhat, the ideal personage of Hinayana Buddhism’
[arhānte, -, -//arhānti, arhānteṃts, arhānteṃ] tumeṃ ... maimañceṃ appamāt sū yamastär eṃṣk=ārhānteṃ wrocceṃ ‘thus he treats badly the just, even the great arhats’ (31b2). -- arhanteññe ‘prtng to an arhat’ (35a7);
arhanteṣṣe ‘id.’(349a3). ∎From BHS ar(a)hant-. See also arahānte and the semantically equivalent aṣanīke.


artsa ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘each’ [with measures of time]
cai cets sañi tsmentär artsa [k]auṃ ‘these enemies of theirs increase each day’ (31b8), snai ṣaṃṣl auntsate lwāsa kautsi su artsa kauṃ ‘each day he began to slay animals without number’ (44a3), artsa ywarca-meñ ‘each half-month’ (H-149.X.5a2 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ∎TchA ārts and B artsa reflect PIE *ārtsä. VW (169) may well be right in seeing in it some oblique case of a nominal derivative of PIE *haer- ‘fit together, fix’ (P:55-61), namely *haerti- [: Greek árti ‘just, exactly; just now’ or Lithuanian artì ‘near’] or *haertiyos [: Greek ártios ‘complete, perfect, exactly suited’]. However, the divergent meaning in Tocharian should give one pause. Whether the word is further to be related to TchA ārśo ‘today’ is also problematic.


alanmeṃ ‘from wherever, from whomever’
kälpauca śwātsi yoktsi alanmeṃ ‘an obtainer of food and drink from wherever’ (31a2), kuse no sū tākaṃ apāṣtte kallaṃ śwātsi alanmeṃ ‘whoever is not behaving morally, [if] he obtains food from wherever’ (31b2=32a4). ∎The ablative of āläṃ ‘different,’ q.v.


alālätte (adj.) ‘indefatigable’
[alālätte, -, alāläcce (voc. alāläccu)//alāläcci, -, -] (203b2). ∎The privative of lāl- ‘be tired,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:86-88).


alāṣmo (adj.) ‘sick’
[m: alāṣmo, alāṣmontse, ālaṣmoṃ//-, alāṣmonts, -] śaiṣṣ=ālāṣmo laukäññeṣai snaiy santkīnaṃnt täryāka ṣūkt sāṃ tkentampa traiywatai twe ‘the sick world was far gone and without doctors; thou didst mix the thirty-seven remedies’ (212b2/3), al[āṣmontse] = BHS āturasya (H-149.236 [Thomas, 1974:83]). ∎A verbal adjective from alāsk- ‘be sick,’ q.v.


alāsäññe (n.) ‘idleness, sloth, want of energy’
[alāsäññe, -, alāsäññe//] /// alāsñe swārästrä ostmeṃ ltu ṣek ‘the one who has left the house [i.e. become a monk] continually finds pleasure in indolence’ (12b5), alāsäṃññe = BHS ālasya (Y-3b3). ∎Like its TchA equivalent ālāsune, B alāsäññe reflects an abstract derived from an unattested adjective *ālas, itself a borrowing from BHS ālasa-.


alāse ‘?’
(G-Qa5)


alāsk- (vi.) ‘be sick’
Ps. IXa /āläsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, alāṣṣäṃ//; MPPart. alāskemane]; Ko. IXa (= Ps.): see gerund. /// [a]lāṣṣäṃ alyaik kekmoṣ ñyātsene ‘...is sick; others [have] come into danger’ (31b8=32b2), sark alāskemane ‘± being sick [in] the back’ [= BHS -pṛstha- in a list of ailments] (Y-2a4). -- alaṣṣälle ‘± sickness’: tsärkalñetse alāṣṣälletse ṣpä sātke ‘the remedy for torture or sickness’ (P-1b1). ∎Couvreur (1950:126) suggested an etymological relationship with Sanskrit alasá- ~ ālasa- ‘inactive, lazy, tired’ (cf. B alāsäññe) and thus with Lithuanian alsà (f.) ‘tiredness,’ ilsti ‘become tired’ and possibly Sanskrit iláyati ‘stands still, become quiet’ (cf. Mayrhofer, 1956:55 and 92). VW (620) sees it rather as a borrowing from Sanskrit alasa-, adapted to fit the pattern shown by anāsk- ‘breathe, inhale,’ satāsk- ‘exhale,’ and wināsk- ‘honor, worship.’ Finally K. T. Schmidt (1982:367-368) would derive alāsk- from a putative PIE *h3elh1-sḱe/o- related to Greek óllūmi ‘destroy’ (aorist ólesai). In none of these cases is the formal or semantic equation exceptionally strong. We might rather connect alāsk- with Hittite allaniya- ‘get (over)heated, get hot’ (a ye/o-denominative verb from a quasi-participial h4elha-ono- is suggested by Melchert, p.c.), Old Irish allas (nt.) (gen. allais) ‘sweat’ (< *h4el(h1)es-). The Hittite-Celtic equation is suggested by Berman and Hamp (1982). They further adduce Greek aléā ‘warmth, body heat’ and Latin ad-oleō ‘burn (as a sacrifice)’ but these latter two present formal and semantic difficulties. (For a slightly different reconstruction, see Puhvel, 1984:28-29). The pre-Tocharian antecedent might be an athematic *h4elha-sḱe/o-. The original meaning might have been ‘± get overheated, get hot.’ A semantic change first to *‘be feverish’ and ultimately ‘be sick’ can explain the Tocharian word fairly neatly. See also alāṣmo.


alek See allek.


alepāṃṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a salve’
[m.//-, -, alepāṃṣṣeṃ] alepāṃṣṣeṃ añcāṃṣṣeṃ rai[t]we[nta] rittau mäsketär ‘he had arranged the salve means and the unguent means’ (A-1a6/7). ∎An adjectival derivative of an unattested *alepāṃ from BHS ālepana- ‘salve’.


aletstse* (adj.) ‘foreign, unrelated’
[m: -, aleccepi, alecce//alecci, -, alecceṃ] [f: -, -, aletstsai//] śaul ka oräñ-c tā kektseño pw alecci cai tākañ-co ‘scarcely will thy life renounce this body; all these will be foreign to thee’ (46a8=47b7), ṣäññeṃ alecceṃ ‘relatives and non-relatives’ (123b6), [a]laits[ai] = BHS ajñātyaḥ [the restoration is very uncertain] (315a3), kuse ṣamāne aletstsai aśīyantse yākwa lāṃssi aiṣṣäṃ ‘whatever monk gives wool to an unrelated nun to work’ (PK-NS-18A-a1 [Thomas, 1978:238]). -- alletsñe ‘± unrelatedness, foreignness’ (327a4) [[>]One should note the geminate -ll- as occasionally with aletstse itself, on the model of allek ‘other’]. ∎As if from PIE *haelo-tyo- ‘± having otherness.’ More s.v. allek. See also allek, āläṃ, and alokälymi.


alaitatte* (adj.) ‘not fallen’
[//alaitacci, -, -,] alaitacci krentaunameṃ ‘[who] have not fallen away from virtues’ (Paris 1205b1 [Couvreur, 1954c:82]). ∎The privative of lit- ‘fall away,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:28).


alokälymi ([indeclinable] adj.) (adv.) ‘directed in a single direction; extraordinary’
omp mäskītr=ālo[kälymi] /// ‘there he found himself directed toward a single goal’ (12a3), mäntrākka alokälymi cäñcare [täñ] = BHS evam ekānta-kāntaṃn [sic] te (251a1). ∎Related to allek ‘other,’ q.v. Do we have a virtual *alām (fem. acc. sg.) + *ḱlimenṃ (with loss of the *-n- in the latter regularly in the accusative of nouns not denoting rational beings)? See also allek, aletstse, and ālyauce.


alme See ālme.


alyiyatstse (adj.) ‘± having otherness’
[m: alyiyatstse, -, -//] alyiyatse nesälñe waimene säk källātsi ‘[it is] difficult [to achieve] otherness [and] good fortune’ (127b4). ∎An adjectival derivative in -tstse of *āliyā- ‘± otherness,’ (as if) from PIE *haelyeha-, related to allek ‘other,’ q.v. See also allek, aletstse, alokälymi, and ālyauce.


alyiye* (n.) ‘palm of the hand’
[-, -, ālyi/alīne, -, alīne/-, -, aliṃ] śuwoy katkemane ālisa weṃṣy=eṃntwe mīt śakk[är] ‘he would eat rejoicing, on [his] palm, excrement [as if] honey and sugar’ (42b5), [ā]ntpi päśne sāu yaṣītr ālīn[e] ‘she placed [her] palms on [her] two breasts’ (84b5). -- alyiṣṣe* ‘prtng to the palm’ (567b1). ∎TchA āle ‘id.’ and B aliye reflect PTch *āläi- or the like, a reflex of the widespread family of PIE *h3el- ~ *h3ōl- ‘elbow’ (so VW, 1941:11, Schneider, 1941:172; Hilmarsson, 1986:231). Typically *h3el- ~ *h3ōl- are found extended by -n- or by both -i- and -n- in either order [: Sanskrit āṇí- (m.) ‘part of the leg just above the knee’ (not the same word as āṇí- ‘linch-pin, axle-pin of a cart’), Greek ōlénē ‘elbow,’ ōlēn ‘id.,’ (Hesychian) ôllon (acc.) ‘id.,’ ōlékrānon ‘point of the elbow’ (< *ōlenokrānon by haplology), Latin ulna ‘elbow, arm’ (< *olinā-), Old Irish uilenn ‘corner,’ Welsh elin ‘elbow’ (< *olīnā-), Gothic aleina ‘ell,’ OHG elina ‘id,’ Old Norse eln ~ ǫln ‘id.,’ perhaps Albanian llërë ‘elbow’ (< *Vlénā-, if not an early borrowing from Greek ōlénē) (P:307-308; MA:176)]. For Tocharian we must start from a PIE *h3ōlni- (as in Sanskrit āṇí-) or *h3ōlnom (as in Greek ôllon), either of which would have give PTch *āllä > *āl (for the simplification of the neo-final consonant cluster, cf. yäl ‘gazelle’ from PIE *h1élni-). This PTch *āl was extended by the productive PTch stem-formative *-äin-, whence regularly A āle and B alyiye (the secondary palatalization of -l- to -ly- before -i- is common, cf. the nom. pl. of the thematic kokale ‘wagon,’ namely kokalyi). As Hilmarsson rightly points out, a semantic development from *‘elbow’ to *‘lower arm’ (as in Greek for instance) > *‘inner surface of lower arm’ > ‘palm of the hand’ is well within the realm of possibility. (To be rejected as phonologically impossible are VW's (1976:161) connection with Lithuanian délna ‘palm,’ OCS dolonъ ‘id.’ and Stalmaszczyk and Witczak's (1990:39-40) connection with Old Irish asil ‘member.’)


alyuṣmaññe* (adj.) ‘?’
[-, -, alyuṣmaññe//] ce alyuṣmaññe śka stereṃ Jñānaseneṃ Āryawatentse skeyesa sankrām wtetse lmāte (DAM-507-a3/4 [Pinault, 1984a:24]).


alyewce See ālyauce.


alyek See allek.


allāwo ‘?’
/// [wa]r[t]one yopäṃ allāwo (33b8).


allek (adj.) ‘other, another’
[m: allek, alyekepi, alyek (~ alyenk)//alyaik (~ alyaink ~ allaik), alyenkäṃts, alyenkäṃ] [f: alyāk, -, allok (~ alyenka)//alloykna ~ allonk, -, allonkna] nnok alyek [preke] ‘again [in] another time’ (3a5), alyek cmelne = BHS pretya (14a6), śaumo ks=allek [k]omt tsonkaik tsankoy ‘may some other person get up daily at dawn’ (19b6), alyek c[m]elne = BHS paratra (23b8), ñäś tallāu wnolme pw=āllonkna cärkāw=ārtte wäntarwa ‘I, a suffering being, left all other things alone’ (45a2), alyekepi = BHS -anyatra (251a1), kewä[n] ṣäṃsemane al[y]enkänts ‘counting cattle for others’ (305b8), alyekepi = BHS parasya (545b1), [rapa]naṃ alyek wat no watkäṣṣäṃ rāpatsi ‘[if] he plows or orders another to plow’ (H-149.337b1 [Couvreur, 1954b:50]). ‣For the masculine we have (historically, probably not any longer underlyingly) a nom. sg. *ālle, acc. sg. *ālye, nom. pl. *ālyei, and acc. pl. *ālyen plus the intensifier -kä (and the stress shifted to the syllable immediately preceding the -kä, hence allék rather than *āllek). The accusative forms, singular and plural, form the basis of the corresponding genitives, hence alyek-epi and alyenk-äṃts. The actually attested accusative plural is not the expected *alyenk but rather alyenkäṃ with the regular ending of the accusative plural, -äṃ, added to the already characterized *alyenk. From its place of origin in the accusative plural the cluster -nk- is occasionally extended to the accusative singular (alyenk), the nominative plural (alyaink), and the feminine accusative singular (alyenka). The feminine is similarly formed with -kä to nom. sg. *ālyā, acc. sg. *āllo, nom. pl. *ālloñ (whence alloyk and allonk with different realizations of the unpermitted cluster *-ñk-), and acc. pl. *ālloṃ (like the corresponding masculine acc. pl. alyenkäṃ, allonkna has the regular feminine plural ending added to the already characterized *allonk). Tocharian A shows a similar system forms built on with the extension -kä (masculine: ālak (= B), āl(y)akäṃ, ālyek (= B), ālykes ~ ālyekäs; feminine: ālyāk (= B), ālyäkyāṃ, ālkont, ālkont). I take the once attested alek (289b3) as simply a defective spelling for allek.
The alternation of -ll- (unpalatalized) in the nominative singular and -ly- (palatalized) in the rest of the paradigm of the masculine of TchB follows the same pattern as do third person pronouns (e.g. nom. sg. se, but acc. sg. ce, nom. pl. cei, and acc. pl. ceṃ) or adjectives in -tstse (nom. sg. -tstse, but acc. sg. -cce, nom. pl. -cci, acc. pl. -cceṃ). See below. The alternation of -ll- and -ly- in the feminine does not follow the pattern of palatalization in third person pronouns or the adjectives in -tstse where the feminine is strictly unpalatalized. Nor does it match the privatives in -tte (masculine: -tte, -cce, -cci, -cceṃ; feminine -cca, -ccai, -ttona, -ttona). Otherwise, Winter (1991:151-153). -- alyek-ypoye* ‘foreign, from another country’: alyek-ypoye kaṃtwa weṃ ne su duṣṭhul tākaṃ ne anā[patti] ‘[if] he speaks to him [in] a foreign tongue, it [is] a duṣṭul; anāpatti’ (325b2);
alyek-ypoyṣṣe* ‘foreign, from another country’ (81b4). ∎TchA ālak (with regular simplification of geminate -ll- in A) and B allek reflect PTch *ālle-kä where the *ālle- must be from PIE *haelno- [: Old Latin ollus ‘ille’ (< *haolno-), Old Irish oll (= Latin ollus) ‘full, great,’ Gaullish alla ‘aliud,’ allos ‘second,’ OCS lani (< *haolnei) ‘in the previous summer or year,’ and Sanskrit áraṇa- ‘distant, strange’ (P:24-25; MA:64)]. The -ly- (actually -lyly-) of certain forms are either analogically palatalized on the pattern of the third person pronouns or adjectives such as those in -tstse or result from a mixture of of *haelno- with *haelyo- ‘other’ [: Armenian ail, Greek állos, Latin alius, Old Irish aile, Gaulish alios, Gothic aljis, all ‘other’ (cf. also Old Saxon eli-lendi, OHG eli-lenti ‘strange land’ with B alyek-ypoyṣṣe or alyek-ypoye) (P:25-26; MA:64)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:160-1, cf. Winter, 1991:150-153). PIE *haelyo- is clearly to be found as the first member of the old compound ālyauce ‘on another’ (< *haelyo- + dwito- ‘second’) and probably to be seen in the *āliyā- underlying alyiyatstse ‘± having otherness.’
Tocharian shows the simple thematic *haelo- in aletstse ‘strange, unrelated,’ āläṃ ‘differently,’ and alokälymi ‘directed in a single direction,’ qq.v. As suggested by VW, TchA ynālek ‘elsewhere’ must be, on the basis of its form, a borrowing from B, even though it is unattested in the latter language. See also ālyauce, aletstse, alyiyatstse and alokälymi.


alletstse See aletstse.


avatrāpi* (n.) ‘modest person’
[-, -, avatrāpi//] (200b5). ∎From BHS avatrāpin-.


avamārga See apamārga.


avaṣi ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘powerless’
(293b3). ∎If correctly segmented and identified, from BHS avaṣin- (Sieg, Siegling, 1953:183, fn. 18).


avasth* (n.) ‘state, condition’
[-, -, avasth//] (197b4). -- avasthaṣṣe* ‘prtng to a state or condition’ (197b3) ∎From BHS avasthā-.


avasthālakṣaṃ* (n.) ‘± characteristic of a condition’
[-, -, avasthālakṣaṃ//] (197b5). ∎From BHS *avasthā-lakṣaṇa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


avijñaptirūp (n.) ‘the form of unrecognized giving’
[avijñaptirup, -, -//] (192b2). ∎From BHS *avijñaptirūpa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See Krause and Thomas, 1964:232 (s.v. rup).


avidyä (n.) ‘ignorance’
[avidyä, -, avidyä//] (180a3). ∎From BHS avidyā-.


aviraje (n.) ‘sheep-speck, a small unit of matter’
[aviraje, -, -//] (326b4). ∎From BHS avi-rajas-.


avyākṛt* (n.) ‘elementary, primordial substance’
[-, -, avyākṛt//] (200b5). ∎From BHS avyākṛta-.


awāsīke* (nm.) ‘monastic resident (?)’ or ‘monastic servant’ (?)
[//awāsiki, -, awāsikeṃ] (431a4, -b2). ∎From BHS āvāsika-.


awāskatte (adj.) ‘immovable; not-stirring, calm’
[m: awāskatte, -, awāskacce//] [f: awāskacca, -, -//] [ra]mt [a]wāskatte yolme ‘like a calm pond’ [awāskatte = BHS prakampaya-] (PK-NS-107b4). ∎Privative of wāsk- ‘move,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:39).


awi See uw.


awiś See apiś.


awlāwätte (adj.) ‘uncontrolled, undisciplined’
[awlāwätte, -, -//] awlā[wätte] = BHS asamāhita- (H-149.236b3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]), awlāwa[tte] = BHS asaṃyata- (U-8b1). ∎Privative of wlāw- ‘control,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:43).


aśakula* (n.) ‘± margin, edge’
[-, -, aśakula//] aśakulane enko[r]m[eṃ] = BHS prānte gṛhītvā (530a3). ∎Etymology unknown.


aśamati (n.) ‘Desmodium gangeticum DC’ [aka Hedysarum gangeticum Linn.] (a medical ingredient)
[aśamati, -, -//] (W-31b4). ∎From BHS aṃśumatī-.


aśari (n.) ‘ācārya, teacher’
[aśari, aśarintse, aśariṃ (voc. aśari)//-, aśarintaṃts, -] tumeṃ putantimeṃ waiptār aśarintaṃts paiyne wināṣṣälle ... eṃṣke nawanti täṅtsi ‘then [the candidate is] to honor the feet of the ācāryas, each separately from the most senior to the newest’ (KVāc-18a4 [K. T. Schmidt, 1985:760]). ∎From BHS ācārya- (presumably through some Prakrit intermediary).


aśāl ‘?’
///ntse aśāl mla/// (629b3).


aśāwe (adj.) ‘± gross, rough’
[m: aśāwe, -, -//] [f: //aśāwona, -, -] kuse sw aśāw=omte yare krāke wat kärweñi ‘that which [is] gross here: gravel, dirt, and rocks’ (7a7). ∎TchB aśāwe is clearly related to A āśāwe [indeclinable], probably because the A word is borrowed from B (contra VW:170). Further connections are unknown. (For a suggestion, see VW, who relates the Tocharian words to PIE *ḱei- ‘lie.’)


aśiya* (nf.) ‘nun’
[-, aśiyantse, aśiyai//aśiyana, aśiyanaṃts, aśiyana] mäksu no ṣamāne mā alāṣmo ... aletstai aśiyaimeṃ ... trāskalye tsāltalye eñcīträ ‘whatever monk, not [being] sick, should take [either] hard or soft food from an unrelated nun’ (H-149.X.5a6), nawāke ... aśiyanaṃts pelaikn[e] ākṣa ... aśiyana parna rīsa prutkāre ‘a novice announced the law to [some] nuns; ... they locked the nuns out of the city’ (PK-AS-18B-a1 [Pinault, 1984b:376]). -- aśyāññe ‘prtng to nuns’ (417a3). ∎Like TchA aśi, B aśiya is borrowed from Khotanese aśyā- ‘nun’ (VW:622, with previous literature).


aśubh (n.) ‘offensive thing’ (especially the human body in various states of decay)
[aśubh, -, -//] (9a3=10a1). ∎From BHS aśubha-.


aśaikṣe* (n.) ‘one no longer needing religious training’
[//aśaikṣi, -, -] (378b3). ∎From BHS aśaikṣa-. See also śaikṣe.


Aśokamitre (n.) ‘Aśokamitra’ (PN in graffito)
[Aśokamitre, -, -//] (G-Su30).


Aśokarakṣite* (n.) ‘Aśokarakṣita’ (PN)
[-, Aśokarakṣitentse, -//] (378a1).


Aśoke (n.) ‘Aśoka’ (PN of a king)
[Aśoke, -, Aśoke//] (363b7). -- aśokäññe* ‘prtng to Aśoka’ (275a1, 415b2).


aśpäkānt See aśvakant.


aśyāññe See aśiya.


aśrāddhe (n.) ‘unbeliever’
[aśrāddhe, -, aśrāddhe//aśrāddhi, aśrāddheṃts, -] (4a6). ∎From BHS aśraddha-. See also śrāddhe.


aśrām* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘ashram, the abode of an ascetic’
[-, -, aśrām//] (107a8). ∎From BHS āśrama-.


Aśleṣ* (n.) ‘[the constellation] Cancer’
[-, -, Aśleṣ//] (M-1b8). ∎From BHS aśleṣā-.


aśvakant (n.) ‘Withania somnifera Dunal’ (a medical ingredient).
[aśvakant, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS aśvagandha-.


aśvamet* (n.) ‘aśvamedha (a major Hindu sacrifice)’
[-, -, aśvamet//] (290a1). ∎From BHS aśvamedha-.


Aśvavārg* (n.) title of a portion of the Udānavarga
[-, -, Aśvavārg//] (313a4=S-5a4).


Aśviṇi* (n.) ‘[the constellation] Aries’
[-, -, aśvini//] (508b2, M-2a6). ∎From BHS aśvinī-.


aṣanīke (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘worthy’; (b) ‘worthy one, arhat’
[aṣanīke, aṣanīkentse, aṣanīkeṃ (voc.aṣanīka)//aṣanīkañ, aṣanīkeṃts [sic], aṣanīkaṃ ~ aṣanīkeṃ] (a) wärpāte aṣañike bodhisatve ... onkorñai pinwāt [sic] ‘the worthy bodhisatva enjoyed the porridge [as] alms’ (107b8);
(b) ista[k pañä]kt[e]-käṣṣi cau wäntare śarsa aṣanikeṃ Śāriputreṃ Maud-galyāyaneṃ ‘immediately the buddha-teacher made this affair known to the arhats Ś. and M.’ (375b1). ∎A derivative of aṣāṃ ‘worthy’ (by way of an "agentive" suffix -ike) just as TchA āṣānik ‘id.’ is derived from āṣāṃ. The semantic equivalent of ar(a)hante, q.v. See aṣāṃ.


aṣāṃ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘worthy’
///.taññe ñem mā=ṣāṃ ste kākatsi ‘... [by] name is not worthy to be invited’ (92b2), [in Manichean script] ‘ž’n (Gabain/Winter:11 ). -- mā-aṣāṃ ‘unworthy’: samp māṣṣāṃ yatsi ‘that one [is] unworthy to go’ (H-149.336a2 [Thomas, 1954:743]). ∎Like TchA āṣāṃ ‘id.’ a borrowing from Khotanese āṣaṇa- ‘worthy’ (Konow, 1932:118, Bailey, 1967:19, VW:624).


Aṣärte (n.) ‘Aṣärte’ (PN in monastic records)
[Aṣärte, -, -//] (491b-III-3).


aṣiye (adj.) ‘prtng to a goat’
[aṣiye, -, aṣiye//] aṣiye malkwersa ‘with goat milk’ (P-1a3/4), aṣiye iwene taṣale ‘[it is] to be set on a goat hide’ (W-40a5/6). ∎TchA ās ‘goat’ and B aṣiye ‘pertaining to a goat’ reflect a PTch *ās(e) ‘goat’ and *āṣiye ‘prtng to a goat.’ The word for ‘goat’ must be a borrowing from some Middle Iranian source. One might compare Middle Persian azak ‘goat.’ Phonologically it would be better to suppose a Middle Iranian *āz- with the same lengthened grade we see in Lithuanian ožỹs ‘buck’ [: also Sanskrit ája- (m.) ‘buck,’ ajā- (f.) ‘goat’ (P:6-7; MA:229)] (VW:623).


aṣkār (a) (adv.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘back, in the opposite direction; on the reverse’; (b) ‘reimbursement’
(a) parso lywāwa-ś plāś aṣkār mā lywāsta ‘I sent a letter to thee; thou hast not sent back a reply’ (492a3/4), aṣkār klautka = BHS nivartate (528b3), wace meṃne Puñaiyśe aṣkār lac ‘in the second month P. came back’ (G-Su26), ṣotri ṣecaki aṣkār läkāskemane ‘the sign of the lion [is] seen on the reverse’ (Otani 19.1.6 [Pinault, 1998:364]);
(b) aṣkārsa ṣorye [lege: ṣotarye] perisa enku ṣe-ñ ‘because of this significant debt [that must be] reimbursed, he has been seized by me’ (DAM-507-a9/10 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). ∎Related to TchA ṣkārā ‘id.’ (where the - is the TchA perlative ending) by the prefixation of the intensive prefix e(n)- (whence - by regular -umlaut--see 1e(n)-). Extra-Tocharian connections are unknown. VW (455-456) suggests an unlikely connection with PIE *seuk- ‘turn, twist.’


asaṃkhyai* (n.) ‘an incalculably long time’
[-, asaṃkhyaintse, asaṃkhyai//asaṃkhyainta, -, asaṃkhyainta] (296a8). -- asaṃkhyaiṣṣe ‘prtng to an incalculably long period of time’ (600a1);
asaṃkhyaintaṣṣe ‘prtng to incalculably long periods of time’ (184a4). ∎From BHS asaṃkhyeya-.


asāṃ* (n.) (a) ‘seat, throne’; (b) [in dual] ‘buttocks’
[-, -, asāṃ/-, -, asāñcne/-, asānäntaṃts, asān(än)ta] (a) wrocc=asānmeṃ laṃntuññe ‘from the great royal throne’ (5a4), klyiye ṣamānentse asāṃ nātkaṃ ‘[if] a woman nudges a monk's seat’ (325a1);
(b) kātso mā [tparya] mā ra rukausa pw asāñcnesa wawlāwausa ‘the stomach, not fat and not lean, completely controlled on the buttocks’ (73b2). ∎From BHS āsana-.


asāre (adj.) ‘dry’
[m: asāre, -, //] (K-T) ∎The equivalent of TchA āsar. An adjectival derivative from the subjunctive stem of 1ās- ‘become dry,’ q.v.


asūre* (n.) ‘demon’
[//āsūri, āsūreṃts, -] (TEB-58-21). ∎From BHS āsura-.


ask(w)ace (nf.) ‘darbha-grass’ (Desmostachya bipinnata Stapf, aka Poa cynosuroides Retz.)
[ask(w)ace, ask(w)acentse, -//ask(w)aci, -, -] ysaṣṣa askace mänt pälka kektseñe täñ ‘thy body glows like golden kuśa-grass’ (224b2), askwacentse ākesa = BHS kuśāgreṇa (308b3). ∎Given that the TchA equivalent is āskāc, Isebaert (1978) is probably right in seeing the B word as underlyingly /āsk(w)āce/. The spelling <a> for the second vowel is the result of its either being unstressed or a dialect spelling where the "standard" language would have had <ā>. Thus we have a PTch *āskwāce but otherwise its etymology is unknown. Isebaert suggests an *āt-sḱwā-ten- and a relationship to atiyo ‘grass’ but the morphology seems very strained. (More particularly I do not expect a verbal derivative in *-sḱe/o- added directly to a nominal stem.)


astare (adj.) ‘pure’ [astare yām- ‘purify’]
[m: astare ~ āstre, -, (astareṃ ~) āstreṃ/-, -, āstri/āstri, -, āstreṃ] [f: astarya, -, astaryai//-, -, astarona ~ āstrona] āstreṃ = BHS śuddha (31a5), sū rano ṣäp ipreräntse ānte snai tärkarwa astare klautka ‘and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless and pure’ (350a4), mäkte ost poṣiyantsa [wa]wārpau [pa]paikau ā[s]tre ‘like a house surrounded by walls and painted clean’ (A-2a4/5), astare nanāṣūsa klyiye tkācer wāltsoyä se curṇä kuse sal ṣarne yāmu tākoy tesa nāṣṣi istak ast[are] ‘a cleanly bathed woman or girl should grind [it]; this [is] the powder; whoever [has] dirty hands should treat [them] with it; should he bathe, instantly [he is] pure’ (P-2b6). -- astre-pälsko ‘having a pure spirit’: = BHS śubhacittaḥ (12b8); astre-were ‘having a pure aroma’ (300b2);
astaräññe ‘purity’: astarñe = BHS śubha (8b6), eṃṣketse āratsiśco yātatsiś astarñeś ṣeko ‘[one should trust in] the lasting cessation and the ability to practice purity for ever’ [astarñeś = BHS śuddhaye] (30a2/3), astaräññe = BHS pariśuddhi (41a7), astaräṃñe = BHS viśuddhi (Y-3b3). ∎TchA āṣtär and B astare reflect PTch *āst(ä)re but extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. Probably the PTch word is *āst-re and *āst- a verbal root (cf. kätkare ‘deep’ from kätk- ‘± lower’). If so, we might see in it a derivative of PIE *h2eh1(-s)- ‘burn’ [: Tocharian ās- ‘dry,’ Latin āra ‘hearth, altar,’ Oscan aasaí ‘in āra,’ Hititte hassa- ‘fireplace, hearth,’ Sanskrit āsa- (m.) ‘ashes’ (< *‘burnings’)]. The Latin, Hittite, and Sanskrit nouns require a PIE *h2eh1s-o/eha- or perhaps *h2eh3s-o/eha- since we do not really know what happens when vowels are adjacent to laryngeals of competing "color" (Melchert, p.c.). In any case the Hittite geminate would be regular from either *-h1s- or *-h3s-. The Oscan form may require an earlier *ās-s-ā-.
The *-s- here is an élargissement to the root *h2eh1- (or *h3eh3-) ‘burn’ otherwise seen in Palaic hā- ‘be hot,’ Iranian ātar- ‘fire’ (< *‘burner’), Latin ātrium, originally *‘chimney-way over a hearth,’ āter ‘black’ (< *ātr-o- ‘blackened by fire’), Albanian vatër (f.) (< *ātrā-) ‘hearth’ (whence vatra ‘hearth’ in Slavic and vatra ‘fire’ in Rumanian), Old Irish aith (f.) ‘kiln’ (< *ā-ti-). (Of uncertain connections are Armenian ačiun ‘ash,’ OHG asca, Old Norse aska, Old English äsce, all ‘ash’ [< *asg-], and Armenian azazim ‘dry’ and Gothic azgo ‘ash’ [< *asgh-].) Particularly we should compare what would be the closest phonological equivalent, Latin ardeō ‘burn, glow, be on fire’ (< *h2eh1s-(e)dh-eh1-) and Gaulish addas, if this means ‘he sacrificed’ (< h2eh1s-dh-eha-s- ‘made burn,’ cf. Eska, 1990:9-10, fn. 19). The Tocharian adjective would then be *h2eh1s-dh-ro- (Adams, 1995, MA:87). Semantically we would have *‘burning’ > *‘brilliant’ > ‘pure, clean.’ For the semantic change, see the examples in Buck (1949:1079-1081) and also Khotanese sura- ‘clean, pure’ from older Iranian, e.g. Avestan, suxra- ‘red (from fire)’ and related to *suk- ‘burn’ (cf. Khot sūjs- ‘burn’).
Not with Schneider (1941:37, fn. 2) should we connect this word with Greek astēr ‘star’ nor with VW (170) do we have ā-str-e with - the intensive prefix (we would expect *e- except before a syllable with --) plus *ster- as in Latvian stars ‘branch, ray,’ OCS strěla ‘arrow’ and OHG strāl ‘arrow, ray.’ See also possibly ās-1.


astāṣṣe See āy.


aspāwatte (adj.) ‘not subsiding’ (?)
[aspāwatte, -, -//] /// [cme]läṣṣe mä[nt] reṣṣäṃ aspa[watte] /// ‘like the [cycle] of birth it flows unsubsiding’ (146a1). ∎Privative of spāw-, q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:35-36).


aswāre (adv.) ‘not sweetly, not tenderly’
[ñi]ś passāmai ṣañ larenaṃ | aswāre ka śauuwa-me ‘I flayed my loved ones and let them be killed untenderly’ (H-ADD.149.88b7). ∎The negative of swāre, q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:128-129).


ats (particle) ‘± indeed’
kutumñcik motsts=ats lāñi yamaṣälonakutumñcik with alcohol, streams indeed [of it are] to be made’ (W-3a6). See attsaik.


atsiñe (adj.) ‘?’
[atsiñe, -, -//] atsiñe yoñiyatse Śiñcake Sutasomi procer ///(Lévi, 1913:320). ∎A derivative of āttsi, q.v.?


ā- (verbal prefix) ‘near, away, down’
∎Surely equal to Sanskrit - with an essentially identical range of meaning. Sanskrit - can of course reflect either PIE *- or *ō- as can what must be a Germanic cognate *- as in OHG uohaldi ‘precipice’ (‘down-slope’), uokalo ‘partly bald,’ uokumft ‘succession’ (‘after-coming’), uowahst ‘growth, increase, sprout,’ uozurnen ‘to disdain,’ Old English ōheald ‘precipice,’ ōden ‘threshing floor,’ ōwästm ‘growth, sprout,’ ōweb ‘woof,’ ōlaccan ‘to flatter, be obsequious.’ Also related, presumably because from PIE *- beside *-, is Proto-Germanic *- as in OHG ābulgi ‘anger,’ āherz ‘foolish,’ Old English ǟbylgi ‘anger,’ ābelgan ‘to anger,’ āþencan ‘devise, consider,’ etc. (see Lloyd, 1987). See ākl-, ār-, aip-, aiw-, aul- and somewhat more distantly -sa, akartte, and ās-2.


ā(u)w (nf.) ‘ewe’
[āuw, -, -//awi, -, -] orotsana awi ‘large [= pregnant?] ewes’ (PK-LC-I.4 [Pinault, 1997:177]). ∎From PIE *h2ówis ‘sheep’ [Old Irish oi ‘sheep,’ Latin ovis ‘sheep,’ Old Norse ǟr ‘sheep,’ Old English ēow ‘sheep,’ OHG ou ~ ouwi ‘sheep,’ Lithuanian avìs ‘sheep,’ Greek ó(w)is ‘sheep,’ Armenian hoviw ‘shepherd,’ Luvian hāwa/i- ‘sheep,’ Lycian xawa- ‘sheep,’ Sanskrit ávi- ‘sheep’ (P:784; MA:510)] (Pinault, 1997:190-193). Both English and Tocharian show a change from *‘sheep’ (whether male or female) to ‘ewe.’ The Tocharian shows the generalization of the *h2ew- of the weak forms. See also eye and aiyye.


āk1 (n.) ‘± zeal’
[āk, -, -//] śīlaṣṣana sälyeṃno [sic] prākre ysomo eñcīmar mā āk kuloytär-ñ ‘may I grasp together firmly the lineaments of moral behavior; may my zeal not fail!’ (S-4a3). ∎Presumably the exact equivalent of either Sanskrit ājí- (m./f.) ‘race, match; combat’ (< pre-Indic *āǵi-) or of Middle Irish āg ‘combat’ (pre-Celtic < *āǵu-, both derivatives of PIE *haeǵ- ‘drive, lead’ (P:4; MA:201; VW, 1971c:157, 1976:158). Hilmarsson (1986a:163) thinks we have here a root noun *haeǵ-, while VW assumes wrongly an *haeǵōn. See More s.v. āk- ‘lead, drive.’


āk*2 (n.) ‘ear of grain’ (?)
[//āka, -, - (or is it acc.?)] ///itso paiyn=āka [lege: ṣaiy-n=āka] /// (416b2). ‣Krause and Thomas seem quite certain of the word's meaning but that certainty must rest on other, unpublished, sources. ∎If correctly identified, this word must be a derivative of PIE *haeḱ- ‘sharp, pointy’ (Krause, 1961:88). Semantically the closest relatives would be Gothic ahs (gen. ahsis) ‘ear of grain,’ Old Norse ax ‘id.’ OHG ahir ~ ehir (nt.) (< *ahiz-) ‘id.,’ Old English ēar (< *ahuz-) ‘id.’ Formally B āk looks like a PIE *haeḱo- (nt.) or perhaps *haeḱs (nt.) (= Gothic) with an analogical plural (built on the singular āk that resulted with the loss of final *-s). There is no reason to see this word in B as the result of borrowing from A (so VW:157-158). See also āke.


āk- (vt.) ‘lead, guide, drive’ [keś āl- ‘pay attention to’]
Ps. II /āk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, āśäṃ//-, -, ākeṃ; MP -, -, āśtär//; APart. aśeñca; MPPart. akemane; Ger. aśalle]; Ko. V /wāyā-/ [A -, -, wāyaṃ//-, -, wāyaṃ] [AOpt. -, -, wāyoy//; MPOpt. wāyoymar, -, -//; Inf. wāyatsi]; Ipv. I /päwāyā-/ [MPSg. pwāyar]; Pt. Ib /wāyā-/ [A -, -, wāya//-, -, wayāre], MP [-, -, wayāte//-, -, wayānte]; PP /wāwāyā-/. [ṣ]ñ k[e]wän śakātaisa kalṣtär-me ṣñār wepeṃś aśan-me ‘he drives his own cattle with a goad and leads them each to his own enclosures’ [aśan-me = BHS prāpayati] (3a3), etsuwai āśäṃ = BHS upanayanti [sic] (11a8), brāhmaṇi Uttareṃ mñcuṣkeṃ ākemane Candramukhi lānte yapoyne klānte-ne ‘leading prince U., they brought him into the country of king C.’ (88b5/6), aśalle = BHS -neya- (541a2), se ṣamāne plākisa aśiyana[mpa o]lyine ṣamäṃ kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat ‘[if] a monk sits by agreement in a boat with nuns and guides [it] upstream or downstream’ (PK-AS-18B-b4/5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]), weśeñ[ai]sa āśtär = BHS ghoṣeṇa nīyate (PK-AS-230b1 [Pinault, 1991b]); lo lmau tākoy mā keś wāyoy pāyalyñe ‘he must sit down far off and must not pay any attention to the singing’ (PK-15D-b2 [Couvreur, 1954c:88]); ceu Uttareṃ erkenmāsa wayānte ‘they led U. to the cemetery’ (133b7), prekṣallen[e] wayāre-ne prekṣentäṃ weñāre ‘they led him to the questioning and the judges spoke’ (H-149-ADD.12b1 [Thomas, 1967:26. fn. 35]). ∎AB āk- reflects PTch *āk- from PIE *haeǵ- [: Sanskrit ájati ‘drives,’ Avestan azaiti ‘drives, leads away,’ Armenian acem ‘lead, bring,’ Greek ágō ‘lead,’ Latin agō ‘drive, lead, deal with, be engaged in,’ Old Irish ad-aig (*ad-aget) ‘drives, forces,’ Old Welsh agit ‘goes,’ Old Norse aka ‘travel,’ and many nominal derivatives, P:4ff; MA:170] (Peterson, 1933:19, VW:158). Like the rest of Indo-European, Tocharian gives evidence for only a (thematic) present to this root: the aorist and perfect to this root are everywhere late or likely to be late (the agreement in form of the Sanskrit perfect āja [only in grammarians] and Old Norse preterite ōk is trivial and surely the result of independent creation).
TchA wā(w)- and B wāyā- reflect PTch *woyā- (the contraction of *-āyā- to -- in A and the change of the optative wāyi- to wāwi- by glide-dissimilation are regular). PTch *woyā- is probably the exact equivalent of Lithuanian vajóti ‘to drive, chase, pursue,’ both reflecting a PIE iterative-intensive *woi(hx)-éha-. PIE *wei(hx)- is also to be seen in Sanskrit véti ‘follows, strives, leads, drives’ (3rd. pl. vyánti), Avestan vayeiti ‘follows, hunts,’ Greek hīemai ‘move oneself forward, strive, desire,’ Lithuanian vejù (výti) ‘drive, chase, pursue,’ OCS po-vi-nǫti ‘subdue’ (P:1123-4). This etymology is ultimately Meillet's (in Hoernle, 1916:385, cf. also VW:550). Not with Winter (1962:32) is this word the equivalent of Lithuanian (iterative) vadžióti ‘lead’ (from PIE *wed- ‘lead, take a woman in marriage’) since the Lithuanian word would appear to reflect a purely Lithuanian conflation of the two PIE o-grade iterative formations, *wodeye/o- [: OCS (iterative) voždǫ ‘lead,’ and Avestan vāδayeiti ‘leads’] and *wodéha- [: Latvian vadãt] ‘lead’ (cf. P:1115-1116). See also āk1 and wayauca.


ākāśadhātu* (n.) ‘sky-element’
[-, -, ākāśadhātu//] (178b1). ∎From BHS *ākāśa-dhātu- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


āke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘end’ [N-gen. āke yām- ‘put an end to’]
[āke, -, āke//-, -, akenta] śaul attsaik totka śāmnaṃts ñke wrīyeṣṣe pältakwä atyaṃts a[k]entasa ‘the life of men [is] short [like] the drop of water on the tips of grasses’ (3b3/4), āke = BHS anta (29a4), po kleśanma näkṣeñca po cmelats āke yāmṣeñca ‘destroying all kleśas, making an end to all births’ (30a6), askwacentse ākesa = BHS kuśāgreṇa (308b3). -- akessu ‘at the end, last in time or place’: akessu śmaśānike ste ‘the cremating ground is final’ (559a4), ake[ssu] = BHS antyaṃ (H-ADD.149.153a4 [Couvreur, 1966: 181]), akessuntsai preścyai[ne] ‘in the last time’ (unpubl. Paris fragm. [ibid.]);
aketstse* ‘last’: [a]keceṃ = BHS -anta- (H-ADD.149.62a5 [Couvreur, 1966:165]). ∎TchA āk and B āke reflect PTch *āke, presumably from a PIE *haeḱos-, from *haeḱ- ‘sharp, pointy’ (Meillet and Lévi, 1911:462, see also VW:157 and P:21-22: MA:237). The s-stem derivative is seen otherwise in Greek ákhnē ‘chaff’ (< *haeḱ-s-neha-), ēkēs ‘sharp’ (puriēkēs ‘with fiery points,’ tanuēkēs ‘with long points’), Latin acus (gen. aceris) ‘chaff,’ the latter an exact equivalent of PTch *āke, and Gothic ahs (gen. *ahsis) ‘ear [of grain].’ With a further t-extension we have Greek akostē ‘barley,’ or possibly ‘grain of any kind’ (as the ‘pointy’ grain or the like), Lithuanian akštìs ~ akstìs ‘(Räucher)spiess,’ ãstinas ‘Stachel, Ochsenstechen, Feder-stachel,’ OCS ostь (m.) ‘Stachel,’ and Russian ost' ‘point, awn,’ Welsh eithin (< *haeḱstīno-) ‘gorse’). See also akek, akañc, and akañcar, probably akeñe, and a bit more distantly āk2.


ākteke ~ āktike (a) ([indeclinable] adj.); (b) (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘wonderful’; (b) ‘wonder, wonderful thing’
(a) sū ololyesa ākteke wantare yamaṣa ‘he has done a very astonishing thing’ (77a3);
(b) ākteke te totka śaul śāmnaṃts ‘a wonder [is] this; short [is] the life of men’ (3a5/6), [in Manichean script] ’gtygys’ [= āktikesa] (Gabain/Winter:14). -- āktekaññe ‘wonder, miracle’ (103b1);
āktikäññe* ‘id.’: yātalñeṣṣe paryarīsa [] āktikäññesa wa[t] = BHS ṛddhiprātihārye (527b2). ∎Etymology uncertain. Čop (1953:172) made the interesting suggestion that this word might be connected to Greek ágamai ‘am astonished’ but the details of the formation remain obscure (cf. VW:160).


ākl- (vi./vt.) G ‘learn’; K ‘teach’
G Ko. IV /āklyi-/ [MP -, -, aklyitär//-, -, aklyiyentär; Inf. akl(y)itsi]; Pt. Ib /āklyiyā-/ [akly(i)yamai, akly(i)yatai, akly(i)yate//]; PP /āklu-/;
K Ps. IXb /ākläsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, ākläṣṣäṃ//; MP // -, āklästär, -; APart. (see below); Ger. ākläṣṣälle] latau ostmeṃ poyśi[ṃ]ś aklyamai [sic] po solme tarya pṭikänta ‘I left the house for the Buddha; I learned the entire tripitaka’ (400b3); kṣatriññempa āklu ñiś sakne aukṣu ‘I [was] learnèd in kṣatriya-lore and grown up in good fortune’ (89a1); āklästär-ne krent [pelaikne] ‘you teach the good law’ (26a1), śastarma ākläṣṣäṃ ‘he teaches [him] the laws’ (110b8). -- āklorsa ‘by learning’;
āklyilñe ‘study, learning’: se no akliñe [sic] ste = BHS ayaṃ tv āgamo (199b3), tune nke twe wīna källāt mā= klyilñene ‘thus then thou wilt find pleasure, [but] not in study’ (286a3).
aklaṣṣälñe ‘± teaching’ (522b4);
aklaṣṣeñca: aklaṣṣeñcant [lege: aklaṣṣeñcats] allek warpalñe ste (197a6). [Or is this the participle from the expected present of the Grundverb with the stress on the second syllable, ākläsk'ä/e-?]. ∎AB ākl- reflect a PTch *ākl- but external connections are less certain. We have the prefix *- ‘toward, near, away’ (VW wrongly assumes a - ‘in’ but - means ‘in’ only as the result of -umlaut from 1e(n)-), plus a verbal root, either 2käl- ‘bring’ (so VW:158, citing such semantic parallels as German einführen, English introduce, Sanskrit āgam- ‘arrive, receive news of, learn of’) or käly- ‘stand’ (Jasanoff, p.c., citing English understand; one might add Greek epístamai ‘know how to, understand’). The substantial morphological identity of the subjunctive of ākl-, namely āklyi-, and the present of käly-, namely käly'ä/e-, both from PIE *klh1-ye/o-, would appear to argue for the latter identification over the former. See also akalye, akalṣälle, and, more distantly, käly-.


āklyi See akalye.


ākṣar See akṣār.


ākṣi* (n.) ‘one who announces, instructs in, recites’
[-, -, ākṣiṃ//] pelaikn=akṣiṃ ‘reciter of the law’ (U-19a2). ∎A nomen agentis of the 1āks-, q.v.


āks-1 (vt.) ‘announce, proclaim, instruct, issue [a proclamation], recite’
Ps. XI /āksäsk'ä/e-/ [A aksaskau, aksasto, aksaṣṣäṃ// -, aksaścer, aksaskeṃ//; AImpf. -, -, aksaṣṣi//; APart. aksaṣṣeñca; MPPart. aksaskemane; Ger. aksaṣṣalle]; Ko. II /āks'ä/e-/ [A āksau, -, ākṣäṃ//; MP -, -, ākṣtär//; AOpt. akṣim, akṣit, ākṣi//; Inf. āk(ṣt)si; Ger. akṣalle]; Ipv. VI /pokse-/ [Sg. pokse, Pl. pokses]; Pt. Ib /ākṣā-/ [A akṣāwa, akṣāsta, ākṣa//-, -, akṣāre]; PP /ākṣo-/ pernento ytāri klyomñai aksasto ‘thou dost announce the glorious and noble way’ (204b1), ṣamāni aśiyanaṃts pelaikne aksaskeṃ ‘monks recite the law to the nuns’ (PK-AS-18B-a4 [Pinault, 1984b:377]); [a]kṣi nno nno skloka[cceṃts] ‘he should again and again instruct the doubters’ (26a4), ākṣtsi = BHS avavad- (Pātayanika-fragm.-a5 [Thomas, 1987a:170]); [kuce ñaś ñake] saim yāmmar pokse-ñ saim-wasta ‘tell me, O refuge, when I should take refuge!’ (45a3); ytāri akṣāwa-me nervāṃṣṣai riś ‘I told them the way to the nirvana city’ (28a2), or-śacāre ākṣa ‘he issued [this] caravan-pass’ (LP-2a3/4). -- akṣalñe ‘instruction’: snai käṣṣiṃ cwi snai akṣalñe āryamārg ṣe twasastär ‘this one kindles the Āryamarga without his teacher and without instruction’ (591b4). ∎AB āks - reflect PTch *āks- from PIE *h1ǵ-s-, an élargissement of h1ēǵ- (or possibly *h1eh1-) ‘say’ [: Latin aiō ‘say, affirm,’ adagium ‘proverb,’ Greek ‘he said’ (< *h1ēǵt, whence êmi ‘I say’ and êsi ‘he says’), anōga ‘I ordered,’ Armenian aṙac ‘proverb,’ asem ‘I say’ (rebuilt from *as ‘he said’ < *ac), and more particularly Latin axārenomināre,’ axāmentacarmina’ (P:290-291; MA:535)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:377, VW:159). The starting point for Tocharian must have been a present *h1ǵs-e/o-. See also aksaṣṣuki, ākṣi, and probably āks-2.


āks-2 (vi./vt.) ‘waken’ [both transitive and intransitive]
Ps. XI /āksāsk'ä/e-/ [APart. āksaṣṣeñca; Ger. āksaṣṣälle]; Ko. V /āksā-/ [A āksau, -, āksaṃ//; AOpt. āksoym, -, -//]; Pt. Ib /āksā-/ [A -, -, āksa//]; PP /āksā-/ aksāṣe[ñcatse] = BHS jagrāto (H-149.329a1 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:486]); ṣpänemeṃ āksa ‘he awoke from sleep’ (373b3); saksa ṣp aiksnar [lege: kästwer] lkäntsan-n[e] [lege: kläntsan-ne] | āksau ṣpak kāccä[n] ‘fortunately he sleeps by night and awakening he rejoices’ [āksau = BHS pratibuddha] (14b3). -- āksalñe ‘awakening’: krent āksalñe ṣek ā[ks]oym tarya śpāl[m]eṃ [n]aumyenta araṃśn=enku ‘may I always awake the good awakening, taking into [my] heart the three excellent jewels’ (S-4b4/5). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (159) associates this verb with Greek akoúō ‘hear,’ Gothic hausjan ‘id.,’ built to an élargissement of widespread *keu- ‘pay attention to’ [: particularly Slovene čuti ‘hear, wake up’ and Polish czuwaś ‘be awake’ (P:587-588)]. Also possible would be a connection with PIE *h1ēǵ- ‘say’ (see āks-1) in the form *h1ǵs-. For the semantics we might compare Old Irish dúisighim ‘wake’ (both tr. and intr.) from do- + -od- + sech- ‘say’ (< PIE *sekw-). We have ‘call (up)’ > ‘wake up.’ This would be the better option formally since Tocharian āksā- would be a perfect match for Latin axārenomināre’ and axāmentacarmina.’ In either case the present stem is formed from that seen in the subjunctive and preterite by the addition of (PIE) -sḱe/o-. See also āks-1.


ākhu* (n.) ‘mole; mouse, rat’
[-, -, ākhu//] (511a1). ∎From BHS ākhu-.


āgat* (n.) ‘remedy’
[//āgatänta, -, -] (46b3). ∎From BHS agada-.


āgam (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± traditonal doctrine or precept’
[āgam, -, āgam//] (197a3). ∎From BHS āgama-.


ānk (n.[m.sg.]) ‘member, part; division of a science’
[ānk, -, ānk//] (H-149.46b8 [Thomas, 1957:157]). ∎From BHS anga-.


ānkär (n.[m.sg.]) ‘tusk’
[ānkär, -, -//] onkolmaññe ānkär ‘elephant ivory/tusk’ (PK-NS-13+516a1 [Couvreur, 1967:154]), eñcuwañe kentse onkolmaññe ānkär te ṣeme yarm ‘iron filings, elephant tusk/ivory, the same measure’ (W-31b1/2). ∎Related in some fashion to TchA ānkar ‘id.’ (note the disparity of vowel in the second syllable) but extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are uncertain. Pokorny (46) suggests a connection with PIE *haenk- ‘bend’ (we might note Greek ánkūra ‘anchor; pruning hook’). If so, there may be a connection with onkolmo ‘elephant,’ q.v. VW (165-166) is surely wrong in suggesting a connection with PIE *neḱ- ‘destroy.’


ānktsaś ‘?’ [allative of a PN?]
Nand[eṃ] ā[ṅ]tsaś pūdñäkte /// (A-1b1).


ācār See acār.


ājivīke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘a Jainist religious mendicant’
[ājīvike, -, -//-, ājīvikeṃts, -] (23b3). ∎From BHS ājīvika-.


āñu (n.) ‘rest, peace; cessation’
[āñu, -, āñu//] śwāṃ-ne ynkauṃ kästwer mā=ñu kälpāṣṣäṃ ‘they [scil. the worms] eat him day and night and he doesn't achieve rest’ (33b1), wace ṣarsa [saṃ]tkenta laupoy-ne āñu yamī-ne ‘with the second hand he might smear the medicaments [on] him and give him rest’ (154b1), snay [ā]ñu yältsa [lege: yältse] kalpänma aron ṣo [lege: po] ‘without peace a thousand ages might all cease’ (248b1). ∎TchA āñu and B āñu reflect PTch *āñu (unless one is borrowed from the other) but extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are uncertain. Certainly not (with VW:165) the intensive prefix - (which should occur in this form only if the following syllable contained an --, see e(n)-) + *mn- (from PIE *men- ‘remain’) + suffix. As an alternative one might imagine a connection with Greek áneu ‘far from, without,’ Gothic inu (< *h1en-) ‘without,’ and OHG ānu (< *h1ēn-) ‘id.’ To account for the Greek and Germanic forms, which surely must be related, we would need to reconstruct a PIE *h1(e)nh1-(e)u- with Greek showing the zero-grade of the first syllable, Gothic a full-grade, and OHG a lengthened grade. Conversely Greek shows a full-grade of the second syllable and the Germanic forms zero-grade. Tocharian would show a nominal derivative *h1ōnh1ew-o- (nt.) (P:318; MA:646).


āñcāl See añcāl.


āñcanarasa (n.) ‘a preparation of antimony’ (a medical ingredient)
[añcarasa, -, -//] (W-25a5). ∎From BHS añjanarasa-.


āñmalāṣṣälñe See añmalāṣṣälñe.


āñme1 (n.) ‘wish, desire’
[āñme, añmantse, āñm//] śwātsi mā āñme somotkäṃñe sosoyusa kektseñe mäsketä[r] ‘[there is] no desire to eat; likewise [his] body is satiated’ (FS-a3), /// [s]n[ai]y āñm karsoym pīś āntseṃ mā ṣe[kaññeṃ] ‘may I know without desire the five elements of inconstancy’ (S-2b4). -- añmassu ‘desirous’: bhavākkärṣṣai yoñiyai eṃṣke katkässi añmassu ‘desirous of passing along the way to the last and highest existence’ (108b3). ∎Synchronically probably distinct from the homonymous āñme2 ‘self, inner being, soul’ (see āñme*2) but diachronically merely a semantic specialization of it (so, as one possibility, VW:164-165). For the semantic collocation one might compare Latin animus ‘seat of feeling; character; seat of the will, intention’ or Hittite istanza(n)- which is basically ‘soul, mind’ but may also mean ‘will, desire.’ The second meaning in Hittite derives from predicate collocations such as mahhan LUGAL-I Zi-anza ‘as [is] to the king soul (nom.)’ = ‘as the king has [a] mind’ = ‘as the king wishes’ (Melchert, p.c.). See also āñme*2 and añmaññ-.


āñme*2 (n.) ‘self; inner being, soul’
[-, añmantse, āñm//] walo aknātsa su märsau ṣañ āñm atsaik ñem Araṇemi ‘the king [is] a fool; he [has] forgotten indeed his own name, Araṇemi’ (81a2/3), /// ̇ ̇s ̇ yaitkor po āñmtsa pāṣṣat ‘keep [this] command with all thy heart’ (95a4), [k]u[se ai]ś[i]tär kartse [añ]mantse [añmantse = BHS ātmana] (305a1), yamaskenträ onmiṃ kwipeññenträ āñme ka ‘they regret and they are ashamed [of] themselves’ (K-3a3), yāmi speltke po āñmtsa āñme ket tsälpātsi tākoy ‘may he strive with all [his] soul whose soul [is] to be redeemed!’ (K-8a4), krui añme mā nesäṃ kete ñäke tsälpālñe pälskanāträ ‘if there is no self, of whose redemption will he think?’ (PK-12I-b5 [Thomas, 1979:43]). -- añmaṣṣe ‘personal’: añmaṣṣana toṃ läkl[enta] ‘personal sufferings’ (7b5), twe ñi lare añmaṣṣe ‘thou [art] to me personally dear’ (241b4);
āñm-nākälñe* ‘self-reproach’ (K-3b2). ∎TchA āñcäm (oblique āñm-) and B āñme (AB āym- both represent āñm- with dissimulative denasalization of the first nasal) reflect a PTch *āñc(ä)me, most probably (as if) from a PIE *haen(h1)tmen-. This *haen(h1)tmen- is a conflation of *ētmen- [: Sanskrit ātmán- (m.), Old English ǟδm (m.), OHG ātum (m.), all ‘breath’ (P:345; MA:82)] and the widespread, and essentially synonymous, family of *haen(h1)- ‘breathe’ (P:38-39; MA:82). The underlying verb is preserved in Sanskrit ániti ‘breathes,’ Gothic uz-anan ‘exhale,’ Old Irish anaid ‘rests, remains,’ Albanian ëj (< *haen(h1)ye/o-) ‘blow [of wind],’ TchB anāsk- ‘breathe, exhale,’ q.v. We should note particularly those forms with a t-suffix of some sort: Avestan åntya and paråntya ‘inhalation’ and ‘exhalation’ (< *- and para- + antya-), possibly in the Hesychian ántaiánemoi’ and antáspnoiás,’ in Germanic *anþō- (Old Norse ǫnd (f.) ‘soul, breath’), *anþōjan (Old Norse anda ‘breathe,’ Old English ōδian ‘breathe, smell’), *anþan- (Old English anda (m.), OHG anta (m.) ‘envy; zeal,’ Old Norse andi (m.) ‘breath, wind, spirit’), *anþjan (Old English ēδian ‘breathe, smell’). (Other nominal derivatives with the same range of meaning are *haenh1-mo- [: Greek ánemos] (m.) ‘wind,’ Latin animus ‘seat of feeling; character; seat of the will, intention,’ anima ‘breath, wind, air; vital principle,’ Old Frisian omma (< *anma) ‘breath,’ possibly Sanskrit ánila- (n.) ‘breath, wind’ (if from *ánima-)] and *haenh1-tlo- [: Old Irish anál ‘breath’].) A PIE *haen(h1)tmen- would have regularly given PTch *āni̯ti̯mi̯än- > *āñcmän- (nom. sg. *āñcme) which in both TchA and B gave *āñm- by loss of the medial consonant in the three consonant cluster. (In TchA the regular loss of the word final -e of the nom. sg. produced āñcäm with an anaptyctic vowel and no loss of -c-.) This etymology goes back in embryo to Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze (1931:138), in the connection of āñcäm and āñm-, and to VW (1941:12), in its Indo-European connections (he reconstructs *antemo-). VW (1976:163-164) wrongly separates āñcäm, āñm-, and āym-. See also āñme1, anāsk-, añmālale, añmālake, añiye, onolme, and ynāñm.


āte See ate.


āto* (n.) ‘± wrist’ (?)
[/-, -, atāne/] ///rene atānene yamaṣare-ne pelene ṣalāre-ne ‘they put ... on his wrists and threw him into prison’ (H-149.40a5 [Thomas, 1979:12, fn. 29]), watkāltsa täne atānesa wärñai śänmāṃnmāsa kektseñe śeśänmusa ‘different [is the case of] the body bound with bonds on the wrists, etc.’ (PK-12I-b6 [Thomas, 1979:12]). ‣Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985:22) takes this word to mean something like ‘fetters.’ ∎Etymology unknown.


ātmaṃttse (adv.) ‘± for oneself’ (?)
mā ṣpä ātmaṃttse yāmu palsko = BHS na ca tatkara[ṇaṃ] mana (202b1). ∎This certainly looks to be a Tocharian derivative of BHS ātman- ‘soul, inner being.’


ātmaguptaphal (n.) ‘fruit of the Mucuna prurita Hook.’ (a medical ingredient)
[ātmaguptaphal, -, -//] (P-1a3). ∎From BHS ātmaguptaphala-.


ātmagupti (n.) ‘Mucuna prurita Hook.’ or ‘Mucuna pruriens Bak.’
[ātmagupti, -, -//] ‣For the proper restoration, see Maue, 1990. ∎From BHS ātmagupta-.


ātmadṛṣṭi* (n.) ‘± self-insight’
[-, -, ātmadṛṣṭi//] (364a6). ∎From BHS *ātma-dṛṣṭi- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


ātmapāvabhet* (n.) ‘± rupture of the body’
[-, -, ātmapāvabhet] (181a3). ∎From BHS *ātmabhāva-bheda- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


Ātmavārg* (n.) ‘Ātmavarga’ [chapter of a Buddhist work]
[-, -, Ātmavārg//] (S-5b5).


ātya- See atiya-.


āttsi* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, āttsi//] /// tärkau wat āttsimpa (A-2b7). See also atsiñe?


āttsaik See attsaik.


ādañc* (nf.) ‘± bite, wound caused by biting (or weapon)’
[-, -, ādāñc] aräñcacu epreta Mārä[nts]=ādañc mālatsai ‘O courageous and resolute one, thou has destroyed Māra's drunken bite’ (241a2/3 [cf. Isebaert, 1977:383]). ∎From BHS ādaṃśa- (Isebaert, 1977:383).


ādhyātmike* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘what precedes from the self or soul’
[//ādhyātmiki, -, -] (182a2). ∎From BHS ādhyātmika-.


Ānande (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Ānanda’ (PN)
[Ānande, -, Ānanadeṃ (voc. Ānanda)//] (23b3).


ānāpānasmṛti (n.) ‘mindfulness of breathing’
[ānāpānasmṛti, -, -//] (41a5). ∎From BHS ānāpānasmṛti-.


ānaiśai See anaiśai.


ānte (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘surface,’ (b) ‘forehead’
[ānte, -, ānte//] (a) sū rano ṣäp ipreräntse ānte snai tärkarwa astare klautka ‘and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless and pure’ (350a4), śwālyai [pai]yyeññe mokocintse āntene tuciyai tanākkai lkāṣṣäṃ ‘he sees a yellow spot on the surface of the right big toe’ (580b2);
(b) pärwān=epinkt= ānte[ne] ‘on the forehead between the brows’ (9b3). ∎TchA ānt and B ānte reflect PTch *ānte from PIE *h2ento-, from *h2ent- ‘front, forehead’ [: Hittite hant- ‘face,’ Greek eisánta ‘right opposite’ (< pre-Greek eis + *antṃ), antí ‘in front of, opposite,’ Sanskrit anti ‘in front of, opposite,’ Old Irish étan ‘forehead’ (< *h2entono-), etc. (P:48-50; MA:82)] (Couvreur, 1949:34; VW:163). The Tocharian word is most closely allied with Sanskrit ánta- ‘end, limit.’


āntpi See antapi.


āntse (nm.) (a) ‘shoulder,’ (b) ‘element,’ (c) ‘bough [of a tree]’
[āntse, āntsentse, āntse/āntsne ~ antsane, -, āntsne ~ antsane/āntsi, antseṃts, āntseṃ] (a) [ā]ntsesa watsālai premane war āṣtsiś ‘carrying the watsālai on [his] shoulder to fetch water’ (91a1), sononaṃts no aṃtsanemeṃ litau aṃśuk ‘the aṃśuka-garment [has] slipped off the shoulders of some [of them]’ (H-149-ADD.13b3 [Hilmarsson, 1989a:7]), ātse = BHS -aṃsa- (Y-1a6);
(b) cai āntsi päst yelṣalyi ‘the elements [are] to be investigated’ (152a5), āntsentse = BHS -skandhasya (156a6);
(c) laitki atsi karakna ‘vines, boughs, and branches’ (554a4). -- antseṣṣe ‘prtng to the shoulder or to an element’ (S-6a1). ∎TchA es and B āntse reflect PTch *ān(t)se from PIE *h1/4ōm(e)so- ‘shoulder’ [: Sanskrit áṃsa- (m.), Armenian us, Greek õmo- (m.) (< *h1/4ōmso-), Latin umerus (< *h1/4omeso-), Gothic ams, all ‘shoulder,’ and Icelandic áss ‘mountain-ridge,’ Hittite an(as)sa ‘a part of the back’ (P:778; MA:515-516)] (Schrader/Nehring, 1917:636, VW:182). Taken together these reflect a PIE *h1/4om(e)so- or *h1/4ōm(e)so-. Hilmarsson (1989a:127-128) takes a somewhat different tack and suggests a PIE *h4ems-o- as the antecedent of the Tocharian words while the Greek, Armenian, and Latin ones would reflect *h4oms-o- (Hittite, Sanskrit, and Germanic are indeterminate). These would be two different thematicizations of an underlying s-stem. It should be noted that under Hilmarsson's proposal the Greek form would still be problematical (why would we not have *oumó-?).


āp* (nf.) ‘water; river’
[-, -, āp//-, -, āpäṃ] āp saṃsā[rṣṣai no] sū kā swāsaṃ ‘why does he rain then the water of saṃsāra?’ (140b4), [śt]w[āra] a[päṃ] = BHS catasro hi mahānadyaḥ (H-149.242b1 [Couvreur, 1966:169]). ∎AB āp reflect PTch *āp from PIE *h2ēp- ~ h2ep-) ‘water, river’ [: Sanskrit p- (f.) ‘water’ (nom. pl. āpaḥ, acc. pl. apáḥ), dvīpá- ‘island, sandbank in river’ (< *dwi-h2p-ó-), Avestan āfš ‘water,’ Greek Āpía ‘Peloponnesus,’ Old Prussian ape ‘water,’ apus ‘spring,’ Lithuanian ùpė ‘water’ (with difficult u-) (P:51-52; MA:636)] (VW:166). It certainly seems reasonable to add here Hittite hāpa- ‘to the river’ and Palaic hāpnas ‘river’ but the single writing of the obstruent would appear to demand a pre-Anatolian *h2eb- rather than *h2ep-. Hamp has related the Anatolian words for ‘river’ to *h2ep- by deriving them from *h2ep-h3on- ‘having the water(s).’


āpadāṃ* (n.) ‘arrival’ (?)
[-, -, āpadāṃ//] (365a1). ∎If from BHS āpādana-.


āppo* (n.) ‘father’
[-, āppantse, āppai (voc. āppa)//] [we]ṣṣäṃ āppa ate yāmtsi päkn[a]star-ñ ‘[the boy] speaks: father, dost thou intend to send me away?’ (83a5), weṣṣäṃ-neścä ṣarya ammakki poññ āppai mā ñiś cempaṃts rakṣatsents aiṣṣäṃ ‘[the boy] speaks to her: dear mother, speak to father; he is giving me to these rakṣas’ (85a2). ‣One should compare the TchA āp in A-256a3/4 (āpas pācräśśi śaśmunt slyi cam mar katkat ‘that rule [which is] come from fathers and forefathers [or should it be ‘fathers (= ‘ancestors’) and fathers’?] do not neglect!’). In TchB āppo is clearly attested as ‘father’ rather than ‘forefather’ or the like. Thomas (1988) equates A āp with B āwe, q.v. but phonologically much more natural is the equation with āppo. ∎TchA āp and B āppo reflect PTch *āppo whose closest ally would be Greek áppha ‘dad,’ áppa, apphûs, etc. In both Greek and Tocharian we have affectionate, "nursery," terms (VW:166, Frisk, 1960:137). See also appake.


ām* (a) (n.); (b) (adv.) [frozen acc. sg.] (a) ‘silence’; (b) ‘quietly, still’
[-, -, ām//] (a) /// [kumu]tänta āmtsa wtsā-ne [lege: wsā-ne] ‘she gave him the white lotus in silence’ (366b4);
(b) twe pitka wes ām lamam ‘command thou [that] we sit silently’ (H-149.X.5b4/5 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]), naksentr=ām aṣṣeñcai ‘they reproach one silently sitting’ [= BHS nindanti tūṣṇīm āsīnam] (U-18a1). ∎Etymology unknown. Not (with VW:622) a borrowing from Middle Iranian *hama- ~ *hāma- ‘the same, similar.’


āmapi* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, āmapi//] klyiye ṣamānentse asāṃ nātkaṃ āmapi kontsaisa wat mant tsā/// ‘[if] a woman should nudge a monk on [his] seat with a āmapi or a kontsa, so ...’ (325a1). ‣Not a misspelling for āntpi ‘both’ as is often supposed, but otherwise mysterious.


āmaś See amāc.


āmāskai See amāskai.


āmiṣ* (n.) ‘(raw) flesh’
[-, -, āmiṣ//] [ā]miṣämpa [mā tr]īwaṣälle ‘[it is] with raw flesh not to be mixed’ (336a5). ∎From BHS āmiṣa-.


āmok See amok.


āmp- (vi.) ‘rot’
PP /āmpā-/ [k]e[kts]eñän stastaukkauwa āmpauwa spärkauw=ere ‘bodies, bloated, rotten, and deprived of color’ (9b7=10a3). ∎Probably a borrowing from Middle Iranian *hampu- ‘rot, fester’ [: Khotanese hambūtä- ‘rotted, festering,’ Zoroastrian Pahlevi hambūsītan, Modern Persian ambūsīdan ‘to rot, fester’]. Not with VW who suggests (162) that we have ām- the intensive prefix (but forms with - should occur only by -umlaut when an -- follows in the next syllable, see s.v. e(n)-) + PIE *puhx- ‘rot’ (cf. P:848-849). See also ampoño.


āmpär1 (n.[f.pl.]) ‘limb, member’
[āmpär (Thomas, 1985:122), -, -//-, -, amparwa] t[oṃ] amp[ar]w=[ā]y[or ñas]k[au] ‘I will seek the limbs [as] a gift’ (AMB-b1). ∎Etymology uncertain. Isebaert (1977[79]:383-384) suggests a starting point in a putative PIE *haer-mṛ, a regular nominal derivative of *haer- ‘be fitted to, fix.’ This *haermṛ was made into an u-stem in pre-Tocharian, as is common with old neuter r-stems, giving *ārmäru, whence *āmäru with dissimilatory loss > *āmru > *āmpru > āmpär. This suggestion seems more plausible than his later one (1980, apud Thomas, 1985:122) that we relate the Tocharian word to Latin aptus through the assumption of a nasalized variant *ehx-m-p- or the like.


āmpär2 (n.) ‘mango’ (Mangifer indica Linn.), only attested in the compound ampar-stanātstse* ‘provided with mango trees’
ampar-stanācce vaideh śleye guṇe co ‘in the mountain cave [of] Vaideha, covered with mango-trees’ (294a9). ∎From BHS āmra-.


āmpäl (n.) ‘acid’ only in the compound āmpäl-śuke ‘acid-tasting’
āmpäl-śuke salyiṃ ṣpä malkwermpa eweta ‘an acid taste or salt fights with milk’ (ST-a6/b1). ∎From BHS amla-.


āy ~ āyo (nnt.) ‘bone’
[āy ~ āyo, -, āy ~ āya//-, astāṃts, āsta] āst=āstāntso s[ai]m lkāṣṣäṃtarne täṅtsi /// ‘the bones and the refuge of bones, even unto the skull’ (10b7), /// yetse ṣñaur=āsta ‘skin, sinews and bones’ (Dd5/3.4), tsirauwñeṣṣe kauṣn āya ompolskoṣṣe mrestiwe pakṣäṃ ysomo ‘it destroys the bone of energy and cooks [it] together with the marrow of mediation’ (S-4b1), onkolmaññe āy ‘elephant bone’ = ‘tusk’? (W-20b3). -- ayāṣṣe ‘prtng to bone’: se ṣamāne ayāṣṣe kemeṣṣe sucīkar yamastär ‘whatever monk makes for himself a needlecase of bone or teeth [scil. ivory]’ (H-149.X.3b4 [Couvreur, 1954b:49]);
astāṣṣe ‘prtng to bone(s)’: astāṣṣi meski ‘the joints of [his] bones’ (5b1), rīye no astāṣṣi poṣī/// = BHS nagaram asthiprākāram (299b3). ∎Reviewing the data of Pokorny (783) and Hamp (1984), it seems that in PIE the simplest form of ‘bone’ was an acrostatic neuter *h2óst ~ h2ést-, found directly in Avestan (cf. gen. sg. astō, nom.-acc. pl. asti) and Latin (nom.-acc. sg. oss [< *ost]). Slightly disguised it appears in Cuneiform Luvian hassa ‘bone’ (nom/acc.) which must be has-sa with an added particle (cf. the abl/inst. hasati. This has is PIE *h2ost with the expected simplification of the final consonant cluster and the subsequent extension of the neofinal -s to the rest of the paradigm (so Melchert, p.c.). Indirectly *h2ost appears in Armenian oskr ‘bone’ (< *h2ost-wṛ), in Avestan as-ča ‘shinbone’ (< *h2e/ost-ḱo-), and in Greek osphús ‘hip’ (< *h2ost-bhu-) (P:783; MA:77).
The athematic stem could be extended by *-i (still neuter): in Hittite hastāi (< "collective" *h2ostōi) ‘bone’ (gen. sg. hastiyas), and its derivative histā ‘bone-’ also ‘mortuary, ossuary’ (< *h2ēstoyo- [Hoffmann apud Melchert, 1984:111, though Puhvel, 1991:321-323, considers the Hittite -i- to be anaptyctic in origin and reconstructs *h2stoyo-]), Greek ostéon ‘bone’ (< *h2osteyo-), in Avestan asti-aojah- ‘bone-strength,’ and probably the Sanskrit nom.-acc. sg. ásthi ‘bone’ (if from *h2ósti rather than the old nom.-acc. pl. *h2óstha). We also find the athematic noun extended by *-n- (perhaps originally only in the oblique cases): the Sanskrit oblique stem asthn-, Middle Welsh eis ‘ribs’ (< the "collective" *h2estōn; this formulation and certain others given here are taken from Nussbaum, 1986), Old Irish asnae ‘rib’ (< *h2estniyo-), and Greek ostakós ~ astakós ‘lobster’ (< *h2e/ostṅkó-). TchB āśce ‘head,’ q.v., might be from either *h2estēis or *h2estēn). [Secondarily we have u-stems in Welsh asseu ‘bone’ (presumably *h2est- + the singulative -eu) and in Latin ossua ‘bones.’ In Greek we have, perhaps, traces of an r-stem in óstrakon ‘shell, pot, sherd’ and astrágalos ‘vertebra, ball of ankle joint, knucklebone.’]
If we assume that pre-Tocharian started out with a nom.-acc. sg. *h2ést, pl. h2ést(e)ha, with e-grade generalized, then by regular loss of final obstruents, we would expect in PTch *, pl. āstā. The plural remains essentially unchanged in TchB āsta. (There is no reason to see in āsta a borrowing from Khotanese as does VW:624.) The singular *, perhaps felt by PTch speakers as "overly short," was extended in some way. Perhaps, if the final obstruents were lost early enough, it was extended by the same PIE *-yo- seen so commonly in body-part terms, e.g. Sanskrit āsya- (nt.) beside ās- ‘mouth’ or Old Irish cride ‘heart’ from *ḱṛdyo-. Such an explanation might most easily explain the TchB by-form, āyā- (as if from PIE *-yeha-?). Stalmaszczyk and Witczak (1990:40-1) start, unnecessarily I think, from PIE *as in the singular (which became Pre-Tch *āh in their opinion which, in turn, gave more or less regularly āy) and *ast- in the plural.
Not with Hilmarsson (1991b:146-149) who starts from a PIE *haeid-i (pl. *haeid-i(e)ha) ‘swelling, bulging’ [: Armenian aytnum ‘I swell,’ Greek oidéō ‘I swell, bulge,’ Latin aemidus ‘swollen,’ OHG ait ‘boil, hard inflamed suppurating tumor,’ Old Norse eitill ‘lymph gland; knot in wood,’ or particularly in Armenian ayt ‘cheek’ (< *haeidi)] nor with VW (172-173) who sees in AB āy a cognate of Sanskrit āyu- ‘vital strength’ *āyu- must reflect PIE *haoyu- which would have given Tocharian *oy).


āyataṃ* (n.) ‘organs and objects of the senses; stage of ecstasy or trance [four in number]’
[//āyatan(än)ta, āyatan(än)taṃts, āyatan(än)ta] (181b3). ∎From BHS āyatana-.


āyatanadravye* (n.) ‘± object of the āyatana’ (?)
[//āyatanadravyi, -, -] (193b4). ∎If from BHS *āyatana-dravya- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


āyar* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, āyar//] ton āyarsa śwātsi yoktsi eneṃ taṣalle (M-3b2). ∎A misspelling of āyor?


āyor (n.[f.pl.]) ‘gift, giving’
[āyor, āyorntse, āyor//-, -, āyornta] āyor = BHS dāna (23a2/3), mā nesn āyor mā ra telki ‘there is neither gift nor sacrifice’ (23b4), palsko no yyairu [sic] ailñene āyor ‘a spirit practiced in the giving of a gift’ (K-5b6). -- āyorṣṣe ‘prtng to a gift’ (274b4);
āyorntaṣṣe ‘prtng to gifts’ (AMB-b5);
āyor-ailyñe ‘gift-giving’: āyor-ailñe = BHS dāna (23b7). ∎A nominal derivative of the preterite participle stem of ai- ‘give,’ q.v.


ār- (vi./vt.) G ‘cease, come to an end’; K ‘renounce, forsake, leave behind, give up, abandon’
G Ps. IV /oro-/ [MP -, -, orotär//]; Ko. V /ārā-/ [A -, -, āraṃ// -, -, āraṃ; AOpt. -, -, āroy// -, -, aroṃ; Inf. āratsi]; Pt. Ib /ārā-/ [A -, -, āra//-, -, arāre];
K Ps. VIII /ārs'ä/e-/ [A ārsau, ārṣt, ārṣäṃ// -, -, ārseṃ; AImpf. -, ārṣit, -//; MPPart. arsemane]; Ko. I /or- ~ ār-/ [A //-, -, oräṃ; AOpt. -, - āri//; Inf. ārtsi]; Pt. III /or(sā)- ~ ār-/ [A orwa, orasta, orsa// -, -, arar] eṃṣketse āratsiśco yātatsiś astarñeśṣeko ‘[one should trust in] the lasting cessation and the ability to practice purity for ever’ (30a2/3), tumeṃ no pest yāmor śaul ṣpä aran-me ‘then, however, their deed and life will cease’ (K-7a5); tanāpatentse kakoṣṣe śwer meñi päs arāre ‘the four months of the patron's invitation have come to an end’ (331b5); [kleśa]nmaṣṣi lwāsa cwi maim pälskone skwaññenträ mā arsen-ne ‘the kleśa-animals have good fortune in judgment and thought and do not forsake him’ (11b5); saim-wasta kā twe ñäś ñke ārtsi päknāstar ‘O Refuge, why dost thou intend to forsake me’ (45a1), śaul ka oräñ-c tā kektseño pw alecci cai tākañ-co ‘scarcely will life leave thy body and all will be strange to thee’ (46a8); [snai-yk]orñe manta skiyo ra orsa-c ‘like [thy] shadow diligence has never left thee’ [so K. T. Schmidt, 1994:273] (243a2); arar-c po ṣam[ā]n[i] ‘all monks abandoned thee’ (45a1). ‣Though usually taken to be two synonymous roots, ār- and or-, the or-forms occur only in the Class I subjunctive and Class III preterites where ablaut of roots with --, -i-, or -u- is normal. On the basis of such alternations as yop- ~ yap- (< /yäp-/), TchB speakers have created a new strong grade or- (in the subjunctive and preterite singular) and relegated inherited ār- to those forms where a weak grade is expected (elsewhere in the subjunctive/optative). Traces of the same new strong grade in -o- are to be found with kau- ‘kill’ as well. The third singular preterite ora usually cited probably does not belong here. The one occurrence at 42a7 (as read by Sieg): ysomo sankantse ra reki mā=ṅsate samm ora ñy enäṣlyñe ‘he has not grasped the word of the community altogether; likewise he has forsaken my teaching,’ should be read (K. T. Schmidt, 1994:273): ysomo sankantse ra reki mā=ṅsate sam m(ā) ra ñy enäṣlyñe ‘he has not grasped the word of the community altogether; likewise [he has] not [grasped] my teaching.’ -- āralñe ‘± cessation’ (183b4, PK-NS-414a3 [Couvreur, 1966: 170]). ∎AB ār- reflects PTch *ār- but further connections are a bit murky. It is generally assumed that this word must be, in some way, related to the widespread PIE *h1e/or- ‘move, stir, rise up’ (the Hittite cognates would seem to assure a reconstruction *h1or-, since an initial *h3- persists as Anatolian h-) [: Sanskrit íyarti ‘sets in motion,’ ṛṇóti ~ ṛṇváti ‘rises, moves’ (intr.), Avestan ar- ‘sets in motion,’ Armenian y-aṙnem ‘rise, stand’ (intr.), Greek órnūmi ‘urge on, incite; make to arise, call forth,’ Latin orior ‘rise, stand up, arise,’ Hittite arāi ‘rises,’ ari ‘arrives, reaches,’ artari ‘stands up,’ arnumi ‘sets in motion,’ etc. (P:326ff.)] (Smith, 1910:8, Pedersen, 1941:183, VW:166-7). The undoubted descendant of PIE *h1or- is TchB er- (A ar-) ‘evoke, produce.’ It is noteworthy that the causative (i.e. transitive) forms of ār- match those of er- (which is only transitive) perfectly: a se/o-present and a root subjunctive (whether thematic or athematic cannot be told). To account for the phonology and semantics we might assume an old compound here, i.e. semantically rather colorless Tocharian - ‘near, down, away’ + PIE *h1or-. Jasanoff (1978:39), while not precisely accounting for the phono-logical equation, does account for the semantics by assuming a a progression ‘rise’ > ‘stand’ > ‘stop’ (i.e. ‘come to a standstill’) > ‘cease,’ cogently comparing German aufhören or Hittite karp- which in the middle means both ‘finish’ and ‘rise.’ (We might also mention Hittite arāi- ‘stop, bring to a halt’ built from this same root. Here the semantic shift has presumably occurred in a hippological context: ‘raise’ > ‘pull up’ > ‘halt’ [Puhvel, 1984: 16-17].) See also ārsk- and, a bit more distantly, er-.


āraṇyāyataṃ* (n.) ‘± wilderness home, hermitage’ (?)
[-, -, āraṇyāyataṃ//] āraṇyāyataṃne nesalñeścä ayāto mäsketrä (561a2). ∎If from BHS āraṇya-āyatana- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


āruṇāvatiṣṣe* See aruṇāvati.


ārūpyadhātu* (n.) ‘state of existence of formlessness’
[-, -, ārūpyadhātu//] (156a3). ∎From BHS ārūpya-dhātu-. See also ārupyäṣṣe*.


ārupyäṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to formlessness’
[m:// -, -, ārupyäṣṣeṃ] (40b3). ∎A calque on BHS ārūpya-. See also ārūpyadhātu*.


āre (n.) ‘plow’
[āre, -, āre//] inte no ynemane snai prayok kenantse āre māntatär-ne [] or kärweñ tättālñe - - [ana]bhiprāysa āre māntatär-ne anāpatti ste (331a1/2). ∎TchB āre is a nominal derivative of PIE *h2erh3- ‘plow’ [: Greek aróō (< *h2erh3ye/o-), Latin arāre, Middle Irish airim, Gothic arjan, Lithuanian ariù, OCS orjǫ, all ‘plow’ (P:62-63), to which we should add Hittite harra- ‘crush, smash’ (< *h2erh3e/o-) and hars- ‘harrow’ (< *h2erh3se/o-)] (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:3; VW:167). B āre is (as if) from PIE *h2erh3-o- or *h2erh3-es-; it is notable in lacking the usual instrumental suffix *-tro- (cf. Greek árotron, Latin arātrum, etc.). TchA āre ‘plow’ must be a borrowing from B.


ārk- (vt.) ‘be obliged to’ [impersonal]
Ps. V /ārkā-/ [A -, -, ārkaṃ//] tanāpate ṣamāneṃ śwātsiś kākatär tompok weṃne aśari ñiś ṣesketstse [ne]sau śka yatsi arka-ñ mā ṣ campau ‘[if] a benefactor should invite a monk to eat, the latter shall say [to] him: acarya, I am alone and I am obliged to go and I cannot [stay and eat]’ (331b2), ///va arkaṃ yopu nauṣ rī[ne] /// ‘... it is necessary [that] I enter earlier into the city’ (584a3). ∎Possibly from PIE *h2erk- ‘hold, contain’ [: Armenian argelum ‘restrain, hold back’ (denominative to argel ‘obstacle’), Greek arkéō ‘ward off, defend; assist; achieve; suffice’ (denominative to árkos (nt.) ‘defence’), Latin arceō ‘shut in; keep at a distance, prevent,’ arca ‘chest, container,’ Hittite hark- ‘hold, have,’ etc. (P:65-66; MA:270)]. The semantic develop-ment would be like that of English have to (= ‘must’). In any case, not with Meillet and Lévi (1911:458-9; also VW:621-622) a borrowing from Sanskrit arghati. See also ārc- and perhaps arkiye and arkuye.


ārkwi (adj.) ‘white’
[m: ārkwi, -, -//-, -, arkwinäṃ] [f: arkwañña, -, arkwaññai//arkwina, -, -] /// āst=arkwina ‘white bones’ (28b3), tseñān=arkwina meñ[äṃ] ‘blue and white moons’ (73a4), /// [yaik]ormeṃ arkwīna pīrat ṣa[māni] [arkwīna = BHS śuklāṃ] (299a4), se laiko ārkwi yamaṣäṃ ‘this bath makes [one] white’ (W-11a5). ∎TchA ārki and B ārkwi reflect PTch *ārkw(ä)i (for the relationship of -k- vs. -kw- one should compare A kip and B kwipe ‘shame’), a derivative of PIE *h2erǵ- ‘bright, white.’ This root always appears suffixed, inter alia, by -i [: Hittite harkis ‘white,’ and further suffixed or compounded in Greek argikéraunos ‘with bright, vivid lightning,’ árgillos ~ árgīlos (< *arginlo-?) ‘white clay, potter's earth,’ arginóeis ‘bright-shining, white,’ etc.], -ro- [: Greek argós (< *argrós) ‘white; swift,’ Sanskrit ṛjrá- ‘brilliant’], or -u [always further suffixed, as in Greek árguros (m.) ‘silver,’ Sanskrit árjuna- ‘light, white’]. We also find *-ṇt-o- in a derivative early specialized in the meaning ‘silver,’ *h2(e)rǵṇto- (nt.) [: with full-grade in Latin argentum, Yezdi āl-ī, Khotanese āljsata, zero-grade in Avestan ərəzatəm, Ossetic ärzät ‘bronze,’ indeterminate as to grade Old Persian ardata, Old Irish airget, and Middle Welsh ariant, and perhaps in Armenian arcat` (if -at` is by contamination with erkat` ‘iron’) (P:64; MA:518)] (Mallory and Huld, 1984). PTch *ārkwi must reflect in some fashion PIE *h2erǵ-u(i)-n-. It appears that PIE *-u- and *-wi- normally fall together after a velar and before another consonant. We have -KwäCC- but -KwiCV- for both. Starting from *h2erǵ-u-i-n- makes it easier to account for masculine accusative singular (extended also to the nominative) ārkwi, if from *h2erǵuyenṃ (the alternative *h2erǵwenṃ should have given *ārś). Likewise *h2erǵ-u-i-n- makes it easier to account for the plural forms seen in TchA, m. nom. ārkyañc, f. nom./acc. ārkyant. They would be from a *h2erǵu-yon-t-. This etymology goes back in embryo to Meillet and Lévi (1911:149) (see also VW:167). See also arkwiññe, arkwaññaṣṣe, arśakärśa, and ñkante.


ārc- (vt.) ‘be obliged to’
Ps. XII /ārcäññ'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, arcantär//]; Ipv. V /porcäññā-/ MPSg. porcaññar]; PP (?) /ārcu-/ wrotse walo arccaṃtär ce w[ä]nta[r]e po āksi k[us]e ṣarm tane kestaṣṣe ce laklesa [prā]k[r]e ṣeyeṃ memiyoṣ [b1] sū w[i]kā-me (PK-AS-17J-a6ff. [Pinault, 1991b]), kuse cau nāktsi arcanträ = BHS kas taṃ ninditam arhati (U-18b1); ṣpakk anaiśai epiyac kalatsi porcaññar cwi Araṇemiñ lānte krent yamalñe ‘remember clearly the good deed of this King A.!’ (77a4); /// [a]rcos ākṣa (LP-23a3), /// meṃne [] wine [] arcoṣ /// (LP-69a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. Since it apparently is identical in meaning to ārk-, q.v., it is tempting to see them as etymologically related as well. One could make such an equation if the attested ārc- were from *ārś- with ‘hardening’ of the continuant to an affricate after -r-. However, the cluster -rś- seems to have been preserved unchanged, e.g. kärś- (< kärk-) ‘hack up.’ Since -äññ- commonly denotes an old denominative verb perhaps we have an old *haertu-en-ye/o- ‘be fitting,’ derived from the same *haertu- ‘that which fits together’ that underlies ārtt- ‘love, praise, find fitting’ and ārtte, qq.v. Semantically we would have *‘it is fitting to’ > ‘one is obliged to.’ In any case, not (with VW:621-622) a borrowing from Sanskrit arjati. This is not the type of word that one expects to be borrowed and, moreover, such a theory does not account for the stem formation. See also possibly ārk- or ārtt-.


Ārtär* (n.) ‘Ārdrā’ [the fourth or sixth lunar mansion]
[-, -, Ārtär//] (M-1b6). ∎From BHS ārdrā-.


ārte (n.[m.sg.]) ‘±(raised) aqueduct, (raised) feeder canal’ (?) or ‘river branch’ (?)
[ārte, -, -//] omotruññaiṣṣe yateññe ckeṣṣe ārte sim ... oṣṣalemeṃ armokiññe ckeṣṣe ārte sim orotsai newiyai täṅtsi ‘southward the boundary [is] the feeder-canal of the Yāte River ... from the north the boundary [is] the feeder-canal of the Armoki River up to the great canal’ (Otani 19.13/5 [Pinault, 1998:364]). ∎I take the meaning to be ‘(raised) aqueduct, (raised) feeder canal’ rather than Pinault's ‘branch of a river’ because of the possibility of relating it to the Khufi (an Iranian language of the Pamirs) word, wurδ/wūrδ ‘irrigation canal carried across the unevenness of the country on top of a stone causeway’ (the -u- is the regular development of a Proto-Iranian *-a- in Khufi when in a stressed but closed syllable and followed by a (lost) *-a-; the Khufi w- is prothetic as in the phonetically similar wūvd ‘seven’ from Proto-Iranian *hapta. One should also compare Khufi arδān ‘embankment between irrigation canal and field’, arδoan ‘opening in this embankment for letting water flow into the field’ (the initial a- in the latter two Khufi words is the regular development of PIE *-a- when pretonic and in a closed syllable), which reflect putative Proto-Iranian *árda-, *ardánā-, and *ardána- respectively. TchB ārte is probably just what would expect from an early borrowing from an Iranian *arda-. Given the meaning of the Iranian *arda- it is hard to resist relating it to the PIE *h2erd- ‘high, lofty’ that otherwise appears in Latin arduus ‘steep, towering, lofty’, Old Irish ard ‘high, great’, Hittite harduppi- ‘± high’ (Puhvel, 1991:203; MA:269), and considering the TchB word a borrowing from Iranian. Relating TchB ārte to *h2erd- directly is less likely since, in that case, we might expect a TchB **ār(r)e. In any case, the triad of morphologically connected words in Iranian looks to be more original than the apparently isolated TchB word (Adams, 1998).


ārtt- (vt.) ‘± praise, love, be agreeable to; acknowledge’ [ompostäṃ ārtt- ‘rejoice in’]
K Ps. IV /ortto-/ [MP -, - orttotär// -, -, orttontär]; Ko. V /ārttā-/ [// -, -, ārttantär//; MPOpt. -, -, ārttoy// ārttoymar, -, ārttoytär//; Ger. ārttale]; Pt. Ib /ārttā-/ [MP arttāmai (?), arttātai, arttāte//-, -, arttānte]; PP /ārttā-/;
K Ps. IXb /ārttäsk'ä/e-/ [MP arttaskemar, -, -// -, arttastär, -; MPPart. arttaskemane] /// śpālmeṃ tane ārt[o]yträ = BHS śreṣṭhiṃ ihātmano bhujet (308b1); mā cmetsy āñme mantak no [tw]e [śaul a]rttātai ‘not [to thee is] the desire to be born; never hast thou praised life’ (214a4), /// saimne wṣotsy atemai [lege: wṣītsy artamai?] (595b7); kr[e]ntäṃ onolm[eṃ]ts a[r]tt[aṣ] ‘praised by good men’ (562a1), ārttau rano ṣamāne sanka[ṃt]s[e] kauṃ-yaptsi täṅtsi aśiyana enästrä pāyti ‘even if agreeable to the community, [if] a monk instructs nuns until sunset, pāyti’ (PK-AS-18B-a2/3 [Pinault, 1984b:376]); tañ ekalymi ñäś cī artaskemar säsweno ‘I [am] in thy power; I acknowledge thee [as] lord’ (44a1), inte yes ... käṣṣiṃ arttastär ṣañ wrat lau tärkanacer ‘if you love the teacher, you will put aside your own vows’ (108a6/7); takarṣk[ñ]etse no āyor ompo[stn=ā]rtaskemane ‘the believer is rejoicing in the gift’ (23b7/8). -- ārttalñe ‘± pleasure, love’: lkālñesa ārttalñe tälpaṣṣeñca tāka ‘through insight he was bringing forth pleasure’ (107a4), [pä]rw[e]ṣṣe ārtalñe tse[nketär-ne] ‘his first love arises [to him]’ (601b2);
ārttar ‘± praising’: [wewe]ñor ārtar wat no ‘what is said or what is praised’ (S-2a6). ∎TchA ārt- and B ārtt- reflect PTch *ārtw-(ā)- ‘love, praise, find fitting,’ a denominative verb to *ārtwe (see ārtte). This *ārtwe is in turn a thematicization of PIE *haertu- ‘that which is put together’ from PIE *haer- ‘± fit together’ [: Avestan arānte ‘they attach themselves together firmly,’ Armenian aṙnem ‘make,’ Greek ararískō ‘fit together,’ etc. (P:55-56; MA:410)]. PIE *haertu- is otherwise to be seen in Greek (Hesychian) artússyntaxis, philía, symbasis; krísis,’ Armenian ard (gen. ardu) ‘arrange-ment,’ Latin artus (gen. artūs) ‘joint (of the body)’ (VW:168, though with differing details). See ārtte, possibly ārte, and ārwer.


ārtte only in the compound verb ārtte tärk- ‘overlook, neglect, behave indifferently’
ñäś tallāu wnolme pw=āllonkna cärkāw=ārtte wäntarwa ‘I, a suffering being, neglected all other things’ (45a2), triśalñenta po wnolmets ārte tārka [lege: ptārka] upekṣsa sā ste ytāre [lege: ytārye] ‘overlook the misdeeds of all beings! this road is by upekṣa’ (296a2/3), ārte [tarkalñe] = BHS upekṣā (547b1). ∎TchA ārtak (with the reinforcing particle -k) and B ārtte reflect PTch ārtwe ‘± that which is fitting.’ With tärk- we have ‘± leave off that which is fitting’ (see ārtt-). Not with VW (169) a derivative of Tocharian ār- ‘cease, come to an end.’ See also ārtt-.


ārth (n.[m.sg.]) ‘meaning, sense’
[ārth, arthantse, ārth//-, -, arthanma] arthantse karsalñe ‘knowledge of the meaning’ (183b2), se tränkoṣṣe arth kärsanalle ste ‘this sinful sense is to be recognized’ (330b1). -- arthanmaṣṣe* ‘prtng to meanings.’ ∎From BHS artha-.


Āryatewe (n.) ‘Āryadeva’ (PN of a monastic official)
[Āryatewe, Āryatewentse, -//] (433a23).


Āryamārg (n.) ‘Āryamarga’ (PN of a Buddhist work)
[Āryamārg, Āryamārgäntse, Āryamārg//] (591b4).


Āryawarme (n.) ‘Āryavarman’ (PN of monastic official)
[Āryawarme, Ārywarmentse, Āryawarmeṃ//] (433a19).


Āryaśke (n.) ‘Āryaśke’ (PN in graffito)
[Āryaśke, -, -//] (G-Su18).


Āryottāme (n.) ‘Āryottama’ (PN in graffito)
[Āryottame, -, -//] (G-Qa6.2-3).


ārwa See or.


ārwer ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘ready’
[ārwer yām- ‘make ready, prepare’] waike ārwer y[āmṣi]trä ‘he readied a lie’ (19a4), kartse kekmu srūkalñe ārwer nesau mā prā[sk]au ‘death [is] well arrived; I am ready and do not fear [it]’ (372a4), [śwā]tsi yoktsi ārwer yāmttsi omttsate ‘he began to make ready the food and drink’ (375b1), arwer se ñäke Kanthäke yäkwe ‘now ready [= saddled] [is] the horse K.’ (PK-12H-b2 [Thomas, 1979:47]). ∎TchA ārwar and B ārwer reflect a PTch *ārwer, a derivative of PIE *haer- ‘± fit together’ [: Avestan arānte ‘they attach themselves together firmly,’ Armenian aṙnem ‘make,’ Greek ararískō ‘fit together,’ etc. (P:55-56; MA:362)] (VW, 1941:14, 1976:169). Like ykuwer ‘arrival’ from the preterite participle yku ~ ykuweṣ- ‘gone,’ we presumably have a nominal derivative from the preterite participle of a verb that has otherwise disappeared in Tocharian (because of a homonymic clash with ār- ‘cease’?). The existence of the synonymous arwāre (< *arwōro-) suggests an old paradigm with a nom. sg. *-ōr, acc. sg. *-orṃ. See also arwāre.


ārśe ‘monk’ (?)
päklyoṣ [sic] lantuññeṣṣu arśe /// (345b5), /// śaumoṣṣ=ārśe to [lege: no] ce /// (572.1a2), [kuśala]mūläṣṣe arśe /// (624a3). ∎Meaning and etymology uncertain. This TchB word is usually taken to be the equivalent of A ārśi, which occurs in uncertain contexts but once clearly opposed to śrāddhe ‘(lay) believer’ and matching BHS āryāṇāṃ and śrāddhānāṃ ‘monks and lay-believers.’ Thus TchA ārśi is correctly taken to mean to be ‘ordained beggar monk’ (as a noun) and ‘Aryan’ (as an adjective) and to be from a Prakrit descendant (via some Iranian language) of BHS ārya- (cf. VW:623). Not a designation for Tocharian A as has occasionally been supposed. TchA ārśi-ype and ārśi-käntu refer to India (‘Ārya-land’) and Sanskrit (‘Ārya-tongue’) respectively.


ārsk- (vt.) ‘give up, renounce’
Ps. IX /ārsk'ä/e-/ [Ger. ārṣṣälle]; Pt. IV /ārṣṣā-/ [A // -, -, arṣṣāre]; PP /ārsku-/ /// arṣāre śäktālyenta nauṣ ktauwa ‘they gave up on seeds earlier sown’ (244a5). ‣The absence of palatalization in the past participle is surprising and is the reason, no doubt, that it has traditionally been separated, despite the identity of meaning, from the present and preterite given here (and which have traditionally been assigned as a second causative of ār-). -- ārskormeṃ: śaiṣṣentse wäntre ārskormeṃ ‘having renounced the business of the world’ (TEB-58-24). ∎From PTch ār- ‘cease’ + the originally present forming suffix -sk-. See further s.v. ār-.


Ārslāṃ (n.) ‘Ārslan’ (PN)
(289b5). ∎From the Uyghur word for ‘lion.’


āl (adj.) ‘entire, uncastrated’ (?) or ‘adult’ (?)
[m. āl, -, -//alyi, -, -] alyi yriṃ ‘uncastrated (?) rams’ [opposed to orotsana awi ‘great ewes’ (?) ‘pregnant ewes’ (?) and some other kind of yriṃ] (PK-LC-I.4 [Pinault, 1997:177]). ∎If the meaning ‘uncastrated’ is correct, then from PIE *hael- ‘all, entire’ [: Gothic alls, Old Norse allr, Old English eall, OHG all, all ‘all’ (< Proto-Germanic *alno-), Gothic alamans ‘all people, humanity,’ Old Norse al-fǫδr ‘all-father’ (epithet of Odin) (< Proto-Germanic combining form *alo-), Old Irish (h)uile ‘whole’ (pre-Celtic *olyo-) (cf. P:24-25, MA:64)]. If, as Pinault supposes, the meaning is ‘adult’ than from PIE *hael- ‘grow, increase’ [: Old Irish ailid ‘nourishes,’ Latin alere ‘nourish,’ Gothic alan ‘grow,’ Old English alan ‘grow,’ Old Norse ala ‘nourish’; from PIE *haelto-: Latin altus ‘high,’ Old English eald ‘old,’ OHG alt ‘old,’ Greek ánaltos ‘insatiable’ (P:26-27; MA:248)]. Nevertheless a PIE *hael(i)-, possible ancestral shapes for TchB āl, should be active, i.e., ‘nourishing,’ rather than ‘nourished, grown’ as Pinault's hypothesis would demand.


āl- (vt.) ‘± keep away, check, restrain’
Ps. IXa /āläsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, alastär; APart. alaṣṣeñca; Ger. alaṣṣälle]; Ko. I or II /āl('ä/e)-/ [MPOpt. // -, -, alyintär; Inf. āltsi]; PP /ālu-/ [y]olo[m]eṃ [a]l[asträ] ‘he refrains from evil’ (KVāc-17a3), cimpā täṅwne aläṣṣeñca mā kälpāsträ ‘[someone] like thee, keeping aloof in love, will not be found’ [cf. Hilmarsson, 1991b:167] (245a2); /// w[n]olmeṃ āltsi yolomeṃ ‘to keep beings from evil’ (16a6), ce pi śaiṣṣe [lege: cai piś [ś]aiṣṣe?] ālyinträ ñyātse kwipe rmantär mai ‘these five [births] will keep the world in check and will deflect danger and shame’ (255b7). ∎AB āl- reflect PTch *āl- but extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are unknown. Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:148; also VW:160) suggests a relationship to Greek aléksō ‘ward off, turn aside,’ alalkeîn (reduplicated aorist) ‘ward, keep off’ and Sanskrit rakṣati ‘guard, watch, protect.’ This relationship is impossible unless the Greek and Indic words are ultimately *hael-ek- with an élargissement. The putatively underlying *hael- with the requisite meaning is perhaps to be seen in Greek aléomai ‘avoid, shun’ (P:27-28; MA:629). The latter is usually grouped with alúō ‘be beside oneself (with fear or anger),’ aláomai ‘wander, roam; be outcast; be perplexed’ but the meaning seems distant. Alternatively this *h2el- might be, with Hilmarsson (1991b:167-168), ‘enclose’ [: Greek álsos, álma ‘sacred grove, sacred precinct,’ Hittite hāli- ‘fold, corral,’ hīla- ‘courtyard, the sun's halo’ (< *h2ēlo-, Melchert, 1984:111)].


ālambaṃ (n.[m.sg.]) ‘basis, ground, reason; object of the senses’
[ālambaṃ -, ālambaṃ//] (173a2). -- ālambaṃtstse ‘having a basis’ (173b1). ∎From BHS ālambana-.


ālāṣmo See alāṣmo.


āläṃ (adv.) ‘otherwise, differently’
aiśmw akn[ā]tsa wat āṃtpi ksa ṣp mā=läṃ mäskentär ‘wise [man] and fool, the two are not distinguishable’ (28b3), pällātär-ne ineśne āläṃ nāki weṣän-ne [sic] ‘he will praise him openly; otherwise he says reproach to him’ (127a6), mäkcwi yāmorntse śaktalye āläṃ ktowä ‘by which deed [is] the seed sown differently?’ (K-2b3). ∎From PIE *hael- ‘other’ for which one should see further s.v. allek. The exact formation underlying āläṃ is obscure. See also alanmeṃ.


ālo (adv.) ‘otherwise’
(K-T). ∎From PIE *hael- ‘other’ for which one should see further s.v. allek. The exact formation underlying ālo is obscure (a feminine accusative singular *alām used adverbially?).


Ālp (n.) ‘Ālp’ (PN)
(289b2). ∎From the Uyghur word for ‘the powerful.’


ālp- (vi.) ‘be reflected’
Ps. VI /ālpnā-/ [A //-, -, alpanaṃ; Ko. V /ālpā-/ [A -, -, ālpaṃ//] [mä]kte orocce lyamne orkamotsai yaṣine meñantse ściriṃts läktsauña kos ālpaṃ warne entwe eṅtsi tot /// ‘as in the great pool in the dark night as much as the light of the moon and stars will be reflected in the water, then so much ... to take’ (154b2). ∎TchA ālp- ‘stroke lightly’ (only attested once in the middle at A-153b5: /// prutkoti ñäkci war [] tmäṣ Viśākhāṣñi lapā ālpatt ats tmäk śärs täṣṣ oki caṣi āṣā///) and B ālp- would appear to reflect a PTch ālp-. Extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are uncertain. Starting from the TchA meaning, Isebaert (1977) relates this word to the Hittite adjective alpu- ‘smooth, rounded, dull, blunt’ (cf. also alpue(s)- ‘become blunt, lose one's edge’) an exact equivalent of Lithuanian alpùs ‘soft, weak,’ and related to the Lithuanian verb al̃pti ‘faint, swoon,’ alpėti ‘be in a swoon,’ Sanskrit álpa- ‘small.’ He assumes that Lithuanian preserves the oldest reconstructible sense ‘soft, weak’ and that Hittite ‘blunt, polished’ represents a semantic change in the direction carried further in Tocharian ‘stroke lightly; reflect.’ The formal side of the equation is impeccable but the semantic change seems less so. The Hittite seems to show a development ‘weaken, soften [a point]’ > ‘make dull, blunt’ which does not seem to lead in any natural way in the direction of the Tocharian meanings. If the TchB ‘be reflected’ is the more original meaning (and one must admit that the context of TchA ālpat is not as semantically determinative as one might wish) then ālp- might be related to Latin albus ‘white,’ albeō ‘am white,’ Greek alphós ‘white appearance’ (‘white’ in Hesychius), Welsh elfydd (m.) ‘earth, world’ (< Proto-British *albíyo-) and words for ‘swan’ in Germanic and Slavic (P:30; MA:641). The semantic development would then be something on the order of *‘be white, shining’ > ‘be reflected.’ In any case, not with VW (622) a borrowing from some Paleosiberian source.


ālme* (n.) ‘spring [of water]’
[-, -, ālme//] ///lyñe arṣāklacce ālmene eṅwe lä/// ‘... a man in a snake-infested pond ...’ (152b2). ∎A derivative of a putative PIE *hael- ‘± be wet’ seen otherwise in Lithuanian ãlmės ‘aus dem Körper fliessende Materie, Blutserum, Blutwasser,’ almuõ ‘pus,’ Latvian aluôts ‘source, spring,’ Armenian aɫtiur ~ eɫtiur ‘moist area, slough, swamp,’ Russian olьga ‘morass,’ Latin almus ‘nourishing’, alga ‘seaweed,’ Sanskrit árma- ~ armaká- ‘fountain’, ṛjīṣá- ‘slippery’ (Mayrhofer, 1987:120; cf. P:305, Fraenkel, 1962:8; MA:207, 539). The connection with Sanskrit árma- is exact in both form and meaning.


āl(y)i See alyiye.


ālyauce* (pronoun) ‘one another, each other’
[-, -, ālyauce//] mā śwoṃ [ā]lyauce ‘they did not eat one another’ (3b1), sāu plāc=ālyau[ce] ‘that [was] the conversation with one another’ (14b1), mā ṣarsa ālyauce/// ‘not joining the hand [with] another’ (322b7), kāwälyñeṣṣe ka ṣp ñyās tsenketär ālyauce ‘loving desire [for] one another arises’ (590b3). ∎Clearly a derivative of PIE *haelyo- (see alyek). So VW:161. Much like with its equivalent in TchA āläm wät we have here a PTch compound *ālye- ‘other’ + *wäte ‘second.’ Since it is a compound, we would expect the stress to fall on the last syllable of the first member of the compound, i.e. ālyé-wäce. The first syllable would be unstressed and thus should appear as a-, rather than as -. Perhaps Winter (1991:157) is right in seeing this a three member compound, i.e. *ā- (q.v.) + ālye- + wäce. See also allek and wate.


āwe* (n.) ‘grandfather’
[//āwi, -, -] śaiṣṣeny=alek yku āwi pācer saile/// (289b3). ‣It should be noticed that Thomas (1988) takes āwi to be a genitive singular and the whole phrase to be a miswriting for *āwi mācer. He cites another source where āwe mācer is to be found. He also equates B āwe with A āp but the latter seems rather to belong with B āppo. Semantically one should compare orotstse-pācer, q.v. ∎From PIE *h2euh2o- ‘grandfather’ [: Armenian hav ‘grand-father,’ Latin avus ‘grandfather, ancestor,’ avunculus ‘mother's brother,’ Old Prussian awis ‘uncle,’ Lithuanian avýnas ‘mother's brother,’ OCS *ujь ‘uncle,’ Old Irish áue ‘grandson, nephew,’ Gothic awō ‘grand-mother,’ Welsh ewythr (Proto-Celtic < *awen-tro-) ‘uncle,’ Hittite huhhas ‘grandfather,’ etc. (P:89; MA:237-238)] (Thomas, 1980).


āwiś See apiś.


āśirvāt* (n.) ‘benediction’
[-, -, āśirvāt//] ysaparsa yey āśirvāt weṣṣi teṃ epinktene sāu onko[rño] päs pyautka ‘he went near and said a benediction; in the meantime the porridge developed’ (107a3). ∎From BHS āśīrvāda- (so Krause, 1954; not in M-W or Edgerton).


āśce (nf.) ‘head’
[āśce, -, āśc//aścī, -, āstäṃ] prāp-mahur āssa tässāte ‘he set the diadem on [his] head’ (109a5), āś papyākoṣ po läklentaṃts ‘a head battered by all sufferings’ (220a5), aṣtsa = BHS -śira- (251a5), mā āś wāwā[lau osne ṣmalle] ‘[one is] not to sit in a house head covered’ (321b2), aṣtsa = BHS murdhani [sic] (545b1), āssa yok ‘hair on the head’ (603b4). ‣The perlative singular is never the expected *āś(c)sa but rather āṣtsa or āssa. -- aścaṣṣe* ‘prtng to the head’ (W-5a3);
aśca-sanāpalle ‘head-salve’ (W-18a4). ∎Etymology uncertain. This word is usually taken to be a derivative of some sort from the widespread family of PIE *haeḱ- ‘sharp, edge’ (P:18ff.; MA:237; this explanation goes back to both VW [1941:14-5] and Pedersen [1941:262]). VW's explanation (1976:171) is that we have *haeḱst-, with zero-grade of the suffix compared to Greek akostē ‘barley,’ or possibly ‘grain of any kind’ (as the ‘pointy’ grain or the like). He would also compare Lithuanian akštìs ~ akstìs ‘a kind of skewer’ (and we might add ãstinas ‘Stachel, Ochsenstechen, Federstachel,’ OCS ostь (m.) ‘Stachel’), Slovenian õst ‘spike, thorn,’ Russian ost' ‘point, awn,’ Welsh eithin (< *haeḱstīno-) ‘gorse’. Without the *-t- we have Greek ákhnē ‘chaff’ (< pre-Greek *ak-s-nā-), ēkēs ‘sharp’ (puriēkēs ‘with fiery points,’ tanuēkēs ‘with long points’), Latin acus (gen. aceris) ‘chaff,’ Gothic ahs (gen. *ahsis) ‘ear [of grain].’ VW sees āśce as the reflex of a PIE *haeḱst-en- ‘point, summit’ > ‘head.’ The phonological equation is impeccable but the semantic one less so. All the other derivatives of *haeḱ-es- mean ‘point, awn, sharp plant part.’ They do not mean ‘summit.’ It would be better to start from ‘awn’ or ‘ear (of grain)’ as in Russian or Gothic. The same semantic development is to be seen in Cree and Ojibwa (cf. Cree mistikwaŋ, both ‘ear of corn’ and ‘someone's head’ [Pentland, 1977:225]). Admittedly the semantic transfer from ‘ear of corn (i.e. maize)’ to ‘head’ would seem to be a trifle more likely than ‘ear’ (of other grains) to ‘head.’ Alternatively one might see a connection instead with with *h2óst ~ h2ést- ‘bone.’ Āśce might be from either *h2estēis or *h2estēn (see further s.v. āy ‘bone’). The semantic derivation would have been something on the order of ‘(particular) bone’ > ‘bone (par excellence)’ > ‘skull’ > ‘head.’


Āśtāwi* (n.) ‘Āśtāwi’ (PN in graffito)
[-, Āśtāwintse, -] (G-Su3).


āśmagupti (n.) some medical ingredient
[āśmagupti, -, -//] (501a6).


āśrai* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘body’
[-, -, āśrai//] klaiññe cau āśrai ‘this feminine body’ (400b2). -- āśrayṣṣe ‘prtng to the body’ (194b2);
āśraytstse* ‘id.’ (194a5). ∎From BHS āśraya-.


āśrayāśrite* (n.) ‘± objects of the sense-organs’
[//-, -, āśrayāśriteṃ] (177b1). ∎From BHS *āśraya-āśrita- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


ās-1 (vi./vt.) G ‘dry out, dry up (intr.), parch’; K ‘dry out, dry up (tr.)’
G Ps. IV /oso-/ [MP -, -, osotär// -, -, osontär]; Pt. Ib /āsā-/ [A //-, -, asāre]; PP /āsu-/;
K Ps. IXb /āsäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, āsäṣäṃ; APart. āsäṣṣeñca] wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte kaunts=osonträ ‘great rivers and pools between deep oceans are dried out by the sun’ (45b7); /// yolmi asāre /// ‘the pools dried up’ (387.1b2); aswa lymine yokaisa ‘lips parched by thirst’ (H-149.14b1 [Hilmarsson, 1989a:4]); olyapotse māka śeśu kor āsäṣṣäṃ ‘eating to much dries out the throat’ (ST-a1), ṣeme stām kleśaṣṣe āsäṣṣeñca po ‘alone drying out the kleśa-tree completely’ (29b2). ∎AB ās- reflect PTch *ās- whose nearest relative is Latin āreō ‘am dry’ and its adjectival derivative āridus ‘dry, arid.’ It is noteworthy that Class III present in Tocharian (TchB oso-, A asa- < *haēs-h1-ó-) is the equivalent of the eh1-stative seen in Latin ār-ē- (haēs-eh1-). Tocharian shows an old middle formation, Latin an active. More distantly related are Greek ázō ‘dry’ (tr.), áza (f.) ‘dryness, heat,’ Czech and Polish ozd ‘malt-kiln,’ and Czech/Slovak ozditi ‘to dry malt’ (< *azdye/o-). Latin and Tocharian may show a lengthened grade (*haēs-eh1-) while Greek and Slavic show the remnants of a de/o-present (*haes-de/o-) (VW, 1941:8, 1976:169; cf. P:68-69; MA:170). The problem, as Melchert points out (p.c.), is that we cannot be sure that a PIE *haēs- would have given Latin (and pre-Tocharian) *ās-. Certainly it is likely that a long *-- remains uncolored by a preceding laryngeal in Anatolian (cf. Hittite histā- ‘bone-,’ also ‘mortuary shrine, ossuary’ from *h2ēstoyo-, though Puhvel, 1991:321-323, considers the Hittite -i- to be anaptyctic in origin, the original being *h2stoyo-). See also asāre.


ās-2 (vt.) ‘bring, fetch’
Ps. IXaα /ās-sk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, āṣṣäṃ//]; Ko. II /ās'ä/e-/ [Inf. āṣtsi]; Ipv. I /pāsā-/ [Sg. pāsa, Pl. pāsat] mäkte nauṣ weñām bhavāggärṣṣana kautatsy āṣṣäṃ vajropame [samādhi] ‘as we said earlier: in order to destroy the bhavāgra-kleśas he brings the vajropame-samādhi’ (591a4); [ā]ntsesa watsālai premane war āṣtsi yakne yamaṣäṃ ‘he does [it this] way to fetch water, bearing a watsālai on [his] shoulder’ (91a1); tanāpates kākone tākaṃ wentsi mā rittetär te śka pasāt tam śka pasāt ‘[if] one is in [scil. enjoying] the invitation of benefactors, it is not appropriate to say: bring this and bring that!’ (331b4). ∎Etymology uncertain. It is possible that we have here the locative particle * ‘near, on, away,’ q.v., verbalized by *-s- like 2kätk- ‘lower’ is from *kat-sḱe/o-, and most particularly like wäs-, the suppletive preterite of ai- ‘give,’ is from *wi- ‘away’ + the verbalizer *-s-. Also possible is VW's suggestion (624) that we have hear a borrowing from some Iranian source, e.g. Khotanese hayz- ‘drive, conduct, transact, make’ from Proto-Iranian *az- (< PIE *haeǵ- [see āk-]). However, as VW acknowledges the Tocharian - would seem to require an Iranian form with a lengthened grade, *āz-, for which there seems to be no evidence except in certain derived compounds where the *-āz- is the second member.


āsaṃkhyai See asaṃkhyai.


āsūre* See asūre.


āsk- (vi.) ‘sit, be seated’
Ps. II /āsk'ä/e-/ [APart. aṣṣeñca] naksentr=ām aṣṣeñcai ‘they reproach one silently sitting’ [= BHS nindanti tūṣṇīm āsīnam] (U-18a1). ∎Perhaps related to Greek ēs-, Sanskrit ās-, Hittite es- ~ as- ‘sit’ from PIE *h1ēs- or possibly *h1eh1es- (but not *h1eh1s- which would have given Hittite **ess- (cf. P:342-343). Tocharian āsk- might represent PIE *h1ōs-sḱe/o- with a PIE o-grade (which would be unusual, though not unprecedented; see tresk- and 2nāsk-) or *h1s-sḱe/o-. It would partly match Hittite eske- the iterative of es- ~ as-.


āsta See āy.


āstär* (n.) ‘± bolt, arrow’
[-, -, āstär//] āsträ [Māra's weapon, in opposition to tsain, the Buddha's weapon] (PK-NS-30a7 [Couvreur, 1964:246, fn. 55]). ∎From BHS astra-.


āstre See astare.


āhār* (n.) ‘food, sustenance’
[/āhāräñc, -, -/āhāränta, -, -] (175b5). ∎From BHS āhāra-. See also anahār.


āhārakṛtyiññe* (n.) ‘obtaining sustenance’
[-, -, āhārakṛtyiññe//] (176b1). ∎ An abstract derived from the BHS āhārakṛtya-.


āhārasūtar* (n.) ‘± sustenance-sūtra
[-, -, āhārasūtar//] (177a1). ∎From BHS *āhāra-sūtra- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


āhrīkyanavatrāpyä* (n.) ‘a Buddhist beggar’ (?)
[-, -, āhrīkyanavatrāpyä//] (200b5). ∎If from BHS *ahrīky-anapatrāpya- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


ātstse (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘thick, thicketed’; (b) ‘thickness of wits; thicket (?)’
[m: ātstse, -, ācce//] [f: -, -, ātstsai//-, -, atstsāna] [(noun) -, -, ātstse// atstsenta, -, -] (a) krentaunasa ācce ‘thick with virtues’ = BHS kalyāṇakalilam (251b6), āśne lupṣalle ātstse matsi mäsketär kartse ‘[it is] to be smeared on the head; thick, beautiful hair appears’ (W-31b3), yops=āttsāna wa[r]ś[ainne] ‘he entered into the thicketed plain’ (338a1);
(b) /// smāṃ yāmoṣ ātstse lutaṣṣeñca ‘repeated, driving out thickness [of wits]’ (W-22b2). ∎TchA ātsäts (indeclinable) and B ātstse reflect PTch *āts(ä)tse or *āt(ä)tse but extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are unknown. Not (with VW:172) from - the privative prefix (a form which exists only by -umlaut when the following vowel is --; see e(n)-) plus *tus- ‘empty.’


i- (vi.) ‘go, travel’
Ps. I /yä-/ [A yam, yat, yaṃ//ynem, yacer, yaneṃ; AImpf., see below; MPPart. ynemane; Ger. yalle, see below]; Ko. I (= Ps.) (Opt. = Impf) [Inf. yatsi]; Imperfect /yei-/ [yaim, yait, yai ~ yey//-, -, yeyeṃ]; Ipv. sg. /päṣ/, pl. /päcisä/; Pt. I/III /mäs-/ [-, masta, masa (~massa)//]; [see also mit-]; PP /yku-/ ‘gone’ (N-ne yku ‘directed towards’) wnolme nraine yan [yan = BHS upaiti] (16a4), tāsa su yaṃ ñäkcye śaiṣṣeś ‘by it [the divine way] he goes to the divine world’ [yaṃ = BHS gacchati] (23a3), po yaneṃ samudtärśc aiwol ‘they all [scil. streams of water] go directed to the ocean’ (30a8), tumeṃ c[ai] brāhmaṇi tot ike-postäṃ ynemane Araṇemiñ lānte yapoyne kameṃ ‘then these brahmans, going place to place, came into king A.'s kingdom’ (81b2), papātkormeṃ yän = BHS viśreṇayitvā carati (U-25b3); sankrāmiś yatsi omtsate ‘he began to travel to the monastery’ (109b1); tāu onkorñ[ai] srañciyeṃ tappre kauś yey ‘they boiled the porridge and it went up high’ (107a1); päst paṣ ñy ostameṃ ‘go away from my house!’ (23b6), [tusā]ksa nai yes ñī yaitkorsa pcīso Araṇemiñ lānte ‘go you then by my command to king A.!’ (81a5); Nānda cāla onkorñai Nandābala tāy ṣerśka postäṃ msā-ne ‘N. lifted the porridge and her sister N/bala followed [lit. went after] her’ (107a7), meñe menkine massa [sic] ‘the month went in a lack’ [= ‘the month ended in a deficit’] (433a10); [waiptā]yar ykūsa = BHS viṣṛtā (11a5), totte ykuweṣo = BHS pāragam (30b4). -- yalle ‘accessible’: mäntrākka yale = BHS evaṃ gantavyaṃ (547b5), [y]t[ā]rye ṣemeskepi yalya ‘a way accessible to a single [person]’ (555a4);
yalñe ‘(a) going; journey’: ompostäṃ ... yalñe = BHS anugama- (41b3), päst yalñe = BHS yānaṃ (543a6), yalñene = BHS gate (547b2);
yalñetstse* ‘± one taking a journey’ (?): (531b2);
yalñeṣṣe* ‘prtng to going’ (109a6);
ykuwer* (n.) ‘arrival; departure’ (i.e. ‘movement into or out of’): yñakteṃ ykuwermeṃ = BHS devāṃ gatvā (198a5), maskwa[tstsai] ytāri ykūwermeṃ = BHS viṣamaṃ mārgam āgamya (305a3). ∎TchA i- ‘id.’ and B i- reflect PTch *i- from PIE *h1ei- ‘go’ whose athematic paradigm was presumably *h1éimi ‘I go,’ *h1éiti ‘he goes,’ *h1imé ‘we go,’ *h1yénti ‘they go’ (and a singular imperative *h1i-dh) [: Sanskritēmi, ēti, imaḥ, yánti, sg. imperative ihí, Avestan aēiti, yeinti, Greek eîmi ‘will go,’ eîsi, ímen, íāsi, sg. imperative íthi, Latin eō (with a thematic ending), īt, īmus, eunt (with analogical full-grade), Old Lithuanian eîmi, eîti, eimè (with analogical full-grade), Hittite sg. imperative īt, Luvian 3rd. sg. iti, etc. (P:293-294; MA:228)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:926, VW:183). TchA yäm, yäṣ (plural: ymäs, yiñc) B (singular) yam, yaṃ reflect a putative PIE *h1imi, *h1it(i), *h1imesi, *h1yénti with generalization of the zero-grade rather than, as in Latin or Lithuanian, the full-grade. The TchB second person plural, yacer, reflects PIE *h1ite + the mysterious -er. In TchB alone we have an extended stem yne- in the first person plural, third person plural, present participle and derived verbal adjective (ynem, yaneṃ, ynemane, ynūca). This stem reflects a putative PIE *h1i-ne/o- similar, except for the ablaut grade of the root, to Old Latin prod-īnunt or Lithuanian einù (Krause and Thomas, 1960:198). The addition of such a stem to the paradigm of i- allows the differentiation of first and third persons plural from the corresponding singular forms.
The imperative forms (sg.) paṣ (A piṣ) and (pl.) pcīso (~ cisso) (A pic ~ picäs) reflect p(ä)- (the regular prefix of the Tocharian imperative) + PIE *h1idhi and *h1ite respectively. PIE *-VTi in word-final position regularly gave Tocharian - (cf. the 3rd. sg. ending - in A from PIE *-eti). In the plural *h1ite > *p-yäcä + the usual plural imperative *-sä, whence *päcäsä > *pciso (see Jasanoff, 1987:106ff). The imperfect stem (B yai-, A ye-) reflects PTch *yei- from PIE *h1i-yeh1-, the singular of the optative plus PTch *-- the regular imperfect/optative marker, itself the generalized descendant of PIE *-ih1-, the zero-grade of the optative suffix found in the dual and plural. Similarly formed is the imperfect of ‘to be,’ namely B ṣai-, A ṣe- from PIE *s-yeh1- + later -- (Adams, 1988c:98). The preterite participle stem yk- reflects the zero-grade of an élargissement of *h1ei-, namely *h1eigh- [: Armenian iǰanem (aorist ēǰ) ‘climb up,’ Greek oíkhetai (~ Hesychian eíkhetai) ‘goes away,’ Lithuanian eigà (f.) ‘way, course’ (P:296)] (VW, 1941:169, 1976:598).
The preterite mäs- is (as if) from PIE *mus(-ā)-, an intransitive use of *meus- ‘move, take’ (VW:291-292). Further s.v. mus-. See also ynamo, ynuca, ytārye, ykweṣṣe, ymiye, iyā-, mit-, and probably aiñye.


ikante (ordinal number) ‘twentieth’
[ikante, -, ikañceṃ//] [ikä]nte ṣuktänte ‘twenty-seventh’ (135b3). ∎Probably we have in ikante a PIE *wi(h1)dḱṃt-o-, a simple thematicization of the word for ‘twenty’ and precisely what we expect for the oldest level of ordinal formation (cf. śkante ‘tenth’ to śak ‘ten’ from *deḱṃt-o- and *deḱṃ respectively). Otherwise is Winter (1991:116-117) who takes ikänte to be from cluster-simplification from *ikäñcte where *ikäñc- is the expected form for ‘twenty’ and -te is the regular ordinal suffix. The -kiñci or TchA that forms the ordinals of decades (though wikiñci* ‘twentieth’ happens not to be attested) is a newer formation, reflecting a putative PIE *-ḱṃtiyo-.


ikäṃ (number) ‘twenty’
waimene ikäṃ pkārsa wäntärwa ‘know the twenty difficult things!’ (127b3), ikäṃ kṣuntsa .ṣuktañce [meṃ ne śa]k-śtwerne ‘in the twenti[eth year of] the regnal period, in the seventh month, on the fourteenth [day]’ (LP-5a5). -- ikäṃ-ṣe ‘twenty-one’;
ikäṃ-wi* ‘twenty-two’ (ikante-wate* ‘twenty-second’);
ikäṃ-trai ‘twenty-three’ (ikante-trīte* ‘twenty-third’);
ikäṃ-śtwer* ‘twenty-four’ (ikante-śtarte* ‘twenty-fourth’);
ikäṃ-piś ‘twenty-five’ (Ikante-pinkte* ‘twenty-fifth’);
ikäṃ-ṣkas* ‘twenty-six’ (ikänte-śkaste ‘twenty-sixth’);
ikäṃ-ṣukt* ‘twenty-seven’ (ikänte-ṣuktänte ‘twenty-seventh’);
ikäṃ-okt* ‘twenty-eight’ (ikante-oktänte* ‘twenty-eighth’);
ikäṃ-ñu* ‘twenty-nine’;
ikäṃ-pikwalaññe ‘[one] twenty years old’ (the legal age for Buddhist ordination): se ṣamāne menki-īkäṃ pikwalaṃñepi onolmentse wasaṃ pāt yamaṣṣäṃ pāyti ‘whatever monk ordains a being of less than twenty years of age, pāyti’ (H-149.X.3a1 [Couvreur, 1954b:47]). ∎TchA wiki ‘id.’ and B ikäṃ would appear to reflect something on the order of PTch *w'īkän which in turn is from a PIE *(d)wi(h1)dḱṃti, a compound of *(d)wi- ‘two’ (with or without an explicit dual marker *-h1-) + *d(e)ḱ(o)mt- ‘ten’ + *-i a marker of the dual. (If the original form was *widḱṃti, the *-d- was lost early with accompanying lengthening of the preceding vowel.) Outside of Tocharian one should compare (P:1177; MA:404): Sanskrit viṃśatí-, Digoron Ossetic insäj, Khotanese bistä, Avestan vīsaiti (in Sanskrit the number has been converted into a regularly inflected i-stem; the variation in Indo-Iranian between *vinś- and *vīś- may be due to different treatments of the anomalous cluster *-dḱ- (Mayrhofer, 1976:198]), Armenian k`san, East Greek (here Homeric) eīkosi (< *ewīkosi where the -o- is analogical after the higher decades and the prothetic e- is mysterious), Doric (w)īkati, Latin vīgintī (with secondary -g- [another special development of *-dḱ-?] and regularized dual ending [as if from *-ih1]), Old Irish fiche (gen. fichet < *wiḱṃt-s, -os, with loss of *-d- but no lengthening of the preceding vowel), Albanian zet (< *wiḱṃti, again with no lengthening of *-i-).
Whether the PIE preform that gave ikäṃ and wiki ended in *-ṃt or *-ṃti is a matter of some controversy (Pedersen, 1941:253, VW:572, and Hilmarsson, 1989a:121-125, opt for the former, Lane 1966:219, opts for the latter). Probably the word for ‘twenty’ was explicitly marked as a dual while the less-marked singular (‘ten’) and plural (‘thirty,’ ‘forty,’ etc.) were not explicitly marked for number (just as in Indo-Iranian) and that final *-mt and *-nt in thses forms were lost without a trace in Tocharian. Cf. *deḱṃt ‘ten’ > B śak, A śäk. However *-nti (including *-nti < *-mti) was subject, after original *-nt had been lost, to a facultative apocope of *-i (one might compare Latin -it from *-eti and -unt from -onti and similar phenomena in Celtic [Cowgill, 1975:56-57]). Where *-i remained we have -ñc (as in the fuller forms of the TchA third person plural ending), where *-i was lost we have *-nt > *-nn > *-n (in B), > *-yn > *-y (in A). Thus PTch *w'īkänt gives ikäṃ in B but *wikäyn > *wikäy > wiki in A (see Hilmarsson, 1989a:123). For a somewhat different explanation, see Winter, 1991:116-117. See also ikante, and a bit more distantly wi, śak, and kante.


īke (nnt.) ‘place, location; position’
[īke, -, īke//ykenta, -, ykenta] snaice tallānt ikemeṃ ‘from a poor, miserable place’ (31b5), ṣañ mäskelye yakene [lege: ikene] ‘in his appointed place’ (108a3), śle-taśśäntse īkene ‘in the place of the mountain-commander’ (LP-3a1). -- ykeṣṣe* ‘prtng to a place’ (41a3);
ykentaṣṣe* ‘prtng to places’ (213a1);
yke-postäṃ ‘place by place, one after the other, bit by bit’: po toṃ yke-postäṃ [wṣeññaṃne] neske ram no ñaṣtä[r su srukalñe] onolmeṃ ‘in all such places, one after the other, death seeks beings [as] tribute’ (45b4), tumeṃ c[ai] brāhmaṇi tot ike-postäṃ ynemane Araṇemiñ lānte yapoyne kameṃ ‘then these brahmans, going place to place, came into King A.'s kingdom’ (81b2), sa kenä yke-postäṃ po wars=ite ‘bit by bit this ground [becomes] completely full of water’ (407a5). ∎TchB īke presumably reflects a PTch *w'äike from PIE *weiḱos- (nt.) most closely related to Gothic weihs (gen. weihsis) ‘village’ [: Sanskrit víś- (f.) ‘habitation, house,’ Avestan vīs- ‘house, village, clan,’ Greek oîkos (m.) ‘house,’ Latin vīcus ‘village, part of a town,’ and the widespread *weiḱs-poti- ‘± head of the clan’ (P:1131; MA:622)] (VW, 1941:24, 1976:184).


ikne See yakne.


ikraiti See yäkraiti.


ikṣvākuññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the (family of) Ikṣvāku’
[-, ikṣvākuññepi, -//] (162b1).


inkauṃ (adv.) ‘by day, during the day’
[re]kauna plātäṃ ne inkauṃ wīna kallaṃ kästwer ṣpanene ‘during the day he gets pleasure from words and conversations, at night from sleep’ (27a4), śaktalye iṅauṃ kästwer katnau ‘I spread seed day and night’ (205a3), inkauṃ = BHS divā (H-149.315b3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]). ∎The prefix y(n)- ‘in’ + kauṃ ‘day,’ qq.v.


iñakteṃ See yñakteṃ.


iñcuwo See eñcuwo.


īte ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘full’
waipeccesa īte po ‘full of every possession’ (46a3), po warkṣältsa wäntalyi ite pännāte karṣṣa ‘with all [his] strength he stretched fully the bow and shot’ (109b6), [i]te mäsketrä = BHS āpūryate (H-149.242b3 [Couvreur, 1966: 169]), śtwara tasanmane ite ite motä-yolkaiṃ taṣalle ‘[one is] to place those thirsty for alcohol on four very full containers’ (M-3a4). -- itauñe ‘± fullness’ (183b5). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (1965a:116-7, 1976:607) plausibly connects this word with TchA ypic ~ ywic ‘id.’ from y(n)- ‘in’ + wic, the expected accusative singular of *wit. B ite and A *wit would reflect a PTch *w'ite. VW would connect *w'ite with Sanskrit vītá- ‘that which pleases, that which one seeks to obtain’ but the semantic gap seems very great.


itreśemtse ‘?’
///wentse itreśemtse a/// (526b6).


inäśāśśäññe (adj.) ‘?’
[m: inäśāśśäññe, -, -//] kuc[e] n[e]säṃ inäśāśśäṃññe wiśikke [] Senemetre par[r]a [y]aṃ (LP-21a2/3).


ineś See yneś.


inte (conjunction) ‘if, whenever’
inte yes ... käṣṣiṃ arttastär ṣañ wrat lau tärkanacer ‘if you love the teacher, you will put aside your own vows’ (108a6/7), s[n]ai sa[k snai la]kle palsko tsenketrä inte toyne [lege: toy no?] warpalñenta mā tākaṃ ‘without good fortune, without suffering the spirit arises when these enjoyments do not exist’ (197a3), inte = BHS yadā (541b2). See ente and intsu.


intra(-) ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-17a4).


Indratewe (n.) ‘Indradeva’ (PN in monastic records)
[Indratewe, -, -//] (472a1).


Indradhvaje (n.) ‘Indradhvaja’ (PN)
[Indradhvaje, -, -//] (74b2).


indranīl (n.) ‘sapphire’
[indranīl, -, -//] (74a1=75b4). ∎From BHS indranīla-.


indravyākaranäṣṣe* (adj.) ‘± prtng to Indra's revelation’
[m: -, -, indravyākaranäṣṣe//] (350b2). ∎From BHS *indra-vyākaraṇa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


indri (nnt.) ‘sense(-organ); penis’
[indri, -, indri/indriñc, -, -/indrinta, indrintaṃts, indrinta] ṣek indrinta wawlāwau ‘always keeping the senses under control’ (26a7), ṣañ indri = BHS svākṣaṃ (175b6), wi indriñcä kektseñaṣṣe indri śaulä ṣe i[nd]ri ‘the two senses, the body-sense and the life-sense’ (333a3), meleṃṣṣe indri ‘sense of smell’ (K-11a1), indrinta = BHS indriya- (U-22b2), indrine = BHS meḍhra- (Y-1a6). -- intriṣṣe ‘prtng to a sense(-organ)’ (TEB-63-01);
indrintaṣṣe* ‘prtng to the sense organs’ (241b2). ∎From BHS indriya-.


Indriśke* (n.) ‘Indriśke’ (PN in graffito)
[-, -, Indriśke//] (G-Qo1). ∎In origin a diminutive of the following.


Indre (n.) ‘Indra’ (PN of a god)
[Indre, -, -//] Indre kārpa rṣākäññe weṣ myāskate ‘Indra descended and changed into the guise of a seer’ (107a7). See also Ylaiñäkte.


indraiśñe* (n.) the name of a meter
[-, -, indraiśñe//] (582b4)


intsu (interrogative/indefinite pronoun) (a) ‘which, what kind of’; (b) ‘whatever’
[intsu, -, iñcew//] (a) posa śpālmeṃ rṣāke intsu ste ‘which seer is best?’ (107b3), intsu no yāmor mā nemcek tänmaṣṣeñca [] iñcew yāmorsa mā ṣpä cmetsiśc yuwäṣṣäṃ ‘what kind of deed [is it], not leading surely to birth, and through what kind of deed does he mature to birth?’ (K-2b1/2);
(b) päknāträ iñcew ra tsa e[ka]lmi yāmtsi ‘if one intends to subject anyone whatsoever’ (M-1b7). ∎TchA äntsaṃ ~ antsaṃ ‘id.’ and B intsu reflect PTch *änä- ~ *enä- plus the demonstrative pronouns sū (B) or saṃ (A). PTch *änä- must be an unstressed variant of *enä- and the later must be a frozen form of the demonstrative pronoun (here used as a relative as sometimes in Greek) *h1e/ono- [as demonstratives: Sanskrit (instrumental) anéna (m.), anáyā (f.) ‘this,’ anā ‘then, certainly,’ Avestan ana ‘this,’ Greek énē (scil. hēméra) ‘the day after tomorrow,’ énioi ‘some’ (if this belongs here [rejected by Frisk, 1960:519]), ekeînos (< *h1e-ke-h1eno-) ‘that (one),’ Latin enim ‘for; namely, for instance,’ Umbrian ene(m) ‘tum,’ OHG jener (< *h1onyo-) ‘that (one),’ Lithuanian añs ~ anàs ‘that (one),’ OCS onъ ‘that one, he,’ Hittite annis ‘that (one)’ (P:319-320); as both demonstrative and relative: Greek éntha ‘there, thither; where, whither,’ éthen ‘thence; whence’]. Previous suggestions, all unsatisfactory phonologically, are reviewed by VW (173-4). The formation is the same as kuse ‘who, what’ (both relative and interrogative), q.v., where we find a collocation of a frozen form of the relative *kwi- or *kwu- + se or mäksu ‘who, what’ (both relative and interrogative), q.v., a collocation on PIE *men- + *kwi-/kwu- + sū, One should note particularly that the adverbial relative mäkte ‘as, how’ (< *men-kwi-tōd is to mäksū ‘who, what’ as the adverbial relative inte ~ ente ‘if, when; where’ (< *onV-tōd) is to intsu. See also ente, inte, and entwe.


intsau* (n.) ‘± block of wood’
[-, -, intsau//] ynemane intsau kātsaś śeśśanmusa śama=nepre poyśintse ‘moving, a block of wood bound to [her] stomach she approached the Buddha’ (18b8). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (1964b:612, 1976:184) suggests descent from PIE *haeidh- ‘burn,’ more particularly a derivation from a nasal-infix present *hai-n-dh-. He notes Sanskrit édhas- ‘fuel’ and Greek kâlon ‘wood, timber’ (if the latter is related to kaíō ‘burn’ [Frisk, 1960:765-766]).


ipäṣṣeñca See yäp-.


iprer (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sky, air’
[iprer, ipreräntse, iprer//] yai kauc iprerne ‘he went high in the air’ (82b5), sū rano ṣäp ipreräntse ānte snai tärkarwa astare klautka ‘and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless and pure’ (350a4), iprer = BHS gaganam (535a5). -- ipreräṣṣe* ‘prtng to the sky or air’ (374.d). ∎Etymology unknown. See also eprer.


imassu See īme.


imāne (n.) the designation of some sort of household official or servant (so Sieg and Siegling, 1953:322)?
[imāne, -, -//] tane imāne weṣṣäṃ ‘now the imāne speaks’ (520b7). ∎Etymology unknown.


īme (nm.) ‘consciousness, awareness; thought’
[īme, ymentse, īme//īmi, -, -] [ru]pmeṃ pal[sk]o taläṣṣäṃ śtwāra ymentse śmoññaṃne ‘from form he raises up the spirit on the four modes of consciousness’ (10b8), kuse ṣamāne naumīye naumīyesa maskäṣṣäṃ pärkāwṣe imesa sū naumīye päst [t]ärkanalle ‘whatever monk exchanges jewel for jewel with the thought of profit, [he is] to give [it all] away’ (337a3/4), śwātsiṣṣe ime yamaṣyenträ ‘they did not have a memory of eating’ (431a1), paṣṣalñeṣṣe ime = BHS ārak ṣāsmṛti (542a6). -- imeṣṣe ‘prtng to awareness or thought’ (S-8a5);
imassu ‘mindful, aware’: imassu = BHS smṛta (8b7), śwātsi yoktsine ymassu mäskelle ‘[he must] be mindful of food and drink’ (559b4). ∎TchB ime reflects PTch *w'äime or *yīme (or *yäime). In either case TchA ime ‘id.’ is clearly a borrowing from B. Extra-Tocharian connections are less certain than sometimes assumed. VW (19661a:436-7, 1976:184) implicitly assumes PTch *w'äime and relationship with to Sanskrit vidmán- ‘knowledge’, and Greek ídmōn ‘instructed in, knowledgeable in,’ and (Hesychian) ídmēn ‘care, consideration,’ nominal derivatives of the widespread family of PIE *weid- ‘know, see’ [: Sanskrit vētti ‘knows,’ Greek eídomai ‘appear,’ Latin videō ‘see,’ German wissen ‘know,’ etc. (P:1125-1127)]. VW takes īme to be from a nominative singular *weidmē(n). However, it might be better to see A pratim ‘decision’ (whence B pratiṃ ‘id.’ by borrowing and Suffixwechsel) as an old compound *prete (see s.v. eprete ‘courage’) + *īme. If so, īme cannot be from PTch *w'äime since the latter would have give a TchA **wim. Attractive in this context is Benveniste's suggestion (1936:236) of a connection with Armenian imanam ‘reflect, imagine’ and Latin imāgō ‘image,’ imitor ~ imitō ‘imitate,’ aemulus ‘emulating, rivaling.’ The phonology of such a derivation is difficult, however. A putative PIE *haimó- would give TchB **yame while OIE *haeimo- would give **aime. See also possibly ūwe ‘learnèd.’


iyā- (vi./vt.) ‘go, travel’; ‘lead, cause to go’
Ps. V /iyā-/ [A -, -, iyaṃ//; AImpf. -, -, iyoy//]; Ko. V (= Ps.) [//-, -, iyaṃ] kokaletstse īyoy sū Prasenacī walo ot ‘then king P. was traveling by wagon’ (5a2); ontsoyttñesa allonkna retke iyaṃ ypaunane māka wnolmeṃ kauseṃ ‘[when kings] out of insatiableness lead the army into other lands, they kill many beings’ (2b8=3a1). ‣In part at least a synonym of i-, q.v. ∎TchA yā- ‘id.’ and B iyā- reflect a PTch *(y)iyā-, a reduplicated athematic present like the subjunctive (relegated present) tättā- ‘set, place’ (see s.v. tā-). The loss of reduplication in TchA in both yā- and tā- is morphologically regular. PTch *(y)iyā- is (as if) from PIE *yiyeha- a derivative of *yeha- ‘± go, travel’ [: Sanskrit yāti ‘goes, travels,’ Lithuanian jóju (inf. jóti) ‘ride,’ jódyti ‘ride about,’ OCS jadǫ (jachati) ‘travel,’ etc. (P:296)] (cf. VW:589, though with very different details). See also perhaps yateññe.


irand (n.) ‘castor-oil plant’ (Ricinus communis Linn.) (a medical ingredient)
[irand, -, -//] (FS-a6, P-1a5). ∎From BHS eraṇḍa-. See also hirant and eraṇḍaṣṣe.


iryāpath* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘mode of physical behavior’
[//-, -, iryāpathänta] (108b5). ∎From BHS īryāpatha-.


īlārñe See ylāre.


ilaiñakte See ylaiñakte.


īwate (n.) ‘anxiety’
[iwate, -, -//] /// stmau krent saṃvarne mā śaula ṣ[oṣa] p[ros]ky=īwate ‘standing in good discipline, [there is] no fear or anxiety for life’ (20b7). ∎Probably with VW (185) we have a compound of y(n)- ‘in’ plus -wäte, a derivative of PIE *dwi- ‘two’ and formally at least identical with *dwito- ‘second.’ As VW points out we have a similar semantic development (*‘be of two minds’ > ‘fear’) to that seen in Greek déos (nt.) ‘fear’ (< *dweyos-) and deídō ‘am afraid’ (< a reduplicated perfect *dedwoyṃ). See also wate.


iweru* (n.) ‘± swelling, dropsy’
[-, -, iweru//] skwänma śaiṣṣe kolokträ iwerune wränta ramt ‘the world follows good fortunes like waters in a morbid swelling’ (255a2). ∎From y(n)- ‘in’ + weru, qq.v.


iśe ‘?’
/// ceṃ śauśäṃ iśe sä[suwa] /// (566b4).


iśelme See yśelme.


iścem* (n.) ‘± clay, brick’
[-, -, iścem//] mäkte ost poṣiyantsa [wa]wārpau [pa]paikau ā[s]tre [] ṣi[m mā] prākre aipu no iścemtsa oṃṣmeṃ mā yāmu ‘as a house surrounded by walls, painted, pure, [if] the roof [is] not covered firmly and [is] not made from a above with clay/tile’ (A-2a4/5). -- iścemaṣṣe* ‘prtng to clay, earthen’: mäkte kos tsaikaṃ lwaksāttsaika=ścemaṣṣeṃ bhājanta ‘as however many earthen vessels he makes’ [iścemaṣṣeṃ = BHS mṛttika] (3a2). ∎TchB iścem ‘clay’ is related to a group of Indo-Iranian words for ‘brick’ [: Sanskrit iṣṭikā- (f.), iṣṭakā- (f.), Avestan ištya- (nt.), Old Persian išti- (Modern Persian xišt), Avestan zəmōištva- (nt.) ‘earthen brick’] (VW, 1949:148, 1976:184-185). The Indo-Iranian words would seem to presuppose a Proto-Indo-Iranian *išt- with various derivatives. In Tocharian we have a putative *ist-ē-m- (so VW) or, perhaps more likely, *ist-yó-mn. Perhaps Hittite is(sa)na- ‘paste’ belongs here also (MA:108).


Iśśapake* (n.) ‘Iśśapake’ (PN)
[-, Iśśapakentse, -//] (TEB-74-06).


īṣi See yṣiye.


iṣcake (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
[iṣcake, -, -//] kucaññe iṣcake = BHS tokharika (Vorob'ev-Desjatovskij, 1958). ‣The meaning and form of this phrase has been much debated (see K. T. Schmidt, 1994:209-210, for a convenient summary). Assuming, as everyone does, that tokharika stands for tokharikā (a mistake with many parallels in the manuscript), the BHS should mean ‘Tocharian woman’ but iṣcake is not a known word for ‘woman’ and, as an apparently masculine noun, an unlikely candidate to be a heretofore unknown word for ‘woman’ (and a borrowing from a hypothetical Iranian *strīčaka-). Another possibility perhaps lies in Sanskrit tukkhāra a kind of horse and Georgian (obviously borrowed from Sanskrit by some route) t‘oxarig-i, t‘oxarik’-i, t‘uxarig-i ‘ambling horse’ (Bailey, 1985:127). If so, iṣcake would be some sort of equine term (e.g. ‘steed’ or the like) but any more definite semantic equation is still obscure.


iṣwarka See yṣwarka.


isapar See ysapar(sa).


isape See ysape.


isalye See ysalye.


iskil (n.) ‘?’
[iskil, -, -//] tarmawirñe iskil parra iyaṃ tu ceṃmpa yakwi trai stare-me (LP-15a2/4).


istak (adv.) ‘suddenly’
istak tāka cakra[vārt] ‘suddenly he was a cakravartin’ (37a8), tesa nāṣṣi istak ast[are] ‘[if] he should wash thusly, suddenly [he will] be clean’ (P-2b6). ∎Probably with VW (184) y(n)- ‘in’ + -stā-, a derivative of ‘stand’ + the strengthening particle k(ä). For the meaning VW adduces Latin statim ‘steadily, on the spot; immediately, at once.’ See also y(n)-, ste and tāk- (s.v. nes-), and k(ä).


ispek (adv.) ‘nearby; concerning’
///ne Brahmadatte ñemtsa walo mäskīträ ispek ṣpä ‘and king B. by name found himself nearby’ (349b3), nervāṇäṣṣai rīntse kameṃ ispek cai ‘concerning them, they went to the nirvana-city’ (PK-AS-16.3-a1/2 [Pinault, 1989:156]). ∎A compound of y(n)- ‘in’ + spe ‘near’ + the strengthening particle k(ä), qq.v. See also particularly ysape.


Uttare (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Uttara’ (PN of a prince)
[Uttare, Uttari, Uttareṃ (voc. Uttara)//] (81a5).


Uttaraphalguṇi (n.) ‘Uttarāphalguṇī’
[a lunar mansion] (M-1b9). ∎From BHS uttarāphalguṇī-.


utpat (n.) ‘± production, thing produced, sum’
[utpat, -, -//] caturḍasaṣṣe[ṃ] kuśāneṃ utpatä po ṣe keśne [wa]rpāmte ‘empfingen die am 14ten fälligen kuśāne], Betrag alles in einer Zahl 306,940’ [Sieg, 1950:220] (490a-I5/6). ∎From BHS utpāda-.


utpatti (n.) ‘± origin, production’
[utpatti, -, //] (A-2a4). -- utpattiṣṣe* ‘prtng to origin, production’ (104b3=S-1b1). ∎From BHS utpatti-.


udāṃ (n.[m.sg.]) ‘a solemn but joyous utterance’
[udāṃ, -, -//] (Dd7). ∎From BHS udāna-.


Udānalankār* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Udānālankāra’ (PN of a buddhist work)
[-, -, Udānalankār//] (28a4).


Udāyi (n.) ‘Udāyin’ (PN)
[Udāyi, -, Udāyiṃ//] (60a1).


udāvartt* (n.) a kind of bowel disease
[-, udāvarttäntse, -//] (497b4). ∎From BHS udāvarta-.


udumbara (n.) ‘Ficus racemosa Linn.’ [aka F. glomerata Roxb.] (a medical ingredient)
[udumbara, -, -//] (W-29a4). ∎From BHS udumbara-.


udai (n.) ‘rising (as of the sun),’ only attested in the compound udai-ṣale ‘the eastern mountain behind which the sun is presumed to rise’
pārāmitṣṣe ud[ai]-ṣle[meṃ] kuse su pa[r]k[a] /// (288a1). ∎From BHS udaya-.


upakṣepapadak (n.) ‘± word of indication’
[upakṣepapadak, -, -//] (197b1). ∎From BHS *upakṣepa-padaka- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


Upagupte* (n.) ‘Upagupta’ (PN)
[-, Upagupti, -//] (H-ADD.149.62a3 [Couvreur, 1966:165]).


Upage (n.) ‘Upaga’ (PN)
[Upage, Upagentse, -//] (107a5).


upacār (n.[m.sg.]) ‘practice, manner of speaking’
[upacār, -, upacār//] (M-1b4). ∎From BHS upacāra-.


upacai* (n.) ‘± help, aid’
[N-gen. upacai yām- ‘help someone’] [-, -, upacai//] ///[upa]cai cm[e]la saṃsāräntse upacai yamaṣṣeñcaṃ /// (173b5). ∎From BHS upacaya-.


upatāpi ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘heating, inflaming, hurting’
(197b5). ∎From BHS upatāpin-.


Upatiṣye (n.) ‘Upatiṣya’ (PN)
[Upatiṣye, -, - (voc. Upatiṣya)//] (22b7).


upadeś* (n.) ‘instruction; a type of buddhist literature’
[-, -, upadeś//] (112b6). -- upadeśäṣṣe ‘prtng to instruction or to the upadeśa’ (420b3). ∎From BHS upadeśa-.


upadrap (n.) ‘an illness with a sudden onset’
[upadrap, -, -//] (P-1b4). ∎From BHS upadrava-.


Upanande (n.) ‘Upananda’ (PN)
[Upanande, Upanandi, Upanandeṃ//] (337a4).


upādāṃ (n.) ‘grasping, clinging, addiction’
[upādāṃ, -, -//] (151b4). ∎From BHS upādāna-.


upādāyarūp (n.) ‘accidental or derivative form of matter’
[upādāyarūp, -, -//] (193b5). ∎From BHS upādāyarūpa-.


upādhyāye (n.) ‘master’
[upādhyāye, -, - (voc. upādhyāya)//upādhyāyi, -, -] (81b2). -- upādhyāye-yäkne ‘in a master's manner’ (630a3). ∎From BHS upādhyāya-.


upālyittse (adj.) ‘?’
/// upālyittse śaisintse [lege: śaitsintse] /// (116a3).


upāy* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘means, stratagem’
[-, -, upāy//upāynta, -, -] tsalpäṣleṣṣana upāynta ‘means to salvation’ (Pe-2a3). ∎From BHS upāya-.


upāsakāñca* (n.) ‘female lay-disciple, lay-member of an order’
[//upasakāñcana, -, -] (113b1). ∎A derivative of upāsake, q.v., + the feminizing suffix -āñca (cf. TchA wāskāñc ‘id.’).


upāsake (nm.) ‘male lay-disciple, lay-member of an order’
[upāsake, upāsakentse, -//upāsaki, -, upāsakeṃ] (15a3=17a3). -- *1upāsakñe (n.) ‘laity’: only in the derived adjectives,
upāsakñeṣṣe ‘prtng to the laity’ (17a7) and
2upāsakñe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the laity’ (51a3). ∎The equivalent of TchA wāsak, also a borrowing from BHS upāsaka-. See also upāsakāñca.


upekṣ (n.) ‘indifference’
[upekṣ, -, upekṣ//] (197a4). ∎From BHS upekṣā-. See also upekṣindri* and upekṣopavicār*.


upekṣindri* (n.) ‘indifferent sense’
[//-, -, upekṣindrinta] (41a6). ∎From BHS *upekṣindriya- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


upekṣopavicār* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘± sphere of indifference’
[//upekṣopavicāränta, -, -] (172a4). ∎From BHS *upekṣopavicāra- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


upetya ‘?’
upetya ṣkas indrintas yūma[ne] (195a3). ∎From BHS upe- ‘approach’?


Upoṣathe (n.) ‘Upoṣatha’ (PN of a god)
[Upoṣathe, -, -//] (23a1).


Uppalavarṇa* (n.) ‘Utpalavarṇā’ (PN of a nun)
[-, Uppalavarṇay, -//] (H-149.X.5a3 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]).


uppāl* (nnt.) ‘blue lotus’
[-, -, uppāl//uppālnta, -, uppālnta] u[ppāläntasa] = BHS padmaiḥ (PK-NS 306/305a2 [Couvreur, 1970:177]). -- uppālṣṣe* ‘prtng to the blue lotus’: wärä uppāläṣṣe = BHS vāri puṣkara (U-26b4);
uppāl-pyapyaiṣṣe ‘prtng to lotus-flowers’ (186a3);
uppāl-yok* ‘lotus-like’ (560a5). ∎From BHS utpala-.


ubhayavipariti* (n.pl.) ‘± neither enjoying nor suffering’
[//-, -, ubhayavipariteṃ] (197b2). ∎From BHS *ubhaya-viparīta- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton, but see the TchB gloss at 197b6).


umāñca ‘?’
///ne umāñca kauntse maiyyā.e/// (424b5).


urṇaṣṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to the circles of (white) hair between the brows of a buddha or other great being’
[m: urṇaṣṣe, -, -//] (71a6). ∎An adjectival derivative from (unattested) *ūrṇ, a borrowing from BHS ūrṇa-.


Urbilvakāśyape (n.) ‘Uruvilvakāśyapa’ (PN)
[Urbilvakāśyape, -, -//] (397b5).


uluke* (n.) (n.) ‘owl’
[-, -, uluke//] (511b1). ∎From BHS ulūka-.


Ulkāmukhe (n.) ‘Ulkāmukha’ (PN of a prince)
[Ulkāmukhe, -, -//] (589a5).


uwaṃt* (n.) ‘± border, margin’ (?)
[-, -, uwant//] /// entwemeṃ uwaṃtne ynārki kauś kyāna amokäṣṣe /// (429b5). ∎From BHS upānta-?


uwataka* (n.) a member of some profession
[//-, uwatakaṃts, -] co [lege: cau] komtak uwatakas [lege: -kaṃts] yap wsāwa ‘this very day I gave barley for the uwatakas’ (459a2).


ūwe (adj.) ‘learnèd’
[ūwe, -, -//uweñ, -, ūweṃ] piś uw[eṃ] akalṣälye[ṃ]ścä ‘toward the five learnèd disciples’ (81a1), śtwer uweñ mcuṣkanta Ulkāmukhe [] Katakarṇi [] Hastiny[ā]se [] Nupūra ‘the four learnèd princes: U., K., H., and N.’ (589a5), /// lañ-c uwe ‘he emerged learnèd concerning thee’ [?] (A-4a1). ∎TchB uwe reflects a PTch *wäwen-, (as if) from PIE *widwó- or *widwon-, adjectival derivatives of *weid- ‘know, perceive’ [: Sanskrit vétti ~ vedate ~ vidáti ‘knows’ (perfect véda), vindáti ‘finds,’ Avestan vaēδa ‘knew,’ Armenian egit ‘found,’ Greek eídomai ‘appear,’ oîda ‘know,’ Latin videō ‘see,’ Gothic witan ‘know,’ Lithuanian pavýdėti ‘to see,’ OCS viděti ‘id.,’ etc. (P:1125-1126; MA:337)]. Particularly one might compare the Vedic vidú- ‘wise, intelligent, heedful’ and Gothic witu-bni ‘knowledge, recognition,’ of which *widw-ó- would be a thematicization. Not with VW (539) from *dwen- as in Old Latin duenos, later Latin bonus ‘good.’ Such a derivation is phonologically impossible and semantically unlikely. See also possibly īme.


uśir (n.) ‘fragrant root of Andropogon muricatus’ (a medical ingredient)
[uśir, -, -//] (500a5). ∎From BHS uśīra-.


uṣṇīr ‘± top-knot,’ only attested in the compound uṣṇīr-mahūr* (n.) ‘± top-knot crown’ (71a4). ∎Presumably from a Prakrit variant of BHS uṣṇīṣa-. Cf. TchA uṣnīr, Khotanese uṣnīra-, Uyghur ušnir.


uṣmakatäṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the first stage of the nirvedha-bhāgīya
[f: uṣmakatäṣṣa, -, -//] (554b4). ∎An adjective derived from an unattested *ūṣmakat from BHS ūṣmagata-.


ustama* (n.) ‘last [thing], utmost [thing]’ (?)
[-, -, ustama//] /// ustamameṃ ysā-yokä/// (566b7). ∎If from Khotanese ustama- ‘id.’


Ṛṣivadaṃ* (n.) ‘Ṛṣivadana (~ Ṛṣipatana)’ (PN of a deer-park in Benares where the Buddha preached)
[-, -, ṛṣivadaṃ//] (112a3).


ṛddhiṣṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to magic’
[m: ṛddhiṣṣe, -, -//] (108b8). See also raddhi.


ṛṣapak (n.) a kind of medicinal plant
[ṛṣapak, -, -//] (499a5). ∎From BHS ṛṣabhaka-.


eṃṣke (a) (preposition); (b) (adv.); (c) (conj.) (a) ‘up to, until’; (b) ‘even’; (c) ‘while, until’
(a) abhijñänta dhyananma eroṣ eṃṣke ywārco tsälpoṣ saṃsārmeṃ ‘[those who] have called up [higher] knowledge and meditations [are] up to halfway redeemed from the saṃsāra’ (31a3), bhavākkärṣṣai yoñiyai eṃṣke katkässi añmassu ‘desirous of crossing unto the way of the last and best existence’ (108b3), eṃṣke pi[nkte] = BHS yāvat pañcama (198a3);
(b) tumeṃ ... maimañceṃ appamāt sū yamastär eṃṣk=ārhānteṃ wrocceṃ ‘thus he treats badly the just, even the great arhats’ (31b2), tumeṃ walo eṃṣke tot śokagārne yopsa krakecce wassi au[su] ‘then the king entered, even as far as the bedroom, wearing soiled clothes’ (99a1);
(c) yenten stamṣäṃ ... eṃṣke po yenteṃ | kektsenne stmauwa lkāṣṣäṃ ‘he establishes the winds ... until all the winds standing in the body he sees’ (41b6), eṃṣke tot ṣe Ylaiñäkte asāṃne lamoy ‘nevertheless Indra sat first on the throne’ (PK-AS16.3b5/6 [Pinault, 1989:157]). -- eṃṣketstse (a) (adj./adv.) ‘lasting’; (b) (preposition) ‘± even unto’: näksenträ mā mäskeṃntr [e]ṃṣketse ‘they perish and do not last forever’ (1a3), mā yśelmy [eṃ]ṣk[e]cc[i] mā sak onwaññ[e] ‘desires [are] not lasting, good fortune [is] not eternal’ (8a1); (b) eṃṣketse witskai [wikṣä]lñe tuntse weskau ‘I speak of its disappearance even unto the root’ (K-3b2/3). ∎If related, TchA eṣäk ‘on top of, above’ and B eṃṣke must reflect PTch *enṣäke (A eṃṣke ‘while’ is an obvious borrowing from B). However, extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are obscure. For a suggestion, see VW (179) who takes it to be (Tocharian) *en- + (PIE) *seǵh- ‘hold, have the victory.’ However, TchA eṣäk is probably rather to be connected with TchB oṃṣ- (as in oṃṣmeṃ ‘from above,’ q.v.)


eṃss- (vt.) ‘?’
|n ̇säṃc ay eṃssalñe kottarntse yetwe kuśiññe /// (361b6).


ek* (nm.) ‘eye’
[-, ekantse, ek/eś(a)ne, eś(a)naisäñ, eś(a)ne/-, -, eśaiṃ] eśane klausane ṣeycer-me kartstse yolo lkātsi klyaussisa ‘you had eyes and ears to see and hear good and evil’ (108a6), mikou eśne ‘having closed the eyes’ (134a6), se ekantse yumāne n[esaṃñe] = BHS dṛṣtaṃ (195b6), [eśanai]säña [lege: eśanaisäñ] win=aiṣṣeñca = BHS nayanābhirāmaḥ (524b5), ekantse = BHS cakṣu- (527a2), eśanene = BHS akṣi- (Y-2a3/4). ‣The plural (acc.) eśaiṃ is obviously late and analogical to the (unattested) plural of klautso ‘ear,’ namely (nom.) *klautsaiñ. -- ekaṣṣe ‘prtng to the eye’ (108b10);
eśneṣṣe* ‘prtng to the eyes’ (510b4);
eśanetstse ‘having eyes’: [e]śanetstse no mā lkāṣṣäṃ = BHS cakṣuṣmān vā no paśyati (H-149.236a4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]);
eś-lmau ‘blinded’ [lit. ‘the eyes set’]: tsätkwaṃtsñeṣṣe surmesa eś-lm[au] ś[ai]ṣṣ[e] ‘a world blinded by the cataract of perverseness’ (207b2). ∎TchA ak (dual aśäṃ and B ek reflect PTch *ek from PIE *h3e/okw [: Sanskrit ákṣi (nt.), Avestan aši ‘both eyes,’ Skr. ánīka- (nt.) ‘front side,’ Avestan ainīka- (m.) ‘face’ (< *h1eni-h3kw-o-), Armenian akn ‘eye,’ Greek ósse ‘both eyes,’ ómma ‘eye’ (< *h3okwmṇ), Latin oculus ‘eye,’ Gothic augo ‘eye’ (< Proto-Germanic *agwo by metathesis?), Lithuanian akìs ‘eye’ (dual akì), OCS oko ‘eye’ (dual oči), Albanian sy (< *h3okwi- + -ōu ?), etc. (P:775-777)] (Meillet, 1911:150, VW:141; MA:188). Tocharian would seem to reflect a neuter *h3okw (dual *h3okwih1). See also yneś, tärrek, and pratsāko.


ekaññi (n.) ‘possession’
[ek(añ)ñi, -, ek(añ)ñi//-, -, ekñinta] lānte spaktāṃ ypoye pauśye añmantse= ekñi kurpelle ‘[the householder is] to be concerned [for] the service to the king, national taxes, and his own possessions’ (33a6). -- ekaññiññe ‘id.’: orocci ... ekñiññesa tsmenträ śateñ ‘the great grow rich with possessions’ (521b4), ekañiñenta kakrauparmeṃ = BHS bhogān vai samudānīya (H-149.329a4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:486]);
ekaññiññentatstse: ‘having possessions’ (561a1). ∎Contra VW (175) ekaññi is related to TchA akäṃtsune ‘possession’ but not to A ek ‘nourishment’ and thus not ultimately related to PIE *haeiḱ- ‘± be in possession of,’ though the semantics would admittedly be attractive. TchA akäṃtsune and B ekaññe ~ ekaññi would appear to reflect a PTch *ekäññ-. Very tentatively one might suggest a putative PIE *haoǵṇyo- ‘what is driven’ > ‘herd’ (for the semantics one should compare Greek agélē ‘herd’) > ‘possessions’ (of an originally pastoral people). The semantic history proposed here would be similar to that of English chattle. See ekaññe* and also possibly āk-.


ekaññe* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘possession, equipment’
[-, -, ekaññe//-, ekñentaṃts, ek(añ)ñenta] ekñenta lyśi no alyenkäṃs cowai tärkanaṃ ‘possessions, however, thieves steal from others’ (33a4), dīpāmalṣe ekaññe wasa ‘she gave the uqipment for the lamp’ (Qumtura 34-g1 [Pinault, 1993-94:175]). -- ekaññeṣṣe ‘prtng to possessions’ (330a4);
ekaññetstse ‘having possessions’ (375a4) See s.v. ekaññi.


ekatkatte (adj.) ‘not passing, not crossing’
[m: ekätkātte, -, -//] [samu]d[tä]rntse totteññe ekätkātte se mā srukalñe yänmālle ‘one not crossing the border of the ocean will not achieve death’ (PK-C12-a2 [Thomas, 1987c:91]). ∎The privative of kätk-1 ‘cross, pass,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:63-64).


ekamätte (adj.) ‘future’ (lit. ‘the un-come’)
[ekamätte, -, -//ekamäcci, -, ekamäcceṃ] [f: -, -, ekamäccai//] ekamcai preśyaine ‘in a future time’ (27a3), kätkor ekamätte karsatsi ‘to know past and future’ (PK-AS16.2b5 [Pinault, 1989:156]). ∎Privative of käm- ‘come,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:105-106).


ekalätte (adj.) ‘± intolerable, unbearable’
[ekalätte, -, -//] ∎Privative of käl-1 ‘bear, tolerate,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:96).


ekalymi (postposition/adverb) ‘in the power of, subjected to [with genitive]’ [NOUN-acc. ekalymi yām- ‘subject’]
tañ ekalymi ñäś cī artaskemar säsweno ‘I [am] in thy power; I acknowledge thee [as] lord’ (44a1), pelaiknetse ekälymi nestsi preke ‘[it is] time to be subject to the law’ (281a4/5). -- ekalymiññe* ‘± power, strength’: snai mäktauñe enkaltse sporttotär ekalymiññene ‘he dwells in the incomparable strength of passion’ (A-2b2);
ekalymiññetstse only attested in the derived abstract: ekalymiññetsäññe* ‘± power, strength’: /// [kre]n[t] spelkk[e]-meṃ wai ṣañ ekalymiññetsäṃñemeṃ se bodhisatveṃts [ts]ārwa ‘from the good zeal and his own strength and the joy of the bodhisatvas’ (600a1). ∎A compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- (here retaining much of its original locative force ‘in’) + kalymi ‘direction,’ qq.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:170).


Ekaśrinke (n.) ‘Ekaśringa’ (PN)
[Ekaśrinke, -, -//] (350b3).


ekasyālaṃbanaṃ ‘?’
ṣkässaṃts ṣañ ekasyālaṃbanaṃ (173a3). ∎From BHS *ekāsya- + ālambana-?


ekārthavācake* (n.) ‘one who speaks tautologically’ (?)
[//ekārthavācaki, -, -] (177a2). ∎If from BHS *ekārtha-vācaka- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


ekāsanikäññe* (adj.) ‘observing the rule of using the same seat (for eating)’
[m: -, -, ekāsanikäññe//] (558b4). ∎From BHS ekāsanika- + the Tocharian adjectival suffix -ññe.


ekätkātte See ekatkatte.


ekito* (n.) ‘help’ [N-gen. ekita yām- ‘to help’]
[-, -, ekita//] krenta wäntarwan=ekīta yāmṣeñca kus[e] ‘whoever is helping in good things’ (520b5), ṣesa ṣñaṣṣeṃmpa po se [lege: kuse] ñy ekita yamaṣare ce postakäśc ‘together with all my own people who have helped me with this book’ (K-8a2). -- ekītatstse ‘helpful’ (82b4). ∎Morphologically we have ek-ito with the same "agentive" suffix -ito we see in laukito ‘stranger’ from lauke ‘far.’ The origin of ek-, however, is unknown. Not with VW (176) from TchA ek ‘nourishment.’


ekñiññe See ekaññi.


ekwalate (adj.) ‘± indefatigable’, only attested in the compound: ekwalatte-tsirauñe ‘± indefatigable energy’
(S-3a1). ∎Privative of kwäl- ‘fail,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:64-69).


ekṣalye (nf.) ‘(fit) season, time for action (of a Buddha), parousia’
[ekṣalye, -, ekṣaly//] ekṣalyä/// = BHS ṛtu- (544a2), /// pyāpyaiṃ stāna ṣarmna okonta ekṣalyänts[e] ‘flowers, trees, seeds, and fruits of the season’ (A-4a3), poyśiññeṣṣai ekṣalymeṃ mā triśīmar ‘may I not stray from the season of the Buddha!’ (S-8b4). -- ekṣälyṣe* ‘prtng to the parousia’ (275a2). ∎TchA opṣäly ‘id.’ and B ekṣalye reflect either PTch *epṣälye or *ekṣälye. Either an original *-kṣ- has become -pṣ- in A or an original *-pṣ- has become -kṣ- in B. Since -kṣ- is a common cluster in both languages and since -pṣ- is practically found only here, it seems reasonable to suppose the unusual -pṣ- was changed to the more usual -kṣ- in B. Thus we should reconstruct PTch *epṣälye. This PTch *epṣälye can be from a PIE *hxop(e/i)seli- or *hxop(e/i)selen- which I would segment as *hxop(e)s-el-i-, a derivative of *hxopos- (nt.) ‘work’ [: Sanskrit ápas-, Avestan -apah-, Latin opus, all ‘work’ (P:780)]. PIE *hxop(e)seli- might have meant something like ‘worktime.’ We might have (1) *hxopos- (nt.) ‘work’ > (2) *hxops-ó- (exocentric thematicization) ‘worker’ > (3) *hxopse-lo- ‘pertaining to a worker’ > (4) *hxopsel-i- ‘working.’ For stages (2) and (3) we might compare Greek skopós ‘watcher’ > skópelos ‘watch-tower.’ (Alternatively we might have had (1) *hxopos- > (2) *hxops-o- (endocentric thematicization) ‘work’ > (3) *hxopse-lo- ‘prtng to work’ > *hxopsel-i- ‘working’ (MA:649). Left without an etymology by VW (339).


ekṣinekäññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a dove’
[f: //ekṣinkäññana, -, -] ekṣinekaṃñana misa (ST-a6). ∎An adjective in -ññe from an unattested *ekṣinek(e) ‘dove,’ a borrowing from Middle Iranian *axšinaka- (cf. Ossetic axsinäg or Khotanese aṣṣänaka-). See Schwentner, 1956:238.


enk- (vt.) ‘take, grip, seize; conclude’
Ps. IXa /enkäsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, enkastär// enkaskemtär, -, enkaskentär; MPImpf. -, -, enkaṣṣitär; Ger. enkaṣṣälle]; Ko. I /enk-/ [MP -, -, enktär// -, -, enkantär; MPOpt. eñcimar, eñcitar, eñcitär//; Inf. enktsi; Ger. enkalle]; Ipv. III /penksā-/ [ASg. penksa; MPSg. penksar]; Pt. III /enksā-/ [MP enksamai, -, enksate// -, -, enksante]; PP /enku-/ kuce satāṣṣäṃ tu anāṣlñe enkastär ‘whatever he exhales, he takes it [as] inhalation’ (41b2), tu maśne enkastär nuskaṣṣäṃne ‘he takes it in [his] fist and squeezes it’ (334a4), caumpa ṣesa waṣamñe enkaṣṣitär ‘together with him he concluded a friendship’ (PK-AS16.3b6 [Pinault, 1989:157]); saswe wess eṅträ ‘the lord will seize us’ (79a5), śīlaṣṣana sälyeṃ no [sic] prākre ysomo eñcīmar ‘may I grasp together the lineaments of moral behavior!’ (S-4a3); [u]pāsakeṃ ñäś peṅsa śaul warñai saim ne[stsiśco ñi] ‘take me [as] a lay-brother to be for me a life-long refuge!’ (48b3); ñakti arjuṃ stām nemar-neś cau enksate ‘the gods bent down the arjuna-tree to him and he grabbed it’ (107b4); ñi se pilko ste prākr=enku ‘this is my view firmly held’ (23b4), ñu[ltse] kwärsarw=enkwa keṃ ‘nine thousand leagues bounding the earth’ (45b3). -- enkormeṃ: aśakulane enko[r]meṃ = BHS prānte gṛhītvā (530a3);
enkalñe: (see separate entry below). ∎TchB enk- is related to A ents- ‘id.’ in that the latter is from *enks-, a generalization of the preterite stem and probably the present also (regularly corresponding to B enkäsk'ä/e- would be *enkäs'ä/e- which would have given *enks'ä/e-). PTch *enk- is, as has long been supposed (in embryo first by Meillet and Lévi, 1912:28), from PIE *h1ṇḱ-, the zero-grade of *h1neḱ- ~ *h1enḱ- ‘± reach, achieve, take’ [: Sanskrit aśnóti ‘reaches, comes to, gets,’ Avestan -ašnaoiti ‘id.,’ Sanskrit náśati (~ nákṣati) ‘reaches, obtains,’ Avestan -nasaiti ‘id.,’ Greek enegkeîn (< *h1neh1ṇḱe/o-), the suppletive aorist to phérein ‘carry, bear,’ Latin nanciō ‘light upon, obtain,’ Old Irish ro-icc ‘reaches,’ do-icc ‘comes’ (< *h1ēnḱ-), Lithuanian nešù ‘carry, bear,’ OCS nesǫ ‘id.,’ etc. (P:316-318)] (VW:179-180; MA:35). The derived noun eñcäl, if it belongs here, suggests an old thematic present *h1ṇḱe/o- at some point in the history of Tocharian. See also enkäl, enkalñe, onkor (< Proto-Tocharian *enkor but with regular rounding of e- before the -o- of the next syllable; the preterite participle enkor has its initial en- restored analogically), probably eñcäl and onkorño, and possibly entse.


enkatkre (adv.) ‘± deeply’ (?)
kucen=enkätkre sanuññe /// (254a3), ket enkätkre sanuññe ṣärṣpäṃ [lege: ṣärpṣäṃ] pärnaśc waṣämñe pile ñäṣträ (255a5). ∎If a derivative of kätkare ‘deep,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:174).


enkarstatte (adj.) ‘± uncuttable’
[enkarstatte, -, -//] (136b5). ∎Privative of kärst- ‘cut off,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:72).


enkalñe (nnt.) ‘grasping at or clinging to existence; assumption, taking to oneself.’
[enkalñe, enkalñentse, enkalñe//-, enkalñentaṃts, enkalñenta] enkalyñentse = BHS upādāna- (156b5), [ankaiṃ]-p[i]lkontse enkälyñemeṃ = BHS mithyādṛṣṭisamādānāt (H-150.114a3 [Thomas, 1969:301]), kuse cek-warñai lakle ste tuntse ṣarm po enkalyñe te ṣek karsoym ‘whatever suffering there is whose whole origin is clinging to existence, may I cut it off!’ (S-3a2). -- enkalñeṣṣe ‘prtng to clinging to existence’ (204b3);
enkalñetstse* ‘id.’ (PK-NS53-a2 [Pinault, 1988]). ∎The regular abstract of the subjunctive stem of enk-, q.v. See also enkäl.


enkalpatte (adj.) ‘unachieving, not having achieved’
[enkalpatte, -, -//-, enkalpacceṃts, -] (K-6b6). ∎Privative from kälp- (see Hilmarsson, 1991:73-78).


enkäl (n.) ‘feeling, passion’ [i.e. ‘that which seizes one’]
[enkäl, enkalntse, enkäl//enkalwa, -, enkalwa] pälketär-ne po kektseñe antāpce ramt enkältsa ‘his whole body blazed with passion like a firebrand’ (8a5), enkäl = BHS rāga (8b6), po enkalwa yaika srotāpattiññe perne kalpa ‘he destroyed all passions and attained the rank of a srotapātti’ (109a9), enkäl = BHS saṃrāga- (534a3). -- enkalṣe* ‘prtng to passion’ (278b2);
enkalsu* ‘± passionate’ (575b1). ∎A nomen actionis from the subjunctive of enk-, q.v.


enkaucar (adv.) ‘aloud, publicly’
auntsante weṃtsy enkaucar toṃ re[kauna] ‘they began to say publicly these words’ (25b7). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + kauc ‘high,’ qq.v., + -ār (see Hilmarsson, 1991:174-175).


enklyauṣätte* (adj.) ‘unheard (of)’
[-, -, enklyauṣäcce//] enklyauṣäcce = BHS ananuśrutam (30b3). ∎Privative of klyaus- ‘hear,’ q.v. (cf. Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:109-110).


enkwaññe See enkwe.


enkwe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘man’ (as opposed to woman)
[enkwe, enkwentse, enkweṃ/enkwene, -, -/-, -, enkweṃ] klīye rano trenksate rūpn=eṅwentse ‘the woman clung to the shape of a man’ (9b4), eṅwentse = BHS puruṣasya (16a5), päknāträ ekweṃ [lege: enkweṃ] klaiṃ wat no ekalmi yāmtsi ‘[if] one intends to subject a man or a woman’ (M-1b7). ‣One should note that the -k- is often omitted in the spelling of this word. Presumably in this environment (after a nasal, before a dorso-velar approximant) the obstruent was very weakly sounded or may have been absent altogether phonetically. -- enkwaññe ‘male’: klaiñ=eṅwaññe ṣotrūnimeṃ ‘the [two] signs of woman and man’ (8a6), enkwaññe ṣotri ne[ksa]te-ñ ‘my male characteristic was destroyed’ (400a2). ∎TchA onk ‘id.’ and B enkwe reflect PTch *enkwe (as if) from PIE *ṇḱw-ó- ‘mortal,’ a regular thematic derivative of *ṇḱ-u- ‘dead [one]; body’ [: Old Irish éc ‘dead’(< *ṇḱu-), Avestan nasu- ‘corpse, carrion,’ Greek nékūs ‘corpse’] (Campanile, 1969:198, VW:337; MA:150) from neḱ- ‘die, perish’ (see P:762, more s.v. näk-). Semantically we have a development *‘mortal’ > *‘human being’ > ‘(adult) male human being.’ The intermediate meaning is preserved in TchA oñi ‘human’ (< *onkñi [= B enkwaññe]). See also näk-.


ecce (adv.) ‘hither’
[ecce ñäsk-/rit- ‘greet, rejoice in’; ecce spārtt- ‘progress, advance’] Tuhkā ecce wināsi kameṃ ‘the Turks came hither to worship’ (G-Qm11), [kuse] no reki ecce rito[w]o = BHS yā hi vācābhinanditā (H-ADD.149.96a4 [Thomas, 1969:314]), āñmalāṣṣälñe ecce e[nkormeṃ] = BHS anukam-pāmupādāya (PK-NS-13+516a4 [Couvreur, 1967:154]), tusāksa ecce kälamār cau ñäke ‘therefore will I now bring it forward’ (PK-12J-b3 [Thomas, 1979:48]), ecce spārtalñe = BHS pravṛtti- (Y-3b3). ∎TchA aci ‘starting with; hither’ and B ecce reflect PTch *ecye but extra-Tocharian cognates, if any, are obscure. Hilmarsson (1986a:330-331) suggests a pronominal PIE *h1o- + -tihxo- (similar to Sanskrit nítya- ‘native, one's own’ to ni- ‘down, away,’ though here we would appear to have *ni-tyo- rather than *ni-tihxo-). Otherwise VW (143) who relates the second syllable to Greek díomai ‘put to flight, pursue,’ etc.


eñatketste (adv.) ‘with encouragement, by urging’
sankik raktsisa ṣam[ā]nentse ~ eñatketse mā ceppi[l]l[e] mā wsaṣṣälle ‘on the mat of a monk belonging to the community [one is] not to step or to sleep without encouragement’ (H-149.X.4a1/2 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). ∎The emphasizing prefix e(n)- + and adjectival derivative of nätk- ‘urge,’ q.v. See also ñatke.


eñcare (adj.) ‘disagreeable, unfriendly’
[eñcare, -, eñcareṃ//] lareṃ weṃ no mā eñcareṃ ‘[if] one speaks a friendly word, then not an unfriendly [one]’ [eñcareṃ = BHS apriyam] (20a8), ciñcareṃ eñcareṃ mā eñcareṃpa [corrected to eñcareṃ] sparśmeṃ tetemu = BHS iṣṭo ni ṣṭobhayaviparitasparśayoni (197b2), totteṃ wäntaresa ... Arṇyārtate eñcare maṣaṃn-me ‘by this extreme circumstance A. causes us unpleasantness’ (DAM-507-a10 [Pinault, 1984a:27]). ∎TchA eñcare ‘id.’ is borrowed from B. The B form is by haplology from *eñcäñcare with the negative prefix e(n)- + cäñcare, qq.v. (Lane, 1938:36-7, VW:180). Winter (1980[81]:126-127) connects this word with TchA aṃśär which is usually translated as ‘heavy’ or the like. Even if that translation is incorrect, a connection with eñcare raises formidable phonological difficulties. Why not *eñśär like A es is to B āntse ‘shoulder’? (Cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:180-181.)


eñcäl ~ eñcil only in the phrase eñcäl tā- ‘hold fast’ (?)
[-, -, eñcäl//] se timirä śaiṣṣentse san empelle añmäntse orkämñana nraintane yāmor eñcäl tāṣän-ne (255a5/6), /// ñem eñcil n[o] tāsi yātkast[a] ‘thou hast ordered ... to hold fast to the name’ [?] (495a1). ∎If correctly identified as to meaning (suggested by Thomas, 1957:148), then eñcäl must be a deverbative noun from enk- ‘take, grasp,’ q.v.


eñcuwo ~ iñcuwo (n.) ‘iron’
[eñcuwo ~ iñcuwo, -, -//] (255b2, 520b6). -- eñcuwaññe ~ iñcuwaññe ‘prtng to iron’: laursa eñcwaññe tarne räskre tsopyeṃ-ne ‘with an iron bar they pierced his skull roughly’ (22b5), eñcuwañe kentse ‘rust’ (W-31b1). ∎TchA *añcu (id.) (attested in the derived adjective añcwāṣi) and B eñcuwo (iñcuwo is variant on the same order as inte is to ente, q.v.) reflect PTch *eñcuwo. Further connections are uncertain. Schwarz (1974:409) compares Ossetic ändon ‘steel’ or Chorasmian hnčw ‘id.’ and suggests that the Iranian and Tocharian words might be borrowings from some adstratum language in the shape ± *anśuwan. Not with VW (146) the intensive prefix e(n)- + some derivative of PIE *heu- ‘pour.’


eñwetstse (adv.) ‘anew’
kreñc no c[ai po] kr[e]ntäṃne śarsäskeṃ-ne eñw[et]sts[e] ‘for the good [buddhas] are making [it] known anew to all the good’ (5b1). ∎The emphasizing prefix e(n)- + ñu ‘new,’ qq.v., + the adjective forming -tstse (cf. Hilmarsson's discussion, 1991:175).


etankätte (adj.) ‘unchecked, unhindered’
[etankätte, -, -//] = BHS apratibaddha {7a4}, Gabain/Winter:12 ([in Manichean script] ’yt’ngk’ntyy [sic]). ∎The privative of tänk-, ‘hinder, check,’ q.v. Cf. TchA atänkät (and see Hilmarsson, 1991:96-97).


ette (~ etteṃ) (a) (adv.); (b) ([indeclinable] adj.) (a) ‘down’ [etteś ‘downward’]; (b) ‘lower’
(a) kauc ette kluttankentär toṃ pwenta cākr ente spārtaṃ ... toṃ kluttankentär kaucmeṃ nnok etteś ‘up and down turn the spokes if the wheel turns; they turn from up unto down’ (30b6/7), p[i]ś-känt=etteś kw[ärsarwa] ‘five hundred leagues downward’ (45b2), kālpsa painemeṃ ette kloyomane ‘falling down on [his] face’ (88a2), parso ette paiyka ‘he wrote down a letter’ (492a2);
(b) ṣpärkeṃ ette cmelne tmaskenträ ‘they dissolve and are reborn in a lower birth’ (k-7b3). -- ettesa ‘under’: vidyādhare ettesa paiyne etswai pinkalle ‘a vidyādhara [is] to be painted opposite, under the feet’ (M-3a4). ∎Etymology unknown. Probably not related to PTch āñc ‘id.’ pace VW (163), MA (611).


etrīwaitstse* (n.) ‘± containing a mixture’
[f: //-, etriwaitstsānaṃts, -] weñau ... krenta yolainaṃts etrīwaitstsānaṃts rano ‘I will speak of good [deeds] and evil together with those mixed together’ (K-2a4/5). ∎An adjective which looks to be derived from an unattested noun *trīwo, a doublet of the attested traiwo, itself derived from the verb triw- (see Pinault, 1989: 193, 217 fn. 18, and Hilmarsson, 1991:178). See also triw- and traiwo.


Etriṣe* ‘Etriṣe’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Etriṣi, -//] (490a-II-4).


etre (n.) ‘hero’
[etre, -, -//etri, -, etreṃ] brāhmaṇi mā lāñc wrocci mā etri ‘[no] brahmans, no great kings, no heroes’ (46b4), śrāy wetāñco etri ‘old men, warriors, heroes’ (47a8). -- etrauññe* ‘heroic’ (274b2). ∎TchA atär ‘id.’ and B etre reflect PTch *etre whose further connections are unclear. It seems possible to take this *etre to be from PIE *haot-ro- and related to TchA ātäl ‘man’ which would then be from *haet-lo-. It is likely that this *haetlo- is in turn cognate with Greek atalós ‘tender, delicate’ (of children and adolescents), atállō ‘skip about youthfully, gambol; bring up a child, rear, foster’ (this latter meaning may be a different word related to PIE *atta ‘father’ and only secondarily associated with ‘gambol’). The notions of ‘hero’ or ‘man’ are often derived from ‘be active’ ‘have youthful strength’ and the like (Adams, 1987b). Winter (1971, following a suggestion of Bailey's) suggests that *etre is an early borrowing from an Iranian *atara-. Not with VW (152) a compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- + something like Sanskrit turá- ‘strong, powerful.’ Such a preform should have given A *otär, B *otre.


etrenkätte (adj.) ‘not sticking to, unattached’
[etrenkätte, -, etrenkäcce//etrenkäcci, -, -] (248a3). ∎The privative of trenk- ‘adhere, stick to,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:98).


en- (vt.) ‘instruct’
Ps. IXa /enäsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, enästär//-, -, enäskentär; MPImpf. -, -, enäṣṣitär; APart. enäṣṣeñca; MPPart. enäskemane; Ger. enäṣṣälle*]; Ko. IXa (= Ps.): (see abstract); Pt. IV /enäṣṣā-/ [MP -, -, enäṣṣate//-, -, enäṣṣante] enäṣṣitär lwāsa su aksaṣṣi-me pel[aikne] ‘he instructed the animals and annnounced to them the law’ (575a2); tumeṃ lyama asānne enṣṣate-me ‘then he sat on [his] seat and instructed them’ (12b3). -- enäṣṣälñe ‘instruction, teaching’: ysomo sankantse ra reki mā=ṅsate sam m[ā] ra ñy enäṣlyñe ‘he did not take the word of the united community; likewise he [did] not [grasp] my teaching’ (42a7), ñakt[e]ntse en[äṣ]lñene = BHS buddhaśāsana (U-11b1);
enäṣṣälñeṣṣe ‘prtng to instruction’: enäṣṣälñ[eṣṣe] = BHS anuśāsani (527b2). ∎Etymology unclear. TchB en- is clearly related to A en- ‘id.’ but the details of that relationship are unclear. They cannot both reflect any PTch antecedent; one must be borrowed from the other but the direction of the borrowing is not self-evident. VW (177-178, following Bailey, 1957:41; also Puhvel, 1984:62) assumes that the B word is borrowed from A and the antecedent PTch *ain- is related to Greek aînos ‘tale, story; decree,’ ainéō ‘tell, speak; praise; glorify [god],’ Middle Irish óeth (m.) ‘oath,’ Gothic aiþs (m.) ‘id.’ (added to the Greek words by Pokorny [11]), and Avestan aēþra- ‘instruction’ (added by Bailey and VW). Puhvel (1984:271) would add Hittite enant- ‘tame(d)’ (< *ain-ant-, taking the *ain- underlying Hittite, Greek, and Tocharian to be ‘be agreeable.’ (The Hittite enant- might just as easily be an extended adjective in -ant- as a participle [Melchert, p.c.].)
If the borrowing is from B to A (a far more common occurrence), then PTch *en- might be related to Hittite annanu- ‘train (of both craftsmen and animals)’ (Krause, 1960:57). Since the Tocharian word is attested only in the causative and since Hittite annanu- is the causative of anniya- ‘carry out, execute,’ Melchert suggests (p.c.) that the PTch *enäsk- might be the remade causative of the moneō type. That is, it would represent a virtual *h1onhxeye/o- (MA:87). The second laryngeal is required to explain the geminate -nn- in Hittite and the lack of lengthening in the first syllable of Sanskrit anas- ‘burden.’ Not related to Hittite hanna- ‘judge’ whose meaning is too distant.


e(n)-1 an intensifying prefix ‣For a discussion of the form see the following entry. With the vowel e- we have: ekalymi, enkatkre, enkaucar, eñatketstse, eñwetstse, etrīwaitstse, enerke, enestai, enmetre?, epinkte?, eprete, eplyuwai, emalle?, emparkre, -emprukṣai, eraitwe, elauke, eweta, eśatkai, eṣe, eṣerñe, etsarkälle and etsuwai. With the vowel - (when unstressed, written <a>) we have: anaiśai, ankānmi?, ankāre?, ankaiṃ apākärtse, apākśai, aplāc, amāsko, ayāto, aṣkār. With ai- (< *ei-) we have: aikne and aiksnar. With the vowel o- we have: onkarño?, onkor?, ompalsko(ññe), ompostäṃ, omotruññaiṣṣe?, omprotärtstse, orkäntai?, ośonai, oṣṣäle?. ∎TchA a(n)- and B e(n)- reflect PTch *e(n)-. It was originally a locative prefix meaning ‘± in’ (and certain forms which contain it still have traces of that meaning remaining, cf. eṣe ‘together,’ i.e. ‘in one’) from PIE *h1- or *h1on- (or both) and related to B yn- ‘in’ from PIE *h1en. See also Hilmarsson, 1991. See More s.v. eneṃ.


e(n)-2 (negative prefix) ‘un-, in-’
‣Like the homophonous intensifying prefix (see previous entry), the vowel of the negative prefix is e-, - (when followed in the next syllable by an --) or o- (when followed in the next syllable by an -o- or, occasionally, when followed by a labial, e.g. ompakwättäññe). When and where we find the -n- is less clear. It always occurs before vowels and before labials (as -m-) but sometimes occurs and sometimes does not before dentals and velars. It seems likely the nasalless variant arose before sibilants and perhaps by dissimilation in words with a closely following -n- (as in aknātsa) but, in any case, both the variant with and the variant without the nasal have been extended into each other's territory. Otherwise, Hilmarsson, 1991. With the vowel e- we have: ekatkatte, ekamätte, ekalätte, ekwalatte, enkarstatte, enkalpatte, enklyauṣätte, eñcare, etankätte, etrenkätte, enersänk, empakwatte, empalkaitte, empelye, eśuwatte, eṣpirtatte. With the vowel (when unstressed, written <a>) we have: akākatte, akaukatte, aknātsa, akraupatte, anklautkatte, atākatte, atāmo, atraikatte, anākätte, anāyätte, anaikte, anaiwatstse, anautatte, apāṣṣätte, amāntatte, amāllatte, amaukatte, amplākätte, ayātaitstse, ayāmätte, alālätte, awāskatte, awlāwätte, aspāwatte. With the vowel ai- (< *e-yä-) we have: aikatte, aitkatte, airpätte and aiskatte. With the vowel o- we have onkipṣe, onkrotte, onuwaññe, ontsoytte, ompakwättäññe. ∎TchA a(n)- and B e(n)- reflect PTch e(n)- from PIE *- [: Sanskrit a- ~ an- (before vowels), Avestan a- ~ an- (before vowels), Greek a- ~ an- (before vowels), Latin in-, Gothic un-, Old Irish in- ~ e- ~ an-, etc., all ‘un-’ (P:757-758; MA:395)] (VW:156-157, with differing details). See also Hilmarsson, 1991.


en(-)e- ‘?’
///y.sāmnt rā pilke ene ̇e/// (340b7).


eneṃ (adv.) ‘within, herein’ [enenmeṃ ‘(from) within’]
taiknesa rano tane enenmeṃ sāu tsänkausa śkwarya tākaṃ ‘thuswise as if a liana has grown here from within’ (11a8), pūwar tr[e]m[eṃ]ṣṣe sälpī-n= enenmeṃ ‘the fire of anger burned within him’ (350a2), śwātsi yoktsi eneṃ taṣalle ‘[one is] to put food and drink within’ (M-3b2). ∎TchA ane (or with secondary gemination anne) and B eneṃ reflect PTch *ene- plus either *-i (so TchA) or *-n (so TchB). The same *-n may be to seen in the variant omteṃ ‘there’ beside the more frequent omte, q.v. PTch *ene is preserved in enepre (A anapär) and eneśle, qq.v., and in the locative ending B -ne, A - (with aphaeresis of the initial vowel). That *ene is from the widespread family of PIE *h1en ‘in’ (cf. P:311-314) cannot be doubted (Lane, 1938:31; VW:144-145; MA:290). The exact connection is unclear since *ene appears to reflect a PIE *h1on-, an ablaut grade otherwise found only in Slavic on- (cf. on-ušta ‘footware’ or ǫ-dolь ‘valley’). Perhaps the Tocharian represents a PIE *h1on-do. See also enenka, enepre, eneśle, enestai, -ne1, nes-, and yn-.


enenka (adv.) ‘within, herein, among’
[enenkāmeṃ ‘from within’] enenkaś paspārtau cwi maim palskw attsaik ‘completely inward [have] turned his thought and spirit’ (41a2), troṅne enenka ‘within the hollow’ (46b5), lwasā=nenkā ‘among the animals’ (588a4), enenkā[meṃ] indrinta pärnāṃñanan viṣain[ta] karsoym auspa ‘may I know better the sense-organs from within and the external sense-objects!’ (S-5b4). -- enenkāññe* ‘internal’ (181b3). ∎eneṃ + the intensifying particle ka, qq.v.


enepre (adv.-postposition) ‘before, in front of’
śama=nepre poyśintse ‘she stood before the Buddha’ (18b8), yāmṣate ñiśś erkatte lyautsa-ñ päst ṣañ ypoymeṃ wertsaints=enepre [sic] ‘he treated me badly and exiled me from his land before the assembly’ (81a3), tākaṃ yokaitse krui pākri mäsketär-ne yoktsi enepre ‘if he is thirsty, drink appears before him’ (K-10b2). ∎TchA anapär and B enepre reflect PTch *enepre, a compound of *ene (see eneṃ) and *pre (from PIE *pro). Cf. VW, 1971d: 452-3, 1976:144 and, for *pre, P:813-815).


enerke (adv.) ‘± hesitatingly’
(K-T). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + nerke, qq.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991:173).


enersank (adv.) ‘± inadvertently, carelessly’
mäkte tärrek eṅwe yesti nāskoy enersänk ṣaläskemane tuk mataryai śolyine päst tsśīträ ‘as a blind man eating [his] meal, carelessly allowing it to fall into the maternal hearth, it would burn up’ (154b3), [Utta]re mäñ[c]uṣke enersänk l[kāskemane] ‘prince U. looking on carelessly’ (PK-NS-355b3 [Couvreur, 1964:240]). ∎The negative prefix e(n)- + ersänk, qq.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991:181).


eneśle (postposition [with the comitative]) ‘like’
[e]neś[l]e = BHS samau (16a4), päls[k]osa erwts=etrenkätte [sic] cimpā= neśle takoy [n]ta ‘may he be broad of spirit and unencumbered like thee’ (248a3), mā nesäṃ pilkontampa eneśle sām = BHS nāsti dṛṣṭisamo ripu (251a2), Kankcene [lege: Kank-ckene] waräñcampa eneśle pañäkti epiyaṃc [sic] kälaṣälyi ‘like the sands of the Ganges River buddhas [are] to be remembered’ (552b1/2). -- eneślentse ‘?’: /// [śpā]lmeṃ śaumontse ṣek temai [lege: temeṃ] - eneślentse wräntsai welläññentse (258a3). ∎ene- (see eneṃ) + śle ‘with.’


enestai (adv.) ‘in secret, secretly’
kwri cau kallaṃ naumiye tukäskenträ enestai ‘if they find this jewel, they hide it secretly’ (231b3/4), enestai = BHS rahasi (U-15a3). ∎Probably from *ene ‘in’ (see eneṃ) plus *stāy(ä) ‘± secret’ [: Sanskrit stāyát ‘secretly,’ stāyú- ‘thief’ and, a bit more distantly in Sanskrit tāyú-, Avestan tāyu- ‘thief,’ OCS taj ‘secretly,’ tajǫ ‘hide, dissimulate,’ tatь ‘thief,’ Hittite tāya- ‘steal,’ etc., all from PIE *(s)teha(y)- (P:1010) (Melchert reconstructs *(s)teh2-ye/o- *(s)teh2-yu- [1984:39])] (VW, 1971d:452, 1976:178-179; MA:543 [starting from *(s)teh4-]). Hilmarsson (1991:173-174) takes it, on the other hand, to be *e(n)- + a Tocharian cognate of Greek nóstos ‘homecoming’ (< *nes-, see s.v. nes-), comparing for the semantics German heimlich ‘secret’ (adj.) and Geheimnis ‘secret’ (noun). See also eneṃ.


enaiwaññe See anaiwaññe.


ente (conj./interrogative adverb) (a) ‘where’; (b) ‘when’; (c) ‘when?’; (d) ‘if, whenever’
(a) [e]pyac klāṣle ente tem[e]ñ stamäṣle ‘he [is] to remember where [he is] therefore to stand’ (10b6), māka omp snūnma ent=ākn[atsañ yama]skenträ ‘many dangers there [are] where fools are at work’ (44a6/7), ente tetriku se śaiṣṣe = BHS yatra mūḍham idaṃ jagat (148a4);
(b) ente śaul cwy āraṃ ‘when his life shall cease’ (29b7), kauc ette kluttankentär toṃ pwenta cākr ente spārtaṃ ‘the spokes revolve high and low when the wheel turns’ (30b6), ṣañ mäskelye yakene ente maitare aklyaṣlyeṃ po eṣe kraupäṣṣare ‘when they had come to their proper place, they gathered together all of the disciples’ (108a3);
(c) ente ṣ kallau tu lkātsi ‘and when will I get to see it [again]?’ (46a5= 47b2);
(d) ente se kr[e]ntaunatts[e] Sunetre wal[o] p[a]ñ[ä]kt[e] śaiṣṣen[e] tsānkaṃ ot cwi sp[aktanīki alā]läcci tākam ‘if the virtuous king S. arises [as] a buddha in the world, then we will be his tireless servants’ (77a1/2), ente palsko tsānkaṃne ot śwātsi yoktsi kälpāṣäṃ ‘whenever the spirit arises in him, then he finds food and drink’ (M-3b2/3). ∎TchB ente ~ inte is obviously related to A äntan(n)ene ‘where’ and äntāne ‘when.’ They would all appear to reflect a PTch *ente (with the initial vowel weakened in this unstressed word in inte and änt- and with various added suffixes in A. VW (173-174) leaves this group largely unetymologized but surely we have here the adverbial relative of B intsu ‘what (kind of),’ just as the adverbial relative mäkte ‘as, how’ is to mäksū ‘who, what.’ B ente ~ inte must reflect a PTch *ente ~ *änte where the *-te must be from PIE ablative *-tō(d), just as mäkte must be (as if) from *men-kwu-tō(d) or kuse ‘who, what’ (both relative an interrogative), q.v., a collocation of a frozen form of the relative *kwi- or *kwu- + se and mäksu ‘who, what’ (both relative and interrogative), q.v., a collocation on PIE *men- + *kwi-/kwu- + sū. PTch *änä- must be an unstressed variant of *enä- and the later a frozen form of the demonstrative pronoun (here used as a relative as sometimes in Greek). See More s.v. intsu; see also entwe.


entwe (conj.) ‘then, thereupon’
sw [a]śrāddhe sruka=ntweṃ nrain-empelye [lege: sruka=ntwe nnrain= empelye] temtsate ‘this unbeliever died and thereupon was reborn in a terrible hell’ (4a6), srukās entwe āṃtpi piś-känte cmelane kauṣträ ālyauce ‘then you both die; in five hundred births you kill one another’ (42a3). -- entwek ‘id.’: entwek āyor mā wasa ‘he did not, then, give a gift’ (49b2);
entwecce ‘± local’ (?) [cf. Greek enthádios and énthinos]: waste nta mā - - [sä]lyai kalymi entwecce mā aikemar (408b7);
entweññe* ‘?’: tusa entweñana paramānunta ṣkas /// (193b2). ∎Though related to TchA antuṣ ‘id.’ the details of that relationship and any extra-Tocharian connections are unclear. I take entwe and antuṣ to reflect PTch *entu, enlarged independently in the two languages by different particles. The *entu is a putative PIE *h1onVtō(d) + *u where *h1onVtō(d) is the relative pronoun that eventuated in B ente, q.v. and *u is the particle commonly found following the resumptive demonstrative pronoun in the clause correlated with the relative one. Thus we would have *h1onVtō(d) .... h1onVtō(d) + u, with *h1onVtō(d) as both relative and demonstrative just as its Greek cognate éntha (with én- in an ablaut relationship to the pre-Tocharian *on- and -tha represents an old locative particle) ‘where, when’ and ‘there, then.’ The construction as a whole is just as we have *kwusó (‘who’) .... *so + u (‘he’). (See kuse and sū. One might also compare Attic enteûthen, Ionic entheûten from *enthe + u + -then.) VW (1941:20, 1976:145-146) is also possibly right in connecting these Tocharian words with Germanic *anda ~ *unda ‘and’ (English and, German und) from *h1ondha ~ *h1ṇdha (but only for the first part, as the Germanic *-d- must reflect some sort of locative particle as in Greek éntha). See also ente and intsu.


enmetre (n.) ‘± bark’
[enmetre, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients: [] palāṣṣai wtsiko enmetre [] (500a8). ‣In his discussion of the passage where this hapax legomenon occurs, Maue (1990) takes enmetre as a separate item in the formula, unmatched by anything in either the BHS or Khotanese equivalents. However, the three versions of this medical recipe are otherwise identical. Thus, I take enmetre to be part of the phrase palāṣṣai wtsiko [= witsako] enmetre and the equivalent of the corresponding single word bālā of bāla in BHS or the bela of the Khotanese. (One should note that BHS bālā and Khotanese bela do not refer to the same plant. BHS bālā is ‘Pavonia odorata Willd.’ [and the equivalent of Khotanese bilva] while Khotanese bela is ‘Aegle marmelos Corr.’ [the equivalent of BHS bila!]. Clearly there is potential TchB enmetre must be a specific part of this plant or, more particularly, of its root. The internal structure of the phrase must be [[palāṣṣai wtsiko] enmetre] ‘the enmetre of the palā-root.’ One of the medically significant portions of A. marmelos is its root-bark (Chopra, 1956:8). Thus enmetre is likely to be ‘bark.’ (Even if we do not have A. marmelos here, the only part of the root that is likely to get a special designation is its bark, thus enmetre must be ‘bark’ in any event.) ∎Morphologically enmetre must be enm-e-tre (-e- = the thematic vowel, -tre = the ‘tool’ suffix [< PIE *-tro- or *-dhro-] as in śātre [< *śāwetre] ‘grain’ [< *‘Lebensmittel’] from śāw- ‘live’ or tsarātre ‘extract’ from tsär- ‘separate’). If the order -nm- is original, we might have *e-nm- with the prefix *h1- plus either *nm- or *Tm-. The obvious choice would seem to be *h1ṇtm(h1)- ‘cut in’ [: Greek támnō (only Attic témnō) ‘cut,’ tmẽsis ‘cutting,’ téndō ‘gnaw (at)’ (< *tem-de/o-), ténthō ‘id.’ (< *tem-dhe/o-), Latin tondeō ‘shave, shear, clip; mow, prune, reap; browse (on), crop,’ templum ‘temple’ (< ‘consecrated ground’ < ‘space marked out [= cut off] by the augurs for the auspices’), Lithuanian tinù (tìnti) ‘whet’ (< *tem-ne/o-), Old Russian tьnu ‘strike’ (P:1062-3)]. Thus *h1ṇtm(h1)-o-tro- would be ‘material for cutting in,’ i.e. ‘writing material.’ An obvious extra-Tocharian cognate would be Greek entémnō which, among other meanings is ‘engrave, inscribe.’ Other verbs for writing derived ultimately from the notion of cutting or scratching (on a surface) are of course Latin scrībere, Greek gráphō (cf. English carve), and write itself (cf. German reissen ‘tear, rip, rend, slit’). Bark would seem to have been the preferred medium of symbolic representation in much of prehistoric Europe. Witness the history of book and its Germanic cognates (from *bhehaǵos ‘beech’ since be ch-bark was the preferred medium of writing) or consider the polysemy of Latin liber, both ‘inner bark of a tree’ and ‘book.’ A pre-Tocharian *h1ṇtm(h1)-o-tro- ‘engraving material’ would be very much in the same tradition. See also lasto.


enmer (n.) a medical ingredient
[enmer, -, -//] (W-40a5).


enmelya* (nf.) a species of plant?
[-, enmelyantse, -//] arkwaññai enmelyantse wākte (W-2a3/4).


entse (n.[m.sg.]) ‘greed, envy’
[entse, -, entse//] tanāpatentse ostwasa ekñintasa entseño mäntañyentär ṣemi ‘some became evil-minded out of envy for benefactors, houses, and possessions’ (31b7), entsesa attsaik eśne wawālaṣ ‘through greed [are their] eyes completely covered’ (K-6a2). -- entseṣṣe ‘greedy, envious’ (K-6a4) ∎TchB entse and A eṃts ‘id.’ are clearly related. VW (1968:65-6, 1976:180) takes the A word to be a borrowing from B and for the B word to reflect a putative PIE *h1onḱtyo-, a derivative *h1onḱ- ‘take, grasp’ (B enk-, q.v.). Hilmarsson (1986a:282) prefers to consider the A word an inherited cognate of B entse, both from PTch *enkse reflecting a putative PIE *h2onǵh-s-o- (for the type, see Adams, 1985c), a derivative of *h2énǵhos (nt.) [: Sanskrit aṃhas- ‘fear, anxiety; constriction,’ Avestan ązah- ‘need, trouble,’ Old Norse angr ‘grief, sorrow; repentance’] or *h2énǵhōs (m.) [: Latin angor ‘anguish, compression of the throat’]. With other extensions of *h2énǵhos we have OCS ǫzostь ‘narrowing,’ Lithuanian añkštas ‘narrow,’ and OHG angust ‘fear.’ All of these of course are derivatives of what is normally reconstructed as *h2enǵh- ‘be narrow’ [: Greek ánkhō ‘tie up, make tight, constrict, strangle,’ Latin angō ‘id.’ (P:42-43)]. Puhvel (1991:67-68) starts from a *h2em-ǵh- which, with a nasal-infix present, gave 3rd. sg. *h2ṃné-ǵh-ti-, 3rd. pl. *h2ṃmṇǵhṇti. Such forms would have given pre-Hittite *hamnekzi, hamankanzi from which we have by analogical spread of the -n-, the actual Hittite paradigm ham(m)enk- ~ ham(m)ank- ‘tie; betroth.’ See also entsesse and possibly enk-.


entsesse (adj.) ‘envious, greedy’
[entsesse, -, -//] Priyadeve ñemttsa śreṣṭhi ṣey eśatkai śāte ekaññetstse olyapotstse sa [lege: su] no entsesse ‘there was a merchant, P. by name; [he was] very rich an full of possessions; however [he was] envious’ (375a4). -- entsesñe ‘greed,’ only in the adjective: entsesñeṣṣe ‘± envious, greedy’: entsesñeṣṣe sananämpa mā [palsko tär]koṣ [wräntär] (K-5b5). ∎An adjectival derivative of entse, q.v. For the formation, see Winter (1979).


epastye (adj.) ‘skillful, adept, capable, able’
[m: epastye, -, - (voc. epastyu)//epastyi, -, -] Gānkne olyitau nes twe epastya [lege: epastye] ‘thou art a skillful boatman on the Ganges’ (296b3), sū no weṃtsi epastye ṣey ‘he was, however, able to speak’ (PK-AS-18B-a1 [Pinault, 1984b:376]). -- epastyaññe ‘skill, aptitude’ (K-2a4). ∎Related to TchA opäśśi ‘id.’ in that we must have PTch *epäst- (a noun) plus an adjective-forming *-ye- either with palatalization (as in TchA) or without (as in B). VW (339) rates this etymon as "inexpliqué" but Hilmarsson (1986:203 and 1989d:112) is surely right in seeing here an old compound of *h1opi- ‘upon, near’ + *steh2- ‘stand.’ He takes it to be an old adjectival u-stem, i.e. *h1opi-sth2-u-, similar in construction to Lithuanian apstùs ‘plentiful’ (which might, at least, be itself from *h1op- [a variant of *h1opi without the *-i] + *-sth2-u-), atstùs ‘distant,’ Sanskrit anuṣṭhú- ‘properly, correctly, really,’ suṣṭhú- ‘aptly.’ Perhaps instead we have the corresponding abstract noun *h1opi-sth2-i- which in various parts of its paradigm would have given PTch *epäst- ~ *epäśc-, whence the B epastye and A opäśśi (cf. the similar variation within B of krostaññe and kroścaññe ‘coldness’ from krośce ‘cold’). For the semantics, compare Greek epístasis (*h1epi-sth2-ti-), among whose meanings are ‘diligence, attention, care,’ all close to ‘skill, aptitude.’ Not with Sapir (1936:179) related to Latin opus ‘work’ nor with Pisani (Reale Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere 76:23 [1942-43] apud VW) to Latin aptus (which would surely have given PTch *āp-).


epi ‘?’
/// [vip]ākajä akṣepit yamaṣäṃ [] epī [sic] alloykna rano ṣpä pelaiknenta /// (200a1). ∎A miswriting of epe ‘or’?


epinkte (a-c) (adv.-postposition); (d) (n.) (a) ‘within; between, among’; (b) (with nouns denoting periods of time) ‘for’; (c) [te epinkte (t=epinkte) ~ epinktene ‘meanwhile, in the meantime’]; (d) ‘± interval’
(a) wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte kaunts= osonträ ‘the great rivers and deep seas between are dried up by the sun’ (45b7), pakaccāṃne kattākeṃ epinkte lämās ‘in the rainy season you sat among the householders’ (331a5), eśane epinkte pärwāne wat no lupṣale ‘[it is] to smeared between the eyes or on the brows’ (M-3b5);
(b) walw alokälymi lyama ṣuk-kauṃ epiṅte ‘the king sat, directed toward a single goal, for a week’ (22a6), känte pikwala epinkte ‘for a hundred years’ (407b1);
(c) t=epiṅte sak wī[na] w[ä]rpāt[ai] ‘in the meantime thou didst enjoy good fortune and pleasure’ (78b3/4), teṃ epinkte bodhisatve ... kārpa ‘in the interval the bodhisatva descended’ (107b4);
(d) snai epinkte bramñikte kārpa ‘without an interval the brahma-god descended’ (107a8). ∎Etymology unknown. VW (1941:21, 1976:180-181) suggests that we have here the TchB intensive prefix e(n)- + PIE *bh(e)ng- ‘break’ (< *bhe(n)g- ‘break,’ more s.v. pkante) + an adjective-forming -to-. Winter (apud Hilmarsson, 1986:55 and 1989b:112), adding TchA opänt- ‘in the middle,’ assumes the same intensive prefix e(n)- + PTch *pänkte ‘fifth’ (< PIE *penkto-), as the ‘fifth region’ (after the four cardinal directions). Neither suggestion carries conviction.


epiyac (n.) ‘± memory,’ only attested in the phrasal verbs (a) epiyace käl- ‘remember, recall’ and (b) epiyac yām- ‘cause to remember, recall to someone’
(a) ykāk ñiś kälāstär epyac poyśy añmālaṃṣke ‘still the merciful Buddha remembers me’ (22b8), tu epiyāc klormeṃ = BHS tat saṃsmṛtya (251a3), artsa [kauṃ epi]yac kalalyñeṣe yakne ‘the way of remembering each day’ (552a3);
(b) krentauna epiyac yamastär-n[e] ‘he has him recall virtues’ (522a1). -- epyacäññe ‘souvenir, memento’: /// Yasodharañ suknaṃ weṣṣan-neś ṣarya ce hār saswe epiyacäññe lywā-c ‘he gave [it] to Y; he says to her: beloved, the lord sent this necklace to thee [as] a memento’ (PK-AS15-Cb4 [Pinault, 1989:189]). ∎TchA opyāc ‘id.’ and B epiyac reflect a PTch *epiyāc presumably from a Middle Iranian source similar to Pahlavi aβyāt, Turfan Pahlavi ’by’d, Khotanese byāta- (Hansen, 1940:151, Bailey, 1967:260, VW:634). Hilmarsson (1986:56 and 1989b) reconstructs a Middle Iranian *abiyāti- thought there is no direct Iranian evidence for an i-stem. We must assume, I think, that a Middle Iranian *abiyāta- was borrowed as *epiyāt sufficiently early that it was assigned to the Tocharian reflexes of PIE ti-stems which had a productive alternation of stem final -t ~ -c, whence the accusative singular *epiyāc reflected in B epiyac, A opyāc.


epe (conj.) ‘or; otherwise’
mai ñi tākaṃ laitalñe wrocc=asānmeṃ laṃntuññe | epe wat no śaulantse ñyātse ñi ste nesalle [epe wat no = BHS athavāpi] ‘will there be a falling by me from the royal throne? or is there to be to me a danger to [my] life?’ (5a4), se ñisa śpālmeṃ rṣāke tākaṃ cwi aiścer epe tuwak ñi aiścer ‘[if] this seer is better than I, give [it] to him; otherwise, give it to me’ (107b1), lwāsane wat no pret[e]nne wat tänmaskenträ epe yñakteṃ yśām[na] wat ‘they are [re-]born among animals or pretas or among gods or men’ (K-7a5). ∎Etymology obscure. TchA also has epe ‘or’ and it is to be presumed that it is a borrowing from B (so VW:180). VW takes B to reflect a PIE *h1o-wē where the -wē is the PIE *wē see in Sanskrit vā, etc., and the *h1o- is a pronominal stem. Aside from the difficulties of formation, a *h1owē should have give B *eye and certainly not epe.


eprete* (adj.) ‘resolute’
[(voc. epreta)//-, -, epreteṃ] aräñcaccu epreta (241a2). -- epretäññe ‘resolution, fixity of purpose’ (46a3). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + *prete ‘± decision, resolution,’ the unattested B counterpart of A pratim (the latter borrowed in B as pratiṃ, q.v.). See VW:386 and Hilmarsson, 1991: 176-177.


eprer* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘atmosphere, sky, firmament’
[-, -, eprer//] keṃtsa eprerne wat = BHS avanau gatane [lege: gagane] vā (195a4). ∎TchA shows the obviously related eprer ‘id.’ and beside eprer in B is the synomymous iprer. Further relations are unknown. Certainly not with VW (181) from PIE *per- ‘point.’ Other proposed connections, a borrowing from Middle Iranian aβra- ‘cloud,’ or a relationship with Breton ebr ‘heaven’ founder either phonologically or morphologically (whence the final -r?), or both. See also iprer.


eplyuwai (adv.) ‘swimming’
śtwara tasanmane ite ite motä-yokaiṃ taṣalle eplyuwai yasarne śätkaroṃ pāline taṣallona ‘[one is] to place those thirsty for alcohol on four very full containers; leeches swimming [= marinated?] in blood [are] to be placed in a row’ (M-3a4). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + -plyuwai, originally the accusative singular of a verbal noun (in PIE guise) *pleweha-h1en-, a derivative of *pleu- ‘float’ (Hilmarsson, 1991:176). See also plu-, and plew-.


emañña ‘?’
///ṣek mā ṣp emañña lkoyentär-ñ po saṃsārne (S-2b6), cwī yāmorntse okosa s=ākālk kñītär-ñ | kos ṣpä spārttoym saṃsārn[e] tremi kleś ñiś emañña mā lkoyent[rä] (S-5a6).


emalle (adj.) ‘hot, warm’ ; (n.) ‘heat’
[m: emalle, -, emalye ~ emalle//] emalyesa tsetsarkoṣ memyoṣ yokaisa ‘tortured by heat, deluded by thirst’ (29a6), mit śeśuwermeṃ emalle war ma yokalle ‘having eaten honey, [one is] not to drink hot water’ (ST-b3). ∎TchA omäl ‘id.’ and B emalle reflect PTch *emäl(y)e- and Hilmarsson (1986:57 and 1989b:123) is probably right in seeing here a putative PIE *ṇmel-(y)o- with the intensive prefix (see 1e(n)-) plus *mel- ‘oppress.’ He notes Icelandic mella ‘oppressive heat with no wind blowing,’ molla ‘be warm; to cook slowly,’ malla ‘cook slowly.’ It is possible that the *mel- here is not the widespread one meaning ‘oppress’ (see s.v. 1mäl-) but a different one, preserved only in Germanic and Tocharian, meaning ‘heat.’ Not with VW (1962:604-5, 1976:634) a borrowing from some northeastern Asiatic language or with Čop (1955:30-1) related to Hittite hamesha ‘spring [season]’ (from a proposed *h2/3e/om- ‘warm’) or with Lane (1938:32) related to Latin amarus ‘bitter, pungent.’ Nor yet with Isebaert (1978b:346) from *ombhul(y)o-, a derivative of *nebh-/embh- ‘water, cloud’ since such a preform should have given B *omalle rather than *emalle and, in any case, the meaning is very distant.


emalya (nf.) ‘heat’
[emalya, - emalyai//] ce preke aumiyene pälskoṣṣe [mā] kälpasträ emälyai ‘in a spiritual fever one does not achieve heat’ (255b5), emalyaisa memyoṣ räskre wnolmi tākaṃ ‘[if] beings are roughly deluded by heat’ (286b2). -- emalyaṣṣe ‘prtng to heat, hot’ (197b4). ∎Like TchA omlyi ‘id.,’ the substantival use of the (unattested) feminine form of emalle.


ementsi ‘?’
///māne ementsi päst /// (351.1.1).


empakwatte (adj.) ‘untrustworthy, unreliable’
(K-T). ∎The privative of päkw- ‘trust, expect,’ q.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991: 85-86). See also ompakwättñe.


emparkre (adv.) ‘wide(ly), long, expansively’
kutameṃ tākoy emparkre yṣūwa[r]kañe po wnolmeṃts | tumeṃ mant cai ksa emparkre śaśāyormeṃ nikṣāttärnta muhūrttänta śärsāre ‘where would exist widely prosperity for beings? thus, certain [people] having lived long, knew the constellations and moments’ (PK-AS16.3a3/4 [Pinault, 1989:156]), ñ[ä]kcye[ṃ] śāmñeṃ śaiṣṣeṃtso rewät yenme emparkre ‘thou wilt open wide the gate to the divine and human worlds’ (AS-17A-b5 [Pinault, 1984:170]). ∎The intensive e(n)- plus pärkare ‘long,’ qq.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991:171).


empalkaitte ~ empälkatte (adj.) ‘unworried, unconcerned’
[empalkaitte ~ empalkatte, -, -//empalkaicci, -, -] śaul kektsen [sic] empālkatte [sic] nestsi preke ‘[it is] the time to be unconcerned [with] life and body’ (281b2). -- empälkattäññe ‘± unconcern’ (515a5). ∎TchA apälkāt and B empalkatte would reflect PTch *empälkātte (though the details of the B forms remain to be worked out). Such a word would look to be a privative of 1pälk- ‘see.’ The meaning, however, would seem to rule out any such connection. Somewhat better semantically might be a connection with 3pälk- ‘burn’ (‘torture’ > ‘bother’). Cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:69-72.


empele (adj.) ‘terrible, horrible’
[m: empele, -, empelye//empelyi, -, -] [f: -, -, empelyai//-, -, empelona] luwo ṣey omp empele ‘there was there a terrible animal’ (576a3), ñī protri teki empele tsanka ‘a terrible illness arose to my brother’ (H-149.312b2 [Thomas, 1967:29, fn. 46]), ścireñ kektseñtsa lkātsi [e]mpelyi ‘raw of body, horrible to behold’ (K-7b4). -- empelñe ‘± horror’ (271b3, 272b2). ∎TchB empele is clearly borrowed from B empele and the latter is probably (with Krause/Thomas, 1960:55, VW:176-177) the negative prefix e(n)- + pele ‘law,’ qq.v. (cf. also Hilmarsson, 1991:179-180). It is to be noted that the compound is inflected with the same mixture of o-stem and e-h1en-stem (a thematic stem enlarged by *-h1en-) that we see in adjectives -tstse and -tte (see Adams, 1988d).


-emprukṣo* only attested in the compound snay-emprukṣai ‘± without neglect, without detour’
ypärwe - ne yär ṣāmai ce akālk ñiś säswenäś snay-emprukṣai ‘... I honored the wish of the lord without neglect’ (PK-AS-17J-b1/2 [Pinault, 1994:115- 116]). ∎A compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- + a verbal noun *-prukṣā- derived from the "causative" stem of pruk-, qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991: 172).


empreṃ (a) (nnt.); (b) ([indeclinable] adj.) (a) ‘truth’; (b) ‘true’
(a) [-, -, empreṃ//-, -, emprenma] (a) wñāre empreṃ lāntäśco ‘they spoke the truth to the king’ (18a1), lareṃ weṃ no mā eñcareṃ empreṃ weṃ [n]o [m]ā [waike weṃ] ‘[if] one speaks a dear [word] and not an unkind [one]; [if] one speaks the truth and does not speak a lie’ [empreṃ = BHS satyam] (20a8), empreṃtsa = BHS añjasa (H-149.331b1 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32: 495]);
(b) empreṃ ostmeṃ lantsi camñcer ‘truly you can leave the house [= become monks]’ (108a5), [tūsa tärrek] tänmasträ pelaik[n]e mant= empreṃ lkāṣṣäṃ ‘thus he is born blind and never sees the true law’ (291b3). -- emprenmaṣṣe* ‘prtng to truths’ (TEB-59-30);
emprentse (adj.) ‘true, propitious’; (n.) ‘propitiousness, truth’: = [e]mprentse = BHS śreyaḥ (19b4), [tu]sa mskelle śrāddh=empreṃtse ta[karṣke] ‘one should be believing, truthful, and clear’ (65b7);
emprentsäññe ‘truth’: empreṃtsñeśc [su ltu o]stmeṃ ṣamāne ‘a monk come out of the house towards truth’ (19b2), empreṃtsñe = BHS satyam (29b2). ∎Etymology uncertain. Isebaert (1988:139-140) plausibly suggests a borrowing from a Middle Iranian *ham-wrama- ‘confidence.’ Not with VW (177), following an earlier suggestion of Smith (1910:10), who takes it as the intensive prefix e(n)- + some derivative of *bher- ‘bear.’


eye* (n.) ‘sheep’
[-, eyentse, -//] ot ñweṃ prastāṃ eyetse /// ‘then a new sleeping-mat of sheep's [wool is to be made]’ (326a1). ∎From a putative PIE *h2owēis. (The other possibility often entertained, *h3owēis, does not appear to account for the Anatolian data [Kimball, 1987], but see Lindeman, 1990). This *h2owēis is a hysterokinetic nominative singular beside the more usual acrostatic one *h2ówis [: Sanskrit ávi- (m./f.) ‘sheep,’ avika- (m.) ‘id.,’ avikā- (f.) ‘ewe,’ Wakhi yobc ‘ewe’ (< Proto-Iranian *āvi-či-), Armenian howiv ‘shepherd’ (< *h2owi-peh2-), Greek óis (m./f.) ‘sheep,’ Latin ovis (f.) ‘sheep,’ Old Irish ói ‘sheep,’ Old English ēowu ~ ēowe ‘sheep,’ OHG ouwi ‘id.,’ Lithuanian avìs (f.) ‘id.,’ ãvinas ‘wether,’ OCS ovь ‘id.,’ ovьca ‘ewe,’ Luvian hāwa/i- ‘sheep’, Lycian xawa- ‘sheep’, etc. (P:784; MA:510)]. See also ā(u)w.


eynāke See ainake.


Er (n.) ‘Er’ (PN)
(289b2). ∎From an Uyghur word for ‘man.’


er- (vt.) ‘evoke, call up, produce, bring forth, yield’
Ps. VIII /ers'ä/e-/ [-, -, erṣäṃ//-, -, erseṃ; MP -, -, erṣtär// -, -, ersentär; MPImpf. // -, -, erṣyentär; Part. erṣeñca; Ger. erṣalle]; Ko. I /er-/ [MP -, ertar, -// -, -, erantär; AOpt. -, -, eri//; MPOpt. erimar, eritar, eritär//; Inf. ertsi; Ger. erälle*]; Ipv. III /persā-/ [Pl. persat]; Pt. III /ersā-/ [MP ersamai, ersatai, ersate// -, -, ersante]; PP /eru-/ wnolmi [tan]e snai spelke mā mrauskalñ=ersenträ ‘beings here [are] without zeal and do not bring forth weariness for the world’ (3a6), ṣemi ysaly=erṣyentär ‘some produced discord’ (31b7), [takar]ṣkäñ=erṣeñca = BHS prāsādika (524b7); waimen=ertsi krentauna ‘[it is] difficult to produce virtues’ (H-149.72a2 [Thomas, 1954:744]); karttse palkas cewne persat takarṣkñe ‘behold the good; call up [some] faith in it!’ (19a2); kalpa takarṣ[käññe] tarya naumyentane ersat=ākāl[k] ‘he attained faith and evoked a wish for the three jewels’ (42b8). -- erormeṃ: erormeṃ = BHS utpādya (H-ADD.149.62a2 [Couvreur, 1966: 165]). ∎TchA ar- and B er- reflect PTch *er- from PIE *h1or- (the Anatolian cognates rule out an otherwise possible *h3er-) [: Sanskrit íyarti ‘sets in motion,’ ṛṇóti ~ ṛṇváti ‘raises, moves’ (intr.), Avestan ar- ‘sets in motion,’ Armenian y-aṙnem ‘rise, stand’ (intr.), Greek órnūmi ‘urge on, incite, maike rise, call forth,’ Latin orior ‘rise, stand up, arise,’ Hittite arāi ‘rises,’ ari ‘arrives, reaches,’ artari ‘stands up,’ arnuzi ‘sets in motion’ (P:326ff)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:378, VW:148; MA:506). Within Tocharian we should note AB ār- ‘cease’ from * + *h1- (the *se/o-present of er- is matched by the *se/o-present of the causative of ār-). The semantic match of PTch *er- with Greek órnūmi is particularly strong. See also ār-, ārsk-, or-, ere, orotstse.


eraṇḍaṣṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to the castor-oil plant’ (Ricinus communis Linn.)
[eraṇḍaṣṣe, -, -//] (497b3). ∎An adjective from an unattested *eraṇḍ from BHS eraṇḍa-. See also irand and hirant.


ere (n.[m.sg.]) ‘appearance, color (of complexion)’
[ere, -, ere//-, -, ereṃ] walo olyapotse läklessu ere päst sparkā-ne ‘the king [was] suffering very much and his color was gone’ (99a1), erene kartstsa werene kartstsa śukene kartstsa ‘good in appearance, good in smell, good in taste’ (107a4), [ṣmare] ere = BHS snigdha[varṇa] (524b7), ere = BHS bimbam (U-1a4). ∎TchB ere reflects a PIE *h1ores- ‘± what is raised or called up, what is made to appear’ and is the exact equivalent of Greek óros (nt.) ‘mountain.’ On the basis of the admittedly somewhat doubtful accusative plural ereṃ (566a6), it would appear that this PIE neuter s-stem has been reinterpreted as a thematic noun, presumably masculine. The old plural *h1oresha is to be seen, with the addition of the productive -na, in ersna ‘form,’ q.v. The TchA equivalent, aräṃ, reflects a putative PIE *h1or-no or perhaps *h1or(e)s-no- (cf. Krause, 1952:224, VW:149). See also er-, ersna, and erepate.


erepate (n.[m.sg.]) ‘form’
[erepate, erepatentse, erepate//-, -, erepatenta] yolai erepate = BHS virūpa (5b8), cai ñake ṣamāñe erepatesa tsäksenträ ‘they now burn in monastic form’ (431a2), [erepa]tentse = BHS rūpāṇi (H-149-ADD.67a5). ∎TchA arämpāt (pl. arämpātäntu) and B erepate are both dvandva compounds with aräṃ/ere (see ere) + PTch *pāte. It is at least probable that Pisani (1942-43:28; followed by VW:149) is correct in relating this *pāte with Sanskrit bhāti- ‘splendor, light,’ a ti-abstract from PIE *bheha- ‘shine’ (P:104). VW refines the equation by pointing out that the Tocharian forms demand a *bhehato- rather than *bhehati-.


eraitwe (preposition) ‘by use of’
ṣamāññempa eraitwe cimpim palsko yātässi āstreṃ yāmtsi ‘by use of monasticism, may I tame [my] spirit to make [it] pure!’ (S-4a3). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- (which here retains some of its prepositional force) + raitwe ‘use, means,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:177).


erk*1 (~ ark) (m.) ‘arka-plant’ (‘Calotropis gigantea (Linn.) R. Br. ex Ait.’) (a medical ingredient)
[-, erkantse ~ arkantse, -//] arkantse tsäṅwale (497b7), erkäntse yasoñña ‘sap of the arka-plant’ (W-5a6). ∎From BHS arka-.


erk2 See -erkatstse.


erkatte ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘scornful, hostile, unable to get along’ [NOUN-acc. erkatte yām- ‘to treat badly, mistreat’]
taiknes=erkatte lāñc mäskeṃtr ontsoytñesa ‘thuswise kings find themselves vexed because of [their] insatiability’ (22a4), ñäś weñ=erkatte rekaunasa ‘he spoke to me with angry words’ (23b6/7), yāmṣate ñiśś erkatte lyautsa-ñ päst ṣañ ypoymeṃ ‘he treated me badly and exiled me from his kingdom’ (81a3), mäkte Samantatir sankrām pikwalañe śka anās erkatte ṣe-ñ ‘how my monastery S. was for years miserable and detestable’ (DAM-507-a2/3 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). -- erkattäññe ‘anger, vexation, displeasure’: erkatñe tallārñe snai keś wärpanaträ tne piś toṃ cmelane ‘vexation and misery without number he suffers in these five lifeforms’ (42b3);
erkattäññetstse ‘having anger, displeasure’ (89b3). ∎TchB erkatte (/erkätte/) is obviously to be related to A erkāt but the exact details are not clear. Most likely the A form has been borrowed or at least influenced by the B word. PTch *erkätte is an adjectival derivative of *erk ‘testicle.’ The semantic development must have been something on the order of *‘coital excitement’ > ‘passionate rage.’ One sees the same development in Hittite argatiya- ‘stoop to rage, come to violence’ (Puhvel, 1984:147-148) or German Ärgernis (VW, 1941:22, 1976:182). This particular semantic development is discussed more generally by Watkins (1975). Cf. Adams (1987a:4-5). See also -erkatste.


erkatteśañ (adj. [pl.]) ‘± exasperated, angry’
[//erkatteśañ, -, -] śampoṣṣi erkatteśañ /// (575b3). ∎An adjectival derivative of erkatte. For the formation, see Winter, 1979).


erkasenta ‘?’
///weñ erkasenta lāni yamaṣṣälona (W-2a6).


-erkatstse (adj.) ‘testiculate’
[m: -erkatstse, -, -//] /// tso staukkanatär-me śle yasar kalträ ... mäntak no tso-erkatse sa/// ‘their penis[es] become swollen and stand with blood; just so, however [one who is] penite and testiculate...’ (FS-b5). ∎An adjectival derivative in -tstse from an unattested *erk ‘testicle,’ itself reflecting PIE *h4orǵhi- ‘id.’ [: Avestan ərəzi- (m.) ‘scrotum’ (dual ərəzi ‘testicles’), Armenian orjik' ‘testicles,’ Greek órkhis (m.) ‘testicle,’ Albanian herdhe (f.) ‘testicle’ < *h4orǵhiyeha-; note that this Albanian form demonstrates the presence of an initial *h4-), Middle Irish uirgge (f.) ‘testicle’ (< *h4orǵhiyeha-) (P:782; MA:507)]. The lack of palatalization in the Tocharian word, even though there is a PIE *-i-, would be regular in the nominative singular and accusative plural where that PIE *-i- precedes and is centralized by an *-(n)s (Adams, 1988c:15). For other cognates, see Watkins (1975). For the Tocharian, see Adams (1987a:4; MA:507). See also erkatte.


Erkätsole (n.) ‘Erkätsole’ (PN in monastic records)
[Erkätsole, -, -//] (491a-I-1). See A derivative of some sort of -erkatstse?


erkent- (adj.) ‘black’
[m: -, erkeñcepi, erkent//] [f: // -, -, erkenta] erkenta yakwāmeṃ ṣorpo[r] ‘a bag [made] of black wool’ (M-3b7), erkeñcepi kuñcītäntse ṣalype ‘an oil of black sesame’ (W-22a4). ∎TchA arkant- and B erkent- reflect PTch *erkent- and are usually taken to be from a putative PIE *h1ṛgw-ont- ‘dark’ [: Sanskrit rájanī- ‘night,’ Greek érebos (nt.) ‘darkness of the underworld,’ Armenian erek ‘evening,’ Gothic riqis (nt.) ‘darkness,’ Greek orphnós ‘dark’ (< *h1orgws-no-), and TchB orkamo ‘dark’ (< *h1orgwmon-) (P:857)] (VW:149-150). Hilmarsson (1096:171 and 1989b:105-108) suggests, however, that we have *h2ṛǵ-ont-, the word that usually gives ‘silver’ (see further s.v. ārkwi). Semantically he adduces the not unusual change of ‘shining’ > ‘shining black’ > ‘black’ (one might compare the etymological connection of English black and bleach).


erkau* (n.) ‘cemetery’
[-, -, erkau//-, -, erkenma] alyekepi käryorttante śana sruka tāu erkenmasa ṣalāre kenek śār aipar-ne ‘the wife of another merchant dies and they laid her in the cemetery and covered her with a linen cloth’ (560a2/3). ∎In TchA we have the adjective, derived from the plural, arkämnāṣi. All this suggests a PTch *erkemän-. (The development of *a (< PTch *-e-) to in a closed syllable in Tocharian A is regular). The relationship between singular erkau and plural erkenma is similar to, but not exactly, that obtaining between singular śanmau ‘fetter, bond,’ plural śänmānma, q.v. For the phonological development of *-m- to -w-, see Hilmarsson (1991b:152-153) and Adams (1992). VW (1971c:157, 1976:150) is probably correct in further relating this etymon to PIE *h2org- seen in Old Irish org- ‘strike, kill,’ Hittite hark- ‘perish,’ hark(a)nu- ‘destroy.’ That the Tocharian word here is usually a plurale tantum supports a derivation from *h2org-: the original meaning would have been *‘the (collective) dead’ < *‘the perished’ (as cogently pointed out by Melchert, p.c.). The Tocharian singular would be in origin a backformation. Hilmarsson (1991b:149-151) proposes that the cemetery Tocharian speakers envisioned was not a graveyard (for inhumation) in the strict sense but rather a place where the dead were left on wooden structures to be devoured by carrion-birds as in Iranian custom. If Hilmarsson (1991b: 149ff) should be right about the kind of cemetery the Tocharian-speakers spoke about, he may be right that erkenma the wooden platforms on which the bodies were laid. He suggests a derivation from PIE *h3reǵ- ‘extend, direct, stretch (over a surface).’ Particularly he would compare Latin regimen (nt.) ‘direction, directing.’ Both Tocharian erkau and Latin regimen could be from PIE *h3reǵomṇ. However, the archeological evidence strongly suggests inhumation as the preferred form of burial and thus Hilmarsson's proposal loses much of its cogency.


erṣaitsñe See airṣaitstse.


ersänk (adv.) ‘± with great care, concern’ (?)
[ke]ktseñ lka[ntär e]rsänk skeyettse rā (242a1), ///ne caṇḍāli waikiññeṃ penkeṃ pa [sic] tasemane mcuṣkantaṃts ckāckane ersank śa/// (589b5). -- ersankäññe* ‘± concern, suspicion’: kwaräm wärñai ersankñene tekanmane kartse ‘good in [cases] of sicknesses for [which there is] the suspicion of .... tumor, etc.’ (Y-1b5). ∎Etymology unknown. See also enersänk.


ersna (n.[pl.tant.f.]) ‘form’
[//ersna, ersnaṃts, ersna] [snai] ersnās ste [lege: snai-ersnā sste]; snai-ersna = BHS virūpa (5b6), poyśintasa tañ yaitwa ersna ‘with buddhas [is] thy form decorated’ (74b3), ñem ersna kselñemeṃ = BHS nāmarūpanirodhāt (157b1), tumeṃ oṃṣäp no ñakti klyowonträ [sic] snai ersna ‘moreover the gods are called formless’ (K-2a3). -- ersnāṣṣe ‘prtng to form’ (PK-NS53-a1 [Pinault, 1988]);
ersnāssu ‘well-formed, pleasing, handsome, beautiful’: yśelmecce ersnāssonto śaiṣṣempa ‘with a lustful, beautiful world’ (41a5), ersnāsu [sic] = BHS abhirūpo (524b2). ∎The old plural of ere ‘appearance’ (< *h1oros), namely *er(ä)s (< *h1oresha), recharacterized by the addition of the productive plural morpheme -na. See More s.v. ere.


El (n.) ‘El’ (PN)
[El, -, -//] (289b2). ∎From an Uyghur word meaning ‘stem’?


elauke (adv.) ‘far, distantly’
kuse śäktālyenta skente etsuwai elauke wat ‘which seed are found near or far’ (KVāc-30a3). ∎From e(n)- ‘in’ + lauke, qq.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991: 170-171).


elya- some sort of foodstuff (?)
[wsā]wa piś cakanma elya ̇e/// (460a4).


elyeñcai ‘doing ill (to someone)’ (?)
alyekepi kektsenne [] elyeñcai te [] mäktu [] lkaṣṣäṃ [sic] = BHS paraśraye [] duraka[ṃ] tat [] yat [] ikṣate (545b5). ‣This hapax legomenon happily appears as the gloss to a Sanskrit word. Unfortunately the word it glosses is as obscure as elyeñcai. It is clear by the Tocharian glossator's choice of a present participle that the Sanskrit duraka[ṃ] is either a verbal adjective (duraka) or a "quasi-gerund" (durakaṃ) such as are discussed by Edgerton (1953:120). Thus we have a verbal root dur-, otherwise unknown. The only solution I can see is to assume here the same dur- we see in the AV durasyáti ‘will Böses zufügen’ (Mayrhofer, 1963:54), a quasi-denominative from the prefix duṣ-/dur- ‘ill-.’ The whole of the preserved portion of the verse in which durakaṃ occurs (with corrections): parasya nāma skhalitani paśyati svayañ ca teṣv eva padeṣu vardate paraśraye durakaṃ tat yat ikṣate. We can translate thus: ‘he sees the errors of another; he himself dwells in these very places; thus the doing of evil to another's body [is] what he sees.’ ∎This rather complicated reasoning as to the meaning of durakaṃ and thus of elyeñcai gains some etymological support in that the verbal root el- underlying elyeñcai can only reflect a PIE *h3el(h1)- seen in Greek óllūmi ‘destroy, bring to an end; lose’ (future olésō), Latin aboleō ‘destroy, do away with’ (P:777; MA:158), and Latin lētum ‘death,’ lētālis ‘deadly, mortal.’ In Tocharian we have an attenuated semantic development *‘destroy’ > ‘do ill to.’


ewe (n.) ‘inner skin, hide’
[ewe, -, ewe//ewenta, -, -] [kektse]nne ewe passāre-ne śamāne ‘they flayed the hide on his body [while still] living’ (235a3), ika[ñceṃ pi]nk[c]eṃ ṣuk-kaunne ewe kentsentsa [tänmastär-ne] ‘in the twenty-fifth week the inner skin appears on his [scil. the embryo's] body’ (603a4), te eṣe pepakṣormeṃ aṣiye iwene taṣale ‘having cooked this together, [it is] to be put on a goat hide’ (W-40a5/6). ∎From PIE *h1owes- (nt.) ‘± covering,’ a derivative of *h1eu- ‘put on (of clothes, shoes)’ [: Avestan aoþra- ‘footwear,’ Armenian aganim ‘put something on,’ Latin exuō ‘take off,’ induō ‘put on,’ induviae ‘clothes,’ induvium ‘bark,’ exuviae ‘slough (of a snake),’ ōmen ~ ōmentum ‘fat, omentum,’ Lithuanian aviù ‘wear shoes,’ aunù ‘put on shoes,’ OCS obujǫ ‘put on shoes,’ Hittite unu(wa)- ‘adorn,’ etc. (cf. P:346)] (VW, 1963b:40, 1976:183; MA:522). The o-grade in the neuter s-stem is not common but surely attested in Latin onus ‘burden’ from *h1onhxes- (see s.v. en-) or TchB ere, q.v. The initial *h1- or *h1eu- is assured by the lack of any initial laryngeal in Hittite unu(wa)- (Melchert, p.c.). See also possibly aiyyer.


eweta (adv.) ‘in conflict, in strife [with]’
[with the comitative] kete no āñme wī aulareṃ eweta tarkatsi śamñana wī kwrāṣ tainaisäñ ñemtsa näsait yamaṣle ... eweta /// ‘to whom [there is] the desire to set at strife two companions, two human skeletons [are taken] and in their two names the spell [is] cast ...’ (M-3a7), āmpäl-śuke salyiṃ ṣpä malkwermpa eweta ‘vinegar-taste and salt [are] in strife with milk’ (ST-a6/b1). -- ewetaitstse* ‘± fighting’ (see Hilmarsson, 1991:179) ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- (here retaining much of its original prepositional meaning) + weta ‘conflict,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:179).


ewepe (or eweṣe) (n.) ‘?’
[ewepe, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients (P-3a6).


eśatkai (adv.) ‘± very’
Priyadeve ñemttsa śreṣṭhi ṣey eśatkai śāte ekaññetstse olyapotstse sa [lege: su] no entsesse ‘P. by name was a merchant; [he was] very rich and had many possessions but he was greedy’ (375a4). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + -śätkai, the accusative singular of a deverbal noun *śätkā-, a derivative of 1kätk- ‘pass over.’ The formation is the same as is seen in eplyuwai or etsuwai, qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:177).


eśanetstse See ek.


eśuwatte* (adj.) ‘not having eaten, having gone hungry’
[f: -, -, eśuwacca//] tu ṣamānets päst aiṣṣi śwātsi ~ tāy no trite kauṃ ṣai ~ eśuwacca mäskīträ ‘she gave it back to the monks to eat; for her, however, [it was] the third day [that] she had gone without eating’ (TEB-66-34= H-149.X.5a3/4 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ∎A privative from śuwā- ‘eat,’ q.v. (cf. HIlmarsson, 1991:72-73).


eś-lmau See ek.


eśpeṣṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to hogweed’ (Boerhavia diffusa Linn. [aka boerhavia procumbens])
[m: eśpeṣṣe, -, -//] ‣For identification and discussion, see Maue, 1990:163. Another word meaning ‘hogweed’ is wärścik, q.v. ∎Etymology unknown. It is the semantic equivalent of Khotanese aiśte (var. auśte, eśte, etc. [Bailey, 1979:48]) and one is tempted to see some sort of phonological relationship as well but what exactly it might be is unclear.


eṣe (adv.-preposition) ‘together (with)’
walo kauṣale eṣe wertsyaimpa ‘the king of Kauṣala, together with [his] retinue’ (18b7), triwoṣ ... kattākeṃmp=eṣe ‘mixed together with house-holders’ (31b6=32a8), aklaṣlyeṃ po eṣe kraupäṣṣare weñār-meś ‘they gathered all the disciples together and spoke to them’ (108a3), eṣe waltsāre ‘they ground [them (scil. various grains)] together’ (462a3). -- eṣemeṃ ‘all together’: wi dhatuṣṣa[na] lypauwa kleśanma ṣkas eṣemeṃ mäskenträ-ne ‘the kleśas belonging to the dhātus are six altogether’ (591a3). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)-, which here retains much of its original prepositional meaning ‘in,’ + ṣe ‘one.’ Perhaps ṣe, an apparent nominative, is actually the PIE accusative *sēm (< *semṃ) (Hilmarsson, 1991:177-178).


eṣerñe* (adj.) ‘related as sisters’
[f: //eṣerñāna, -, eṣerñāna] ṣerśkana ceym rṣāki ñissa śpālmeṃ stare [] tumeṃ toy eṣerñāna onkorñai kamānte śuddavāsäṣṣeṃś ‘sisters, these seers are better than I; then the besistered ones took the porridge to the ś.’ (107b2/3), takarṣkñesa wināṣṣar-ne wi eṣerñāna ‘out of faith the two besistered ones worshiped him’ (107b6). ∎An adjectival collocation of the intensive prefix e(n)- + ṣer ‘sister,’ qq.v., + the adjective forming -ññe (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:178). Compare the similar omprotartste ‘related as brothers,’ q.v.


eṣpirtatte* (adj.) ‘unturned’
[-, -, eṣpirtacce//] (30b7, AMN-a2). ∎The privative of spārtt- ‘turn,’ q.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:61-62).


Eṣmiñe (n.) ‘Eṣmiñe’ (PN in monastic records)
[Eṣmiñe, -, -//] (491a-I-6).


esale (n.) ‘post’
(K-T). ∎TchA asäl and B esale reflect PTch *esäle but further connections are uncertain. VW (151) suggests PIE *h2osd-lo-, a derivative of *h2osdo- ‘branch’ (P:785-786).


etsarkälle* (adv.) ‘± with zeal, with self-castigation’
carka yetweṃ kektseñṣe spelke -ṣp yāmṣi etsarkle ‘he let go of the jewels of the body and ... acted with zeal’ (A-1b7). -- etsarkälletstse* ‘zealous’: etsarkällecci = BHS ātāpino (U-2a3). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + the gerund of tsärk- ‘burn, torture,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:178-179).


etsuwai (adv.) ‘towards, near to’
[etsuwai i- ‘approach’] [yoko kau]tsiś etsuwai āśäṃ wnolmeṃ ‘thirst leads beings towards death’ [etsuwai = BHS upa] (11a8), etswai-palkalñe = BHS upalakṣaṇā (41b7), eṣerñāna etsuwai masa ‘he went towards the sisters’ (107a5), Bārāṇasi-ri etsuwai ‘near Benares-city’ (112a3), kuse śäktālyenta skente etsuwai elauke wat ‘which seed are found near or far’ (KVāc-30a3 [Hilmarsson, 1991: 170]), ets[uwai] = BHS anucankramaṃ (PK-NS-12a1 [Couvreur, 1967: 153]). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + tsuwai, qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991: 179).


ai- (vt.) ‘give’
Ps. IXa /āisk'ä/e-/ [A aiskau, -, aiṣṣäṃ//aiskem, aiścer, aiskeṃ; AImpf. -, -, aiṣṣi// -, -, aiṣṣiyeṃ; APart. aiṣṣeñca (see also aiṣṣeñcaññe below); MPPart. aiskemane; Ger. aiṣṣälle]; Ko. I /āi-/ [A āyu, ait, aiṃ// -, -, aiṃ; AOpt. -, -, āyi//; MPOpt. -, -, ayītär//; Inf. aitsi; Ger. aille]; Ipv. /pete-/ [sg. pete; pl. petso ~ petes]; Pt. I(sg.)/III(pl.) /wäsā-/ [A wsāwa, wsāsta, wasa//wasam, -, wsar ~ wsare]; PP /āyu-/ tā onkorñai pintwāt aiskem ‘we give the porridge [as] alms’ (107a6), [eśanai]säñ win=aiṣṣeñca = BHS nayanābhirāmaḥ (524b5), ce peri nesem tu päs aiskem-ne ‘that which we owe we will give back to him’ (DAM-507-a9 [Pinault, 1984a:24]); pelaik[n]e klyauṣtsi āyor aitsi ‘to give the gift of hearing the law’ (23a7), kuse pi ksa ayi-ne pelaikne klyauṣtsi ‘who might give him to hear the law?’ (99a4); pelaikne klyauṣtsi nauṣ pete-ñ ‘give me to hear the law!’ (100a6); entwek āyor mā wasa ‘he did not, then, give a gift’ (49b2), /// wsāwa wi ṣankäṃ ‘I gave two pounds’ (470a2), sankakeṃtsa kuśāneṃ wasam 6000 (490b-I-4), karstatsi wsāsta āstäṃ ‘thou hast given [thy] heads to be cut off’ (S-8a3); se udāṃ Wäryarucintse āyu ‘this udāna [was] given by V.’ (Dd7). ‣One should note that with ai- are formed periphrastic causatives to klyaus- ‘hear,’ yok- ‘drink,’ and śuwā- ‘eat.’ Thus we have klyaustsi ai- ‘cause to hear,’ etc. -- āyormeṃ;
aiṣṣeñcaññe ‘giving’: pontaṃts aiṣṣeñcaññe kärtseṣṣe ‘to all giving the good’ (AMB-a4) [a derivative of the active present participle];
ailñe ‘gift, gift-giving; inheritance’: ailñe = BHS dāya (21a2), ailñe = BHS dāna (23b7), ṣaḍvarginta karyor pito misko ailñe yamaṣyenträ ‘the ṣaḍvargikas were dealing in buying, selling, exchange, and inheritance’ (337a2), śak pärkāwänta kṣatre ailñesa yänmāṣṣäṃ wnolme ‘a being achieves the ten benefits through giving an umbrella’ (K-9a5). ∎TchA e- ‘id.’ and B ai- reflect PTch *āi- from PIE *h4ei- ‘take, give’ which is otherwise to be seen certainly in Greek aínūmai ‘take,’ aîsa (f.) ‘lot, fate’ (< *‘what one is given’), Hittite pāi- ‘give’ (from *pe- + h4ei- as, for instance in P [10-11], Melchert [1984:32, fn. 65], and MA:224), and Lycian ije- ‘buy’ and Hieroglyphic Luvian iyasa- ‘id.’ (the Lycian and HLuv. words are generalized from the weak-grade [Melchert, 1989:44]). Semantically one may compare the difference in English of ‘take from’ and ‘take to’ (cf. also Benveniste, 1948-49). This etymology goes back in embryo to Pedersen, 1925:20. VW (174-5) wrongly rejects this etymology in favor of equating these Tocharian words with Sanskrit dyáti ‘cuts, shares,’ etc. as * + dy-.
The imperative pete is composed of the Tocharian imperative prefix pe- (~ pä-) + either PIE *dh3o (Watkins, 1969a:208) or *deh3 (Winter apud Watkins). Since word-final *- gives PTch *-e (Adams, 1988c:19), either form would regularly have resulted in a PTch *-te.
The preterite, TchA wäs-ā- (preterite participle wawu), B wäs(-ā)-, is of uncertain origin. The shape of the preterite participle in A suggests that the -s- is not part of the root but some sort of stem formative. Presumably it is, as is so often the case, the relic of an old se/o-present whose -s- has been extended to much of the rest of the paradigm. Thus we have a morphophonemic division *wä-s- and it may be that in PIE terms we have *wi- ‘away’ verbalized by *-se/o- just as it may be for 2ās- ‘fetch’ and similar to 2kätk- ‘lower’ where the present formant was *-sḱe/o- rather than *-se/o-. In any case, not with VW (563-564) related to Sanskrit dúvas- (nt.) ‘honor, sacrifice.’ See also āyor and anāyätte.


aik- (vt.) ‘know, recognize’
G Ps. II /āik'ä/e-/ [MP aikemar, aiśtar, aiśtär// -, -, aikentär; MPImpf. aiśimar, -, -,//; APart. aiśeñca; MPPart. aikemane (see also aikemanetse below); Ger. aiśalle]; Ko. II (= Ps.) [MPOpt. -, -, aiśitär//; Inf. aiś(t)si]; Pt. Ib /āikā-/ [A -, aikasta, -//]; PP /āiku-/;
K Pt. III /āiksā-/ [A -, aiksātai, -// -, -, aiksānte] wai[me]netse śaul totk=āttsaik su ṣp laklempa rittowo mā no wnolmy aikenträ ‘the life [of beings] is difficult and very short and bound up with suffering but beings do not recognize [it]’ (3b6), mā-yśeñcañ = BHS ajānakāḥ (31a6/7=32a1), śuke aiśeñca = BHS -rasajño (251b3), ṣamāne ytāri mā aiśtär klyiye ytāri ṣärpṣūkiññesa yaṃ-ne anāpatti ‘[if] a monk does not know the way and a woman goes [with] him [as] an explainer of the way, anāpatti’ (330a2), mā ai[śeñca] = BHS ajānaṃ (534b4), yśelma [sic] aikemar tañä witskai = BHS kāma jānāmi te mūlam (U-2b2/3), aiśträ = BHS vijānāti (U-18b6); ot aknātsañ pelaiknenta ca[mp]eṃ aiśsi ‘then fools can know the laws’ (286b2); ekasta [sic] enkalñeṣṣeṃ ñemna po ‘thou didst know all the names of passion’ (204b3); aiku = BHS jñāta (31a4), te śārsa-me pudñäkt=ānaiśai mā ranw aiku kärsau ñy akalṣle ‘the Buddha made this known: neither [is] my student known or recognized/celebrated or famous’ (31a7/8); aiyksātaiy ra saṃsārṣṣana po [läkle]nta ‘thou hast made known, as it were, all the sufferings of the saṃsāra’ (214a2/3). -- aikoreṃ: aikormeṃ = BHS -abhisaṃbuddha (531a3);
-aikemanetse ‘± knowing’: /// mā aikemanetse = BHS avijānitaḥ (H-149.329a2 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:486]). ∎TchAB aik- and its widespread derivatives in B (in A there is only eśe which corresponds with B aiśai) comes from PIE *haeiḱ-) ‘have as one's own, be master of’ [: Sanskrit īśe ‘is master of, controls’ (the - reflects an original reduplication), Avestan iše ‘is master of,’ Gothic aih, aigum ‘have, possess,’ Old English āgan ‘id.,’ OHG eigan ‘id.,’ Old English āgen ‘own,’ OHG eigan ‘own,’ Gothic aihts ‘property,’ Avestan išti- ‘goods, riches’ P:298-299; MA:270] (Pedersen, 1925:31, VW:139, though the details differ). One should note that the consistent orthographic <aik>- (and never <eyk>-) in Tocharian in all forms of this verb, and of its several derivatives, strongly suggests that we have /āik-/ rather than /eik-/ and thus PIE *haeiḱ-) rather than *h1oiḱ- or *h3eiḱ-. In Tocharian we have a semantic shift from physical possession to mental possession. See also aiśi, aiśamo, aiśai, anaiśai, and anaikätte.


aikatte* (adj.) ‘± not removing’
[-, aikaccepi, -//] te aikaccepi kleśanma ‘that [is the characteristic] of one who [is] unable to destroy kleśas’ [Hilmarsson, 1991:56, following Broomhead] (H-149.45b4). ∎If a privative of wik- ‘disappear.’


aikare (adj.) ‘empty’
[m: aikare, -, aikareṃ//aikari, -, -] [f: aikarya, -, -//aikarona, -, -] pelaikn[i] po aikari ‘the laws [are] all empty’ (597b3), aikarya = BHS śūnyo (U-1b2). ∎TchA ekär ‘id.’ and B aikare reflect PTch *aikäre and this is surely to be related to A ekro ‘poor’ (< *‘having emptiness’?) but further connections are uncertain. VW (176) suggests a connection with Greek īkhar ‘violent desire,’ īkanáō ‘desire,’ Sanskrit īhate ‘seek to obtain, desire,’ Avestan āzi ‘desire’; however, the semantic gap seems too wide. Only Greek ākhēn ‘needy, poor’ seems apposite here and even so matches semantically only A ekro and not the central meaning ‘empty’ of this etymon. Perhaps instead we have the intensive prefix e(n)-, q.v., + a PTch *yäkre (as if) from PIE *h1egro-, an adjectival derivative of *h1eg- ‘be lacking’ [: Latin egeō ‘am without, am in need; want, wish for,’ egestās ‘poverty, indigence, lack, need,’ egēnus (< *h1eges-no-) ‘indigent, needy,’ Oscan egmo ‘res,’ Old Norse ekla ‘lack’ (P:290)]. See also perhaps yäk- and aikäruṣa.


aikäruṣa ‘possessed of emptiness’ (?)
aikäruṣa ket pälsko snai säk yaitu kektseñä nonk ausu ramt pakware mā prutkäṣṣäṃ we[rtsyai]ne (254b3=255b2). ∎If correctly identified as to meaning, a derivative of aikare.


aikeca ‘?’
/// pas aikeca [] cisa /// (618b2)


aikne (n.) ‘duty’
[aikne, -, aikne//] /// aikne cpī aksäṣṣäṃ/// ‘he instructs him in [his] duty’ (587.1b1), tusāksa aikne ṣäñ yolaina yāmornta [] nāktsy aiśaumyepi ‘thus [it is] the duty of the wise man to reproach his own evil deeds’ (K-3b3). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + yakne ‘way,’ qq.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:161).


aiksnar (adv.) ‘(all) together’
[aiksnar mäsk- ‘come together, assemble’] keṣe aiksnar wä[ntoṣo swāñcaintsa cwi ye]t[se] ysāṣṣe [Thomas, 1983:197] ‘and a fathom's [width] of rays covered his golden skin altogether’ (30b1/2), aiksnar mäskenträ = BHS saṃbhavanti (156a5). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- + yäksnā-, present stem of yäks- ‘grasp, enfold,’ qq.v., + -ār (see Hilmarsson, 1991:161-162).


aicärke (n.) ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-38a5).


aiñye* ‘passable, traversable,’ only in the compound somo-aiñye ‘only passable’ (or ‘traversable only by one or only by the Buddha,’ in any case = BHS ekāyana-)
[f: -, -, aiñyai//] sanai ytāri källātsiś sportotär somw-aiñyai ytārye ‘the only passable way turns to achieve the sole road’ (29b3). ∎Either a putative PIE *h1oin-ihxo-, an o-grade derivative of *h1ei-n-, itself an élargissement of *h1ei- ‘go’ (see s.v. i- ‘go, travel’) with VW (140) or the Tocharian verbal prefix ā-, q.v., + *h1inihxo- with zero-grade. In any case, VW is right to adduce the type of Greek hágios ‘venerandus’ as an example of the same *-ihxo-.


aitkatte (adj.) ‘± uncommissioned, unordered’
[aitkatte, -, -//] (H-149.45b4 [K]). -- aitkattäññe ‘± state of not being ordered’ (?) (293a1). ∎A privative from wätk-, q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:56).


aittanka (adv.) ‘directed to(wards)’ [with dative or locative]
[yām]utts[i]nts[o] yt[ā]rye mkte [sic] yolmeś aittanka ‘as the way of the waterfowl (?) [is] directed toward the pool’ (29a3), mäkte wranta ckentameṃ kārpaṃ kwri Gānkne [ait]t[a]nka ... po yaneṃ samudtärśc aiwol ‘as the waters from the rivers, if directed to the Ganges, descend and go towards to the ocean’ (30a8). ∎In origin, aittäṃ + the strengthening particle ka, qq.v.


aittäṃ (adv.) ‘± forth’
/// ṣamāne ṣey aittäṃ maittär /// ‘he was a monk; they set forth’ (582a1). ∎Perhaps a PIE *h1ói-tw-om a verbal noun ‘± a going’ from *h1ei- ‘go’ (cf. Oscan eituam ‘pecuniam’ < Italic *ei-tu-ā-, English oath from *h1oi-to- if it belongs here [Puhvel, 1991:9-10, would put oath with Hittite hai- ‘believe, trust, be convinced’]). The -n would be the same as we see in postäṃ ‘after.’ Not (with VW:140) the intensive prefix plus a derivative of PIE *wedh- ‘lead’ (> A wät- ‘put, place’). See also aittanka.


ainake (adj.) ‘common, base(-born)’
[m: ainake, -, ainakeṃ//ainaki, ainakeṃts, -] [mā lāre yamī]tär śaumoṃ ainakeṃ ‘may he not love common men!’ (308a3), kete ā[ñm]e [tsä]lpātsi lwāññe cmeṃlmeṃ [sic] ainakeṃ ‘to whomever [is] the desire to be freed from the common, animal birth’ (575a6). ∎TchA enāk ‘id.’ and B aināke reflect PTch *eināke, probably a borrowing from some Middle Iranian source, e.g. Pahlevi ’ynykyh (Hansen, 1940:146) rather than an inherited word ultimately related to the Iranian ones (so VW:178).


aineye* (n.) ‘black antelope’
[-, aineyentse, -//] tskertkane aineyentse lwāntse ramt ‘calves like the black antelope-animal's’ (74a4). ∎From BHS aiṇeya-.


aip- (vt.) ‘cover, pull over, blind [of the eyes]’
Ps. VIII /aips'ä/e-/ [A //-, -, aipseṃ; Ger. aipṣalle]; Pt. III /aip(sā)-]/ [A //-, -, aipar]; PP /aipu-/ /// śār aiypseṃ [ṣa]rsa totteṃ āś nawasa/// (324b4); śana sruka tāu erkenmasa ṣalāre kenek śār aipar-ne ‘[his] wife died and they laid her in the cemetery and covered her with a linen cloth’ (560a2/3); entses=aipu eśne ‘eyes blinded by envy’ (49b2), ṣi[m mā] prākre aipu no iścemtsa oṃṣmeṃ mā yāmu ‘the roof [is] not firmly covered and not made with clay from above’ (A-2a5). -- aiporñe* ‘± covering’ (328b2). ∎TchA ep- and B aip- reflect PTch *āip- or *eip-. If the former, it is probable that we have PTch - ‘near, up to, on’ + PIE yebh- ‘± disappear into, enter into, be(come) covered up’ (more s.v. yäp- ‘enter’). Not with VW (624) a bor-rowing from some Paleosiberian language (e.g. Kamchadal (k)eip ‘cover’).


aipau See tsaipau.


aiyye* (adj.) ‘ovine, prtng to sheep’
[f. //aiyyāna, -, -] eśe [= eṣe?] aiyyāna śānta takāre 18 ‘together the ovine animals were 18’ (PK-LC-I.4 [Pinault, 1997:177]). ∎From PIE *h2owyo- [: Sanskrit ávya- ‘prtng to sheep,’ Greek oía ‘sheepskin’ (P:784)] (Pinault, 1997:193-194). See also ā(u)w.


aiyyer* (n.) ‘sheath’
[-, -, aiyyer//] aiyyermeṃ = BHS koṣāt (PK-NS-12b3 [Couvreur, 1967:153]). ∎Perhaps with VW (141) a putative PIE *h1ou-y-or, *h1ou-y-ēr, or perhaps *h1ou-wēr, a derivative of *h1eu- ‘cover.’ See If so, see also ewe ‘inner skin.’


Airawanta* (n.) ‘Airawanta’ (PN)
[-, Airawantantse, -//] (74a4).


airpätte* (adj.) ‘unheeding, disregarding, impassive’
[m: -, -, airpäcce//] [f: //-, -, airpättona] airpäcce pañäktäṃñe ai[śamñe] ‘the impassive buddha-wisdom’ (541a6), [wäsa]nma ausormeṃ snai-y[parw]e [saṃs]ār[n]e airpittona läklenta wärpātai ‘wearing [such] clothes thou didst suffer unheeding pains in the beginningless saṃsāra’ [cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:197] (KVāc-12b4 [K. T. Schmidt, 1986]). ∎If the privative of yärp- ‘pay attention to’ (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:106-109).


airṣaitstse* (adj.) ‘± exhuberant, impetuous’
[-, -, airṣaicceṃ//] (124a1, 362b5). -- airṣaitsäññe ‘exhuberance, impetuosity’: airṣaitsäññe = BHS saṃrambha- (U-20a2);
airṣaitsäñ-ñetstse* ‘± impetuous’ (A-4b4) ∎In form a -tstse adjective to an unattested deverbative noun (acc. sg.) *airṣai. This noun implies a verbal root *airs- which must in turn be *ā-, q.v., + -yärs-. This *yärs- may reflect a PTch *w'ärs- but further connections are very uncertain. It is possible we have a reflex of PIE *hawer- ‘rise’ [: Greek aéirō] or of PIE *wer- ‘twist’ (if > *‘throw’). See P:1150 and 1152 respectively. Hilmarsson (1991:166-167) takes the underlying yärs- to be the attested yärs-, q.v., ‘mit innere Beteiligung sprechen’ but the meaning is distant.


ailskālyñe See kälsk-.


aiw- (vi.) ‘be turned toward, be directed toward’
G Ps. IV /āiwo-/ [MP -, -, aiwotär//]; Pt. Ib /āiwā-/ [A -, -, aiwa//]; PP /āiwā-/ /// aiwoträ wertsiyaimeṃ pränketrä ‘he turns towards .... and holds himself aloof from the assembly’ (14a2); ket śāmñe śaiṣṣe aiwau ‘to whom the world [is] directed’ (93a6). ∎TchB aiw- is composed of the verbal prefix ā-, q.v. and *yu- seen in TchA yu- ‘id.’ (TchA shows the same aiw- as B in ānewāts, the equivalent of B anaiwatstse.) One should note the particularly striking parallelism of the present tense formations in the two languages. In PTch terms we have *ywe- (> A ywa-) and *ā-ywe- (> B aiwo-). Further connections are unclear. Possibly with Duchesne- Guillemin (1941:149, followed by Hilmarsson, 1991:127) from PIE *yeu(hx-) ‘connect’ [: Sanskrit yáuti ~ yuváti ‘bind to, mix,’ Avestan yavayeiti ‘employs oneself with,’ Latin juvāre ‘support, aid, help; amuse, delight,’ (P:508)]. Probably not with VW (140-141) is there any connection with B yu- ‘ripen.’ See also aiwol and anaiwatstse.


-aiwenta (n.[pl.tant.]) ‘± group’
[//aiwenta, -, -] täṅwaṃñana eś-aiwentasa ‘with individual pairs of loving eyes’ (368a4), śwātsi yoktsine ymassu mäskelle kuse mi[s]=ai[w]e[nta] - tekisa yä[kw]eñe oksaiñe läksaññe wästarye tu wikṣalle (559b4/5), ṣamāni no masār ostuw=aiwentane kakākaṣ tākoṃ śwātsiśco (H-149.X.5b5 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). ‣This noun, which only occurs as the second member of a compound and is only surely attested in the plural, has at times been taken as an inflectional ending of a "pluralatative" (so, e.g., Krause and Thomas, 1960). Winter (1962b:115-117) sufficiently disposes of that argument. ∎From PIE *hxoiwo- ‘unit’ [: Avestan aēva-, Old Persian aiva- ‘one,’ Greek oîos (Cypriot oiwos) ‘alone, lonely,’ and, more distantly Greek oînos ‘ace on a die,’ Latin ūnus (Old Latin oinos) ‘one,’ Old Irish óen ‘one,’ Gothic ains ‘one,’ Lithuanian víenas ‘one,’ OCS inъ ‘one; other,’ Sanskrit eka- ‘one’ (P:286; MA:398-399)] (Winter, 1962b:117, following Krause).


aiwol (adv.) ‘towards’ [with dative]
mäkte wranta ckentameṃ kārpaṃ kwri Gānkne [ait]t[a]nka ... po yaneṃ samudtärśc aiwol ‘as the waters from the rivers, if directed to the Ganges, descend and go towards to the ocean’ (30a8). -- aiwolätstse* ‘directed to’ [with dative]: n[e]rvā[n]äś po aiwolyci mäskentär lnask[eṃ osta]m[eṃ] ‘all those directed towards nirvana come out from [their] houses [i.e. become monks]’ (30b1). ∎An adverbial derivative (perhaps the accusative of an old *-l abstract used adverbially) of aiw-, q.v. Compare the TchA yulā ‘id.,’ the perlative of an l-stem abstract derived from the related yu- ‘be turned toward, be directed toward.’


aiśamo (adj.) ‘wise’
[aiś(a)mo, aiśmopi, -//aiś(a)moñ, aiśmoṃts, -] aiśmw akn[ā]tsa wat āṃtpi ksa ṣp mā=läṃ mäskentär ‘wise [man] and fool, the two are not distinguishable’ (28b3), cau aiśamoṃ śanmaumeṃ tsälpoṣo = BHS taṃ dhīram bandhanān muktam] (U-18b4). ∎An adjectival derivative from the present/subjunctive stem of aik- ‘know, recognize,’ q.v. (as if PIE *haeiḱemon-). See also aiśamñe.


aiśamñe (nnt.) ‘wisdom’
[aiśamñe, aiśamñentse, aiśamñe//aiśamñenta, -, aiśamñenta] aiśamñe spaktāṃ ślek ompalskoññe cowai ram no tärkananṃ-[m]e pälskoṣṣana krentauna ‘wisdom, service, likewise meditation, he robs them of all spiritual virtues’ (15a8=17b1/2), täryā-aiśamñe = BHS traividyaḥ (31a6), aiśa[mñ]e = BHS vidyā (171a3), aiśamñesa = BHS jñāna- (200a4), aiśamñesa = BHS prajñayā (308b2), ai[śamñe] = BHS -viṣaya (541a6), aiśamñentse kätkarä[ññ]e = BHS buddhigām-bhīryam (H-149.47a5 [Couvreur, 1966:162]). -- aiśamñeṣṣe ‘prtng to wisdom, knowledge’: aiśamñeṣṣe = BHS prajñā- (12a6), aiśamñeṣṣe = BHS mati- (PK-NS-306/305b1 [Couvreur, 1970:177]);
aiśamñetstse ‘one who has wisdom’: waṣamñe [ya]mītär śl[e] aiśamñets[e] = BHS sakhyaṃkurvīta saprajña (308a1). ∎An abstract in -ññe from aiśamo ‘wise,’ q.v. (as if PIE *haeiḱemnyo-). See also śle-aiśamñetstse, s.v. śale.


aiśi (adj.) ‘knowing’ [po-aiśi ‘all-knowing,’ an epithet of the Buddha (= poyśi, q.v.); aiśi yām- ‘± make appear, make known’]
[aiśi, -, aiśiṃ//] menak yamäṣṣäṃ po aiyśi po śärsa ‘the all-knowing one made a comparison; he knew everything’ (407a4/5), /// yapoy aiśi yāmtsi mäkte nauṣ ‘to make the land appear as [it was] before’ (A-4a2), po-aiśintsa = BHS sarvābhijñena (H-149.152a1 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930- 32:485]). -- aiśiññeṣṣe*, only in the compound po-aiśiññeṣṣe ‘prtng to the Buddha’ (73b3=75a4). ∎An adjectival derivative (= nomen agentis) of aik- ‘know,’ q.v. Cf. ākṣi to 1āks-, nakṣi to näks-, yāmi to yām-, and salpi to sälp-. See also poyśi.


aiśai only in the phrases: (a) aiśai yām- ‘take care, take care of, handle, treat (of)’, (b) aiśaisa mäsk- ‘± take notice of’ (?)
(a) ompakwättñe śaul[antse yāmṣate su ai]śai ‘he treated of the unreliability of life’ (3b3), yāmṣat=aiśai tāu tallontsai täṅ[waññeñcai palskosa Mahākāśyape] ‘M. treated the suffering one with a loving spirit’ (25a6), aiśai yamaskeman[e] = BHS parihṛyamāṇa [sic] (532b5);
(b) ///meṃ wär śār kuṣän-ne []täne amāc aiśaisa näsketär [lege: mäsketrä] (PK-12J-b2 [Thomas, 1979:9]), läc kañcuki [] täne lāntsa aiśaisa näske/// (PK-12J-b3 [ibid.]). ∎TchA eś in the fixed formula eśe ya- ‘take care of, handle, treat’ and B aiśai reflect a PTch *aiśai, an old nomen actionis from aik- ‘know’ (one might compare lukṣaitstse ‘illuminating’ from an old *lukṣai to luks-. See also anaiśai and possibly aiśaumye.


aiśaumye (a) (n.); (b) (adj.) (a) ‘wise one’; (b) ‘wise’
[aiśaumye, aiśaumyepi, aiśaumyeṃ//aiśaumyi, aiśaumyeṃts, aiśaumyeṃ] aiśa[mye] = BHS paṇḍitaḥ (12a6), aiśaumyi = BHS vidvāṃsaḥ (31a4), srukor aiśaumyepi olypo [ri]toyt[ä]r päst mā kwīpe rmoytär ‘rather by a wise person should death be sought, [than] shame be not deflected’ (81a3/4), aiśaumye = BHS dhīraḥ (305a2), [aiśau]my[e]n = BHS śrāddhaṃ (H-149. 112b1 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:493]). ∎This word is clearly a derivative of aik- but its exact formation is obscure. Do we have *aiśai (see aiśai) + -mye with the further action of dissimilation?


aise (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘power’; (b) ‘surplus, excess’
[aise, -, aise//] (a) sśärīräṣṣe [sic] aisemeṃ mutkāre-ne aise mutkāttseś [lege: mutkāttsiś] po mā tsuwa ‘from the power of the śarīra they strengthen it [scil. the porridge]; the power has not completely added to the strengthening’ (107a3/4);
(b) aiyse lāṃṣānte kuśāneṃtsa 310 (490a- III-3), ṣalype kuñcitäṣṣe ~ malkwer mit panit aisene päkṣalle ywārtsa lipāträ ‘sesame oil, milk, honey, molasses in surplus [is] to be cooked; half will remain over’ (FS-a5), /// taṣalya kante kauntsa su aise ṣiyene [or piyene?] litale ‘... [is] to be placed [or] a hundred days; the surplus [is] to be put in a ṣiye’ (W-42a6). ∎Probably with Couvreur (1950:126, also VW:140) this word is to be connected with Sanskrit iṣ- (f.) ‘refreshment, strength, comfort,’ iṣayáti ‘is fresh, strong, lively; refreshes, enlivens,’ iṣirá- ‘strong, lively,’ íṣkṛti- ‘healing,’ Avestan īš- ‘strength,’ aēša- ‘strong,’ Greek hierós ‘vital, holy,’ īáomai (< *ihy-ā- < *hxisy-eha-, a denominative of *hxis-yo- ‘strong’) ‘heal, cure,’ īātrós ‘doctor,’ and probably Hittite iski(ya)- ‘salve (to groom or to medicate), anoint (for ritual purposes)’ (if < *h1/4is-sḱe/o-). The TchB aise would be the exact formal equivalent of Avestan aēša-. The underlying verbal root would appear to have meant something like ‘refresh (using a liquid), renew the strength of’ (MA:262). All of these words are usually connected with Sanskrit iṣnāti ~ íṣyati ‘impels, propels, sets in motion,’ iṣaṇyati ‘drives,’ Avestan aēšma- (n.) ‘anger,’ Greek iaínō ‘warm, heat; melt, soften by heat; cheer, refresh,’ oîma (nt.) ‘spring, rush, swoop [of lions, snakes, etc.],’ oimáō ‘swoop or pounce upon’ (only in the future and aorist), Latin īra ‘anger,’ etc. (cf. P:299-301). The semantic equation, however, is by no means self-evident.


aiskatte* (adj.) ‘± unsullied’ (?)
[(voc. aiskaccu)//] /// [na]nākorsa aiskacu ci wī[naskau] ‘unsullied [?] by blame, thee I worship’ (208a4). ∎Hilmarsson (1991:117-118) takes this to be a privative of a subjunctive stem yäskā- of unknown meaning. However, the context of aiskaccu suggests something on the order of ‘untouched,’ ‘unsullied,’ or the like. See More s.v. yäsk-.


oṃṣap ~ auṣap (adv.) ‘more’; [tumeṃ oṃṣap ‘moreover’]
ṣamānentse śwe[r] meñtsa auṣap kākone lamatsi teri mā ṣ ste ‘and there is no way for a monk to stay more than four months by an invitation’ (331a5), suk ceu palsk[o] päst k[au]ṣäṃ cämpamñe [mä]skītär-ne oṃṣap ‘good fortune destroys this spirit; its power becomes greater’ (A-2b2), ptārka oṃṣap mā tärkanat ‘let [them] through; more do not let through!’ (LP-9a1), śaultsa auṣap paṣṣīmar śīlaṣṣana sälyaino ‘throughout life may I practice more the lines of good behavior!’ (S-3a3), oṃṣap tatākarmeṃ = BHS abhibhūya (U-2a4). -- tumeṃ oṃṣap ‘moreover’: tumeṃ oṃṣäp no ñakti klyowonträ snai ersna ‘moreover, the gods are called "formless"’ (K-2a3). ∎Given that oṃṣap ~ auṣap are used interchangeably with ṣap in the formulaic caravan passes (‘this [amount] let through; more [oṃṣap ~ auṣap ~ ṣap] than this do not let through!’), it seems reasonable to assume that oṃṣap is a compound of oṃṣ- ‘above’ + ṣap ‘more, and’ (see ṣap and ṣäp). For oṃṣ- and its interchange with auṣ-, see oṃṣmeṃ ~ auṣmeṃ. The necessity for taking into account the synonymous ṣap excludes VW's suggestion (336) that oṃṣap is oṃṣ- + the particle pi found otherwise only in TchA with compound numbers.


oṃṣmeṃ ~ auṣmeṃ (adv.) ‘(from) above’
pernerñeṣe Sumersa täprauñentats [tä]rne[ne] śmasta [oṃ]ṣmeṃ snai wace [p]o [wīnask]au[-c] ‘thou hast stood on the summit of the heights over glorious Sumeru; I honor thee above [as one] without a second’ (203a4/5), ṣi[m mā] prākre aipu no iścemtsa oṃṣmeṃ mā yāmu ‘but the roof [is] not solidly covered; [it is] not made with clay above’ (A-2a5). ∎The variant auṣmeṃ is secondary to oṃṣmeṃ in precisely the same way that sauśke ‘son’ is a secondary variant of the more usual soṃśke. That is, there is a variable rule that takes -onS- (-S- = any sibilant) to -auS- in Tocharian B. The earlier oṃṣ- (the -meṃ is the usual ablative ending) matches TchA eṣäk ‘on top of’ except for the addition of the emphasizing particle -k(ä) in the latter. (One should note that despite its shape, A eṣäk probably has nothing directly to do with B eṃṣke ‘while’ as is usually supposed.) B oṃṣ- and A eṣ- reflect PTch *on(ä)ṣä and this in turn must be from a PIE *hae/onu-dhi ‘above, on high,’ composed of a form of the locative particle *haen ‘up, above’ [: Sanskrit ánu ‘after, along, over, near, etc.,’ Avestan ana ‘over, along,’ anu ‘after, corresponding to, over,’ Greek ána ~ aná ‘over, along’ (dialectally an, on, or un [< on]), ánō ‘up(wards),’ Latin an-hēlō ‘puff, pant,’ Gothic ana ‘on, over, against,’ Lithuanian anót(e) ‘corresponding to,’ etc. (P:39-40; MA:612)] and the "locative deictic" *dhi. (Final *-dhi and *-ti give PTch *-ṣä, cf. Jasanoff, 1987:108-111.) For the whole we can compare the similar Greek ánōthe(n) ‘from above’ (Adams, 1990b:79-81). Not with VW (336) related to om ‘there’ (which in any case is a shortened form of ompe). See also auṣmiye.


-ok ‣only attested in māwk, q.v. (s.v. mā), and kossauk (s.v. kos). ∎Clearly the equivalent of TchA ok in mā ok ‘not again’ (= B māwk). Though given as ok in B, there is no reason it could not be auk (mā + auk would give māwk just as surely as mā + ok). If so, it would strengthen VW's comparison (1941:78, 1976:329-330) of this etymon with Gothic auk ‘because, but, also’ and Old Norse auk ‘also.’ Whether this particle is further related to PIE *haeug- ‘increase’ (cf. B auk-) as VW would have it is debatable. However, it would appear that B ok has an unstressed variant wkä, q.v., which would make B auk unlikely. See also māwk (s.v. mā), kossauk (s.v. kos), and wkä.


okaro (n.) ‘Acorus calamus Linn.’ [Filliozat] or ‘aloe [Aquilaia agallocha]’ [Pinault] (a medical ingredient)
[okaro, -, -//-, -, okronta] (P-1b2, Qumtura 34-g5 [Pinault, 1993-94:175]). ‣If Acorus calamus, this word would be synonymous with the borrowed vaca. ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (330), assuming Filliozat's identification, takes this B word to be related to TchA okar ‘plant.’ However, such an identification raises both phonological and semantic difficulties not sufficiently appreciated. If Pinault is right as to the meaning, then it is obviously the equivalent of BHS agaru ‘aloe’ and is presumably cognate with it through some chain of borrowing.


oko (nnt.) (a) ‘fruit’; (b) ‘result, effect’
[oko, okontse, oko//-, -, okonta] (a) kenmeṃ oko ysāre kälwāwa ‘I obtained fruit and grain from the earth’ (476a2), sälkānte stanāmeṃ okonta ‘they plucked fruit from the trees’ (576a2);
(b) yāmornts=oko mā nakṣtär ‘the effect of the deed does not perish’ (4b2), su ceu rilñemeṃ oko wrocce kälpāṣṣäṃ ‘he achieves a great result by this renunciation’ (8a2), ṣarm okone tserenträ [t]n[e w]n[o]lm[eṃ] ‘he deceives beings here in cause and effect’ (11b2). ∎Clearly it is related to TchA oko ‘id.’ though the identity of form suggests a borrowing from one language to the other rather than true cognacy. Poucha (1930:323, also VW:332) suggest that oko is a derivative of some sort of PIE *haeug- ‘grow, increase’ (cf. s.v. B auk-). VW takes TchA oko as the original form and he sees it as a reflex of a putative PIE *haeug-o-went- or *haeug-eha-went-. It is, however, difficult to see the B word borrowed from A, rather than the A word borrowed from B as is far more often the case. Semantically, however, it is most attractive to attach this word to PIE *haógeha- ‘fruit, berry’ [: Lithuanian úoga ‘berry, cherry,’ Latvian uôga ‘berry; pustule, pockmark,’ OCS (j)agoda ‘berry,’ Russian jágoda ‘berry’ (the Balto-Slavic with a lengthened initial vowel by Winter's Law)] (with Lidén, 1916:34), and a bit more distantly with Gothic akran ‘fruit,’ Old Norse akarn (nt.) ‘fruit of a wild plant,’ Old English äcern (nt.) ‘acorn,’ (dialectal) NHG Ecker ‘id.,’ Old Irish áirne (f.) (< *agrīnyā-) ‘wild plum,’ Welsh eirin ‘plum,’ aeron ‘fruit, berry.’ The underling verb survives in Armenian ačem ‘grow’ (so P:773; MA:63). The immediate pre-form of the Tocharian words would have been *haogeha-n-. We have here a remarkable Balto-Slavo-Tocharian correspondence.


okt (number) ‘eight’
[//okt, oktaṃts, okt] k[le]śanma pkarsas känt-oktä ‘know the 108 kleśas!’ (44b4), wärsaññe meṃne ikäṃ okne ‘on the twenty-eighth of the month of wärsaññe’ (LP-2a2/3) -- okt-meñantse-ne ‘on the eighth of the month’;
oktäññe ± ‘eightfold’ (?): srukoṣn oktäññe srukallentse ake yā/// (587a6);
okt-tmane ‘eight myriads’ [= ‘eighty thousand’]: klokastäṃnmeṃ ok-tmane pletkar-c ysāra ‘blood poured forth from eighty thousand pores’ (S-8a4);
okt-tmane(n)maññe ‘± having eight myriads’ (?): [o]k-tmanema[ñ]ñe [lege: oktmanenmaññe?] = BHS [aśīta-sa]hasra [compound not in M-W or Edgerton] (538b1), see Winter, 1991:129 [[>]either a miswriting for the expected *okt-tmanenmaññe or the second -n- has been lost by dissimilation amongst all the other nasals];
ok(t)-yiltse ‘eight thousand’ (401b3);
ok(t)-pokai ‘eight-limbed’ (74b5). ∎TchA okät ‘id.’ and B okt reflect PTch *okt(ä) from PIE *hxoḱtōu [: Sanskrit aṣṭā ~ aṣṭáu, Avestan ašta, Armenian ut` (< *optō by influence of ‘seven’?), Greek oktō, Albanian tetë (< *oḱtōti-), Latin octō, Old Irish ochtn (with nasalization of the following word by influence of ‘seven’ and ‘nine’), Welsh wyth (< *ochtī < *ochtū < *ochtō), Gothich ahtau, Lithuanian aštuonì, all ‘eight’ (P:775; MA:402-403)] (Smith, 1910:13, VW:332-1, though details differ--particularly there is no reason with VW to see the B word a borrowing from A). PIE *-ōu regularly gives PTch *-u (Adams, 1988c:19) whence the rounding of the initial vowel. This PTch *-u is also to be seen in A oktuk ‘eighty’ and probably in the rare B oktunte ‘eighth’ (see s.v. oktante). The form of the word ‘eight’ has influenced the shape of seven in B. Thus we have ṣukt with a rounded vowel and with a -k- unlike A ṣpät which is more regularly from PIE *septṃ. Otherwise, Winter, 1991:110-112. See also oktatstse, oktante, oktamka, oktankar, and oktār.


oktanka ~ oktamka (number) ‘eighty’
/// lakṣānta yetwy oktamka (H-150.117a3 [Thomas, 1972b:442, fn. 7]). -- oktankar ‘by eighties’ (K. T. Schmidt, 1985:766, fn. 12). ∎The once attested oktamka obviously shows the analogical influence of the word for ‘ninety,’ ñumka. The more common oktanka is formed analogically to ṣuktanka ‘seventy.’ One should compare the differently formed TchA word oktuk which shows the usual decade forming suffix added to the early PIE shape of the cardinal *oktu ‘eight.’ Cf. Winter, 1991: 121. See also okt, oktankar, and okt.


oktatse* (adj.) ‘having eight parts, eightfold’
[m: -, oktacepi, oktace//] [f: oktatsa, -, oktatsai//] palkas oko oktacepi saṃvarntse ‘behold the fruit of the eightfold saṃvara!’ (23a2). ∎An adjectival derivative in -tse from okt ‘eight,’ q.v. (One would expect -tstse rather than -tse. Perhaps all of our attested forms show defective spellings.) Cf. TchA oktats ‘id.’ which would appear to be from a PTch *oktātse rather than the *oktätse which lies behind the B form.


oktante (adj.) ‘eighth’
[oktante (~ oktunte), -, oktañce (~ oktañceṃ)//] oktunte [sic] (199a4), oktañ[c]e meṃne ‘in the eighth month’ (LP-58a2). ∎TchA oktänt and B oktante reflect PTch *oktänte, a rebuilding of the PIE ordinal *hxoḱtōwo- (P:775) on the basis of analogy with both ‘seventh’ (PIE *septṃto-) and ‘ninth’ (PIE *newṃto-). The once attested oktunte may reflect the early PTch cardinal *oktu, but more likely it is an analogical reshaping on the basis of ñunte ‘ninth’ (Winter, 1991:138). See also okt and oktanka.


oktār (distributive adverb) ‘by eights’
oktār-tma[ne] ‘in groups of eight thousand’ (574a2/3). ∎Okt ‘eight’ + the distributive -ār.


okso (nm.) ‘cow, ox’ [generic]
[okso, -, oksai (voc. okso)/-, -, oksaine (voc. oksaine)/-, -, oksaiṃ(voc. oksaiṃ)] okso = BHS gova [in the calendrical cycle] (549a6), oksaiś [] oksaineś [] oksai[n]ä[ś] = BHS anaḍuhe [] anaḍudbhyām [] anaḍudbhya (550a1), okso ṣe ‘one cow’ (LP-5a4). -- oksaiññe ‘prtng to a cow, beef-’ (559b5). ∎TchA ops- (nom. pl. opsi [Pinault, 1997:202]) and TchB okso reflect PTch *okso from PIE *ukwse/on- [: Sanskrit ukṣán- (m.) ‘ox, bull,’ Avestan uxšan- ‘id.,’ Welsh ych ‘ox’ (< *ukwsō), Middle Irish oss ‘red deer’ (the archetypical wild animal corresponding to the archetypical domestic animal), Gothic *auhsa ‘ox’ (gen. pl. auhsne), Old Norse oxi ‘id.,’ Old English oxa ‘id.,’ OHG ohso ‘id.’ (P:1118: MA:135)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:333). Zimmer (1981) emphasizes that all reflexes of this word have as the focus of their meaning the castrated draft ox rather than the bull. Thus there is little likelihood that there is any etymological connection with such words as Sanskrit ukṣáti ‘sprinkles, wets’ with its secondary meaning ‘impregnate.’


onkarño ~ onkorño (nf.) ‘± porridge, rice gruel’
[onkarño ~ onkorño, -, onkorñai//] sā onkorño tañ śwālya mā ste ... tā onkorñai pintwāt aiskeṃ ‘this porridge is not to be eaten by thee ... they ask [for] this porridge [as] alms’ (107a6). -- onkarñatstse* ‘containing porridge’ (W-8a4). ∎TchA onkriṃ ‘id.’ (YQ-1.9a7 [Pinault, 1990]) and B onkarño (onkorño must be a younger variant) reflect PTch *onkärñño or *onkräñño. Pinault (1990:170-1) takes the PTch form to reflect a putative PIE *ṇghrud-nyo-, a derivative of *ghreud- ‘± crush, grind’ [: OHG *firgriozan (part. firgrozzen) ‘crush,’ Lithuanian grūdžiù ‘stamp grain,’ Latvian grûžu ‘stamp, pound,’ etc., particularly Old Norse grautr (n.) ‘groats,’ Old English grytt ‘id.’ (> Modern English grits), grot (nt.) ‘rough meal’ (> Modern English groats) (P:461)]. Similar is Hilmarsson, 1991:137. Alternatively one might see here a derivative of onkor ‘together,’ q.v., that is, ‘that which is mixed together’ (VW:338, Hilmarsson, 1986a:44) if, indeed, that is the meaning of onkor.


onkipṣe (adj.) ‘shameless’
[m: onkipṣe, -, onkipṣe (voc. onkipṣu)//] ayātai[cc]e onkipṣe yūkoym palsko ‘may I conquer the untamable, shameless spirit!’ (S-7a2). ∎This word is not in the form we would expect a derivative of B kwipe ‘shame’ to have (i.e. *onkwipeṣṣe or *enkwipeṣṣe). Rather it is a rebuilding of an unattested TchA *ankipṣi, from kip ‘shame,’ the A cognate of B kwipe (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:155). See also kwipe.


onkor (adv.) ‘± covered’ or ‘± together’ (??) [onkor mälk- ‘sheathe’ (?), onkor yām- ‘cover’ (?)]
[stmo]rmeṃ kertteṃ onkor mälkānte śle yärke lāntaś weskeṃ ‘standing [there] they sheathed [their] swords’ (79a2), /// mässäkwä [lege: pässäkwä] t=onkor mälko tākaṃ [k]rui kakāccu māka /// (118a6), tane aṃśūktsa onkor yāmormeṃ ‘now having covered [it] with the aṃśūka’ (516b5). ∎If we take the meaning to be as given (cf. Thomas, 1957:92, fn. 1, and Hilmarsson, 1991: 134), rather than the usually suggested ‘together’ (Krause and Thomas, 1964), Hilmarsson (1991:135) may be correct in seeing this word an old compound *e(n) + *kor, where the latter PIE *kowhx(or perhaps *kowhxru-) ‘covering’ from the widespread PIE *(s)keuhx- ‘cover’ (cf. P:951). Taking the meaning to be ‘together’ we have Hilmarsson (1986a:44) who would see this as the old absolutive of enk- ‘take, grasp’ used adverbially (*‘taken [together]’ > ‘together’). A PTch *enk-or should regularly give onkor by rounding. The regular absolutive enkor has its initial vowel by paradigmatic analogy. Less likely it seems to me is VW's suggestion (338) of a putative PIE * ‘in’ + gōr-u- (from *ger- ‘gather;’ cf. B kār) or Pinault's (1990:170) of a relationship with Greek ánkūra (< *ankur-ya) ‘anchor’ from *haenk- ‘bend.’ See also perhaps onkarño and enk-.


onkorño See onkarño.


onkolmo ~ onkolma (n.m/f.) ‘elephant’
[onkolmo (m.)/onkolma (f), onkolmantse, onkolmai//-, onkolmaṃts, -] [kantwo=rṣ]āklaṃts ramt klautso ramt onkolmantse wāska[mo] ‘moving like the tongue of snakes or the ear of an elephant’ (3b4), Airawantaṃtse onkolmaits [sic] lānte sayi [lege: soyi] ramt śuñc ‘a trunk like that of A., the king of the elephants’ (74a4), [o]nkolmaisa lmau iyoy ‘he went seated on an elephant’ (415b3). -- onkolmaññe ‘prtng to an elephant’: onkolmaññe ānkär ‘elephant tusk/ivory’ (PK-NS-13+516a1 [Couvreur, 1967:154]), onkolmaññe āy/// ‘elephant bone’ (W-20b3). ∎TchA onkaläm ‘id.’ and B onkolmo reflect PTch *onkolmo (with regular dissimilation of *o ... o to o ... a in TchA--cf. A onkrac ‘immortal’ but B onkrotte or A orpank ‘rostrum’ beside B orponk). However, extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are most uncertain. Suggestions abound: Sapir (1936b:264-266) takes it to be onk- ‘man’ + -a- the regular junction vowel in compounds + -läm- ‘sit’ as ‘man-sitter’; VW (337-338) considers it to be *haenk- ‘bend’ (cf. Greek ankōn ‘elbow’) + *-olmōn; Normier (1980:255) thinks of *hxonk- (cf. Greek ónkos ‘barb of an arrow,’ Latin uncus ‘hook’) + *-ālmā (not further explained); Hilmarsson (1986a: 198) varies Normier's suggestion in taking it to be from *haṇku- ‘hook, curve, bend’ (cf. Avestan anku- ‘hook,’ Greek ankúalos ‘curved,’ Old Norse ǫngull ‘(fish) hook’) + *ālme ‘living being’ (also seen in on-olme ‘creature’; Rasmussen (1988:170-171) refines the latter by taking *ālme to be from *haolmo-, comparing Armenian hoɫm ‘wind,’ < *haonmo-, a derivative of *haen- ‘breathe’); alternatively Rasmussen (1988:172-177) sees a PIE *haṃbhi-kwḷhx-meha-, related to Greek amphí-polos ‘servant’ and Latin ancilla (f.)/anculus (m.) ‘servant’; finally Hilmarsson later suggests (1991:158-159) that it is in PIE terms ṃǵ(e)ha ‘great’ + *haon(h1)mōn ‘the one having breath’ (perhaps a calque on something like Sanskrit mahā-mṛga- ‘elephant’ (< *‘big animal’). All of these, while at times ingenious, seem unlikely formally and/or semantically.
If on insists on an Indo-European source, there are other possibilities. It could be divided onk-olm-o (or, more underlyingly, enk-elm-o) where -o is the nominative singular of an old ōn-stem and the ultimate source of the preceding rounded vowels, -elm- is the same abstract forming suffix -elme as in syelme ‘sweat’ and enk- is of course ‘grasp, seize.’ Under this scenario we have the ‘grasper’ or ‘seizer’ which would seem to be a sensible designation of the elephant with its prominent, prehensile trunk. Alternatively -mo might be the same possessive suffix we see in klyomo ‘noble’ (< *‘having fame’) and what precedes it a PIE *haongul-, parallel to the *haengur- that lies behind ānkär ‘tusk,’ q.v.
Given that elephants are not native to Inner Asia, a borrowing into Tocharian from some non-Indo-European language would seem to be likely but no putative source for such a borrowing has been identified. (Not with Ivanov [1985:412-413] should we see the Tocharian word for ‘elephant’ borrowed from the same Austro-Asiatic source as the Chinese word for ‘ivory’ unless we can place pre-Tocharian speakers in some sort of geographical proximity with speakers of an Austro-Asiatic language.)


onkrotte* (adj.) ‘immortal’ (or onkrotstse*?)
[m: -, -, onkrocce//] onkrocce cew īken[e] ‘in this immortal place’ (390a3). ‣Largely synonymous with onuwaññe, q.v. ∎TchA onkrac ‘id.’ (indeclinable) and B onkrotte (if that is the correct nominative singular) reflect PTch *onkrotte. (The dissimilation of *o...o to o...a in TchA is perfectly regular--one should compare A orpank ‘rostrum,’ B orponk, A onkaläm ‘elephant,’ B onkolmo.) Surely, with Hilmarsson (1986a:252-262, 1991:155-156), it is to be taken, in origin at least, as the privative of AB kwär- ‘age, grow old,’ q.v., whatever the latter's exact origin is (PIE *ǵerha- ‘be/grow old’ or, Hilmarsson's choice, *dhgwher- ‘perish’). The details, however, are not clear. Perhaps exceptionally we have in origin a privative built on a present stem, i.e. *enkwrette. In the closed, word-internal, syllable *-kwret- the *-w- caused rounding of the *-e- even when it did not in the open final syllable of enkwe ‘man.’ Because the privative had become semantically detached from the rest of the paradigm of kwär-, it was not subject to analogical replacement by -e-. The resultant -o- caused rounding of the initial *e-. VW (338) also takes this word to be a derivative of PIE *ǵerha- but the details of his explanation are very different.


oñt* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, oñt//] kuse oñtn[e] kärtkäṣṣäṃ /// ‘whoever defecates [?] in the oñt’ (259a1). ‣Rather than a locative singular, it would be possible to take oñtne as an accusative dual.


ot (adv.) ‘then’ [both temporal and final]
/// parkän-me te ot pontso yes cenäśco ‘[if] they ask you, then tell them this’ (7a2), /// kärstau ṣem ot su meṃstr olyapotse = BHS chinnākṣaḥ śocate bhṛśam (13a4), te yamīcer yes ot tāṃ pātrai warpoymar ‘may you do this, then [that?] I may enjoy these alms’ (20a5), a[l]l[o]nkn=ostwaśco mas= Ānande ot pintwāto ‘then to other houses went Ā. [for] alms’ (23b6), ot wärsa plewe ra ken mai[wāte] ‘then the earth shook like a raft on water’ (338b1). -- otak ‘id.’ (ot + strengthening particle -k(ä)) (109b8, 462a5). ∎Meillet (in Hoernle, 1916:381, also VW:344) takes ot to reflect a putative PIE *haet + u with the same *haet that underlies Latin at (< *ati) ‘moreover, yet,’ Greek atár ‘on the contrary, nevertheless,’ and Gothic aþþan ‘but,’ and that PIE particle *u that, as an intensifier and marker of old information, is historically a part of so many resumptive pronouns/adverbs in correlative constructions in Tocharian (see sū, mant, and tot). However, there is no good evidence that a PTch initial *- (from PIE *hae-) would be rounded by a *u and the semantic leap from ‘but, moreover’ to ‘then’ is not a small one. I would prefer to start from *utha + u, where *utha is also the ancestor of Avestan uiti ‘so’; the phonological development is absolutely regular and the semantic change a small one.


on(u)waññe (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘immortal, eternal’; (b) ‘immortality’
Adj. [m: onwaññe, -, onwaññe//] [f: -, -, onwaññai//] N. [-, onwaññentse, onwaññe//] (a) [mā] sū nesäṃ kuse onwaññe tākoy ‘there is no one who is immortal’ (2a2), ket ait yoktsi sāṃtk= onwaññe pelaiykneṣṣe ‘to whomever thou dost give the immortal remedy of the law to drink’ (212b3/4);
(b) onwaññentse se twere tīkṣṇendryets ‘this [is] the door to immortality for those with sharp senses’ (41a5). ‣Largely synonymous with onkrotte, q.v. ∎Probably (following Hilmarsson, 1986a:28, also 1991:157, though the details differ) we have here a descendant of a putative PIE *ṇnhawṇyo- (?) [: Old Irish naunae (f.), Welsh newyn (m.) ‘starvation’ (< *nəwenyo-), Breton naoun ‘id.’ (< *nəweno-?) (so P:756)], a derivative of *nehaw- ‘perish; lack’ (more s.v. naut-). The exact shape of the preform for both Tocharian (Hilmarsson starts from *-nuhanyo-) and Old Irish is difficult. It is perhaps the case that the Celtic forms represent a PIE *nowhan(y)o- while the Tocharian ones reflect a verbal stem *nuha-eha-, seen otherwise if TchA nwām ‘sick,’ plus the common adjectival and abstract forming suffix -ññe. In any event not with VW (336- 337) related to ūwe ‘capable.’ See also naut-.


onolme (nm.) ‘creature, (living) being; sentient creature; person’
[onolme ~ wnolme, wnolmentse, wnolme ~ onolme ~ onolmeṃ//onolmi ~ wnolmi, onolmeṃts ~ wnolmeṃts, onolmeṃ ~ wnolmeṃ] [po tetemo]ṣäṃts onolmeṃts srukalñe ṣp ṣek ‘and to all born beings [there is] always death’ (2a3), wnolmentso = BHS nṛṇam (3a4), onolme = BHS jantu (8b6), wnolmeṃ = BHS prāṇinam (11a8), piṣ [lege: piś] cmelaṣṣeṃ onolmeṃts ‘of the beings of the five births’ (369b1), wn[o]lme = BHS pudgala (524a4), onolmi = BHS janaḥ (H-149.112b3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-33:493]). -- onolmeṣṣe ‘± prtng to a being, etc.’ (150a4). ∎In onolme we have a derivative of the verbal root *ān- ‘breathe’ (cf. anāsk-) by the addition of the same abstract forming suffix *-elme seen in syelme ‘sweat’ from *sye-). A PTch *ān-elme would give regularly onolme by Mutual Rounding (Adams, 1988c:21). Semantically we have *‘breathing’ > *‘breather’ > ‘living being.’ The etymology goes back in nuce to a suggestion of Meillet's (in Hoernle, 1916:381, also VW:335-336). VW cogently compares Sanskrit prāṇin- ‘having breath, breathing, living; living being, human.’ Not with Hilmarsson (1986a:199) from *h1e/on- ‘in’ + *ālme ‘living being.’ Somewhat better is Rasmussen's revision (1988) whereby we have *haen ‘on’ + *haolmo- (itself from *haonmo-, a derivative of *haen- ‘breathe’) ‘he whose breath is on him; dessen Atem anwesend ist’ but the form and semantics seem more complex than is necessary. More s.v. anāsk-.


onmiṃ* (n.) ‘remorse, repentance’ [onmiṃ yām- ‘repent, feel remorse’]
[-, -, onmiṃ//] mā walke nke ñiś ksemar tu-postäṃ onmiṃ tākaṃ-me ‘[it is] not long and I will be extinguished; thereafter there will be repentence to you’ (29a8), su onmiṃ yāmṣate kawāte- ne añ[m]ā[laṣke] ‘he repented and the pitying one loved him’ (34a2). -- onmiṣṣe* ‘prtng to remorse’ (TEB-64-05);
onmissu* ‘remorseful’ (521b7=K-5a3). ∎Formally identical with TchA onmiṃ ‘id.’ One may suppose that either B has borrowed from A or A from B but the direction of the borrowing and further connections, if any, are uncertain (Hilmarsson, 1986a:57 "unclear"). VW (335) suggests that we have on- the intensive prefix (see e(n)-) + *min, the equivalent of Sanskrit mení-, Avestan maēni- ‘vengence’ [: also Old Irish mían (nt.) ‘wish, desire,’ OHG meina (f.) ‘sense, meaning,’ meinen ‘mean, say,’ Old English mǟnan ‘mean; tell, speak; complain of, bewail,’ *mān ‘complaint’ (> English moan), OCS měnjǫ ‘mention’ (cf. P:714; MA:410)]. However, it would appear that a PIE *ṇm- or *on-m- would give B em- or A om- (see the discussion at emalle ‘heat; hot’). I would suggest starting from a putative PIE *h1opi-meino- (nt.). Such a form would have given *epmäinä > *epnäinä (by labial dissimilation) *emnäinä (cf. samne ‘trance’ from PIE *supno-) > *omnäinä (by rounding before a labial in a closed syllable) > *onmäinä (by regular metathesis) > onmiṃ. Such a hypothesis has the advantage of making onmiṃ the quasi morphological equivalent of English bemoan. Other suggestions seem less likely. Čop (apud Thomas, 1985b:111) suggests a PIE *haenu-menyu- ‘Nachdenken’ and Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985b:111) suggests a Middle Iranian source *anu-mi-mnā-. Finally, Hilmarsson (1991:160) suggests that we might connect this word to mi- ‘damage.’


ontsoytte (adj.) ‘insatiable, unsatisfied’
[m: ontsoytte, -, ontsoycce//] [yärpo]ntasa ontsoyte tarya witskaṃ nautässiś ṣek sp[e]lkessu ‘unsatisfied with meritorious works, may I always [be] zealous to destroy the three roots’ (S-6b5), ontsoyce lkālñe = BHS asecanadarśanam (U-25b5). -- ontsoytñe ‘insatiability’ (11b2);
ontsoytñeṣṣe ‘prtng to insatiability’ (33b1). ∎The privative of soy- ‘satiate,’ q.v. (i.e. en- + soy- where the first -o- of ontsoytte is due to o-umlaut and the first -t- is epenthetic). Cf. TchA asinät ‘insatiable’ from sin- ‘satiate’ and Hilmarsson, 1991:84-85.


op (n.) the designation of some sort of foodstuff (‘fat’? or ‘fat’ and also ‘larder’?)
[op, -, op//] śwer meñantse-ne trukāle aśari Sarwarakṣite wasa || kantine śwālene śro-kant[i]ś yikṣye śwāra cakanma ṣkas tom || pa - - - (-)nteś śwāra cakanma || opiś cāk piś tom ‘on the fourth of the month, [as] provisions, the acarya S. gave, in [the form of] bread and edibles, flour for śro-bread four cāks and six tau ... four cāks and for (the) op one cāk and five tau’ (433a15-17), oṣ [lege: op?] no mi[t wa]t ma [lege: mā] arañc k[ā]t[k]ästär ‘however neither op nor honey gladdens the heart’ (591b7). ‣If correctly restored at 591b7, op would seem to indicate that the -i- of opiś (433a17) is secondary (*-- > -i- in the environment of a palatal) as it is in the dative sānkiś ‘for the community’ (nominative/accusative singular sānk) in the same document. In 591b7 it is clear that op is something to eat that is good and/or rich. At 433a17 op may be parallel to the preceding śro-kanti and if so it would surely be some sort of (rich?) breadstuff but the intervening lacuna invites caution. ∎If the meaning has been correctly identified, perhaps we have PIE *h1op-ú- ‘fat’ [: Hittite appuzzi- (nt.) ‘animal (sheep) fat, tallow’ which Puhvel (1984:103ff.) relates to Latin adeps ‘suet, lard’ and opīmus ‘fat’ (< *opi-pīmo-, where *-pīmo- is ‘fattened’). Possibly we should add here Lithuanian ápstus ‘abundant’ (if the latter is not from *h1op-sth2-u- with Fraenkel, 1962:14--more s.v. epastye). All of these in Puhvel's view are derivatives of a PIE *h1ep- ‘grease’ and separate from *h3ep- ‘work’ [: Latin opus, operārī ‘be active,’ Sanskrit ápas ‘work,’ āpas ‘sacrificial act,’ etc. (P:780)] (more s.v. ekṣalye). For the etymology, see Adams, 1990b:82, MA:194.


opi See op.


oppīloñ* (n.pl.) ‘± threads, cords’
[//-, -, oppīloṃ] pässaksa oppīloṃ tetarkuwa rano = BHS [mālā]guṇa-parikṣiptā api ‘like ones invested with the marriage-threads,’ i.e. ‘marriageable women’ (542a4). ‣This line is given here as it was written by the original scribe of the MS. This rendition was apparently very literal, a word for word equivalence of the Sanskrit text it glosses. It has been heavily, and confusingly, corrected (or perhaps better, revised) by a second hand, presumably to provide a more intelligible rendition. Preceding pässaksa the corrector has written oppīloṃcceṃ below the line; the original oppīloṃ has been struck out and below written ṣṣe palīsa wat. Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas' reconstruction (1953:339, fn. 11 & 12), attempting to take all of these revisions into account reads: pässaksa [pässak]ṣṣe palīsa wat oppīloṃcceṃ tetarkuwa rano. However, the second pässak has to be supplied by Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas and it seems better to me to assume that we have here two attempts at correction or revision. In the first revision the original was amplified by adding -ṣṣe palīsa wat, giving: pässaksa oppīloṃṣṣe palīsa wat tetarkuwa rano ‘like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland or a cord [vel sim.] of oppīloṃ’ ( = ‘threads’?). Perhaps thinking this revision too involved, the corrector went back to the original but struck out oppīloṃ and inserted the more idiomatic derived adjective oppīloṃcceṃ (an acc. sg. in -eṃ as sometimes occurs) before its head noun. Thus we have: oppīloṃcceṃ pässaksa tetarkuwa rano ‘like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland of oppīloṃ (= ‘threaded garland’?).’ In any case it seem certain that BHS mālā- was seen as the equivalent of TchB pässak, -guṇa- of oppīloṃ and -parikṣiptā of tetarkuwa. -- oppīloṃtstse*: (see discussion above);
oppīloṃṣṣe: (see discussion above). ∎Etymology unclear. It might be that we have an old compound of *h1opi- + pulu- or *pilu- ‘hair’ [: Old Irish ul (< *pulu-) ‘beard,’ Latin pilus ‘body hair’ and Sanskrit pulakāḥ ‘the bristling of the hairs of the body due to pleasurable excitement’ (P:850; MA:251)]. (For parallels for the semantic change ‘hair’ > ‘thread,’ see Adams 1988a). The original meaning of the compound might have been ‘over-thread’ or the like, a possible designation for a particular kind of thread or of cord (Adams, 1990b:82-85). VW (339) is certainly wrong to think we have a case of an intensive prefix o- + pīlän- (with -pp- ‘secondary’), the latter related to Albanian palë ‘fold.’ Hilmarsson (1991:140-143) also connects this word with *pel- ‘fold’ and takes our word to be *en- + *pälän- ‘cover.’ For him the whole collocation would mean ‘over’ and translate Sanskrit pari-. See also oppīläñ* and pali.


oppīläñ* (n.pl.) ‘± characteristics’ (?)
[//-, -, oppīläṃ] pañäkte alyekä kca stām ñor niṣīdaṃ raksate lyama ~ Kāḷodāye rano alyekä kca stām ñor oppīläṃntsa niṣīdaṃ raksate lyama ‘the Buddha spread out [his] sitting-mat under some tree or other and sat down; likewise did K. spread out a sitting-mat oppīläṃntsa under another tree and he sat [on it]’ (H-149.X.4a4/5 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). ‣This is obviously a doublet or phonological variant of the previous entry but its exact meaning in this context is difficult to discover. It is often taken to be ‘row’ or ‘series’ or the like but such a meaning is not compelling in the context and not likely to be a translation of BHS guṇa- which its doublet oppīloṃ glosses. Perhaps it is a calque on guṇa- in the latter's meaning of ‘quality, characteristic.’ If so Kāḷodāya may be laying out a sitting-mat ‘of [better?] quality, with [better?] characteristics’ than the Buddha's. Alternatively as Melchert suggests (p.c.) it may be that the point of the passage is that K's sitting-mat is (appropriately) more humble than that of the Buddha or (inappropriately) more opulent. A ‘sitting-mat of threads’ could be, in the first case, one so worn as to be threadbare or, if sitting-mats were commonly made of straw, one made of cloth and thus of unseemly opulence. Hilmarsson (1991:142) reaches entirely different conclusions and takes the word to mean ‘cover’ vel sim. See also oppīloñ*.


om See omp.


omotruññaiṣṣe (adj.) ‘southern’
[omotruññaiṣṣe, -, -//] kom-pirkomeṃ ... omotruññaiṣṣe ... kom-[k]läskomeṃ ... oṣṣalemeṃ ‘from the east ... omotruññaiṣṣe ... from the west ... from the north’ (Otani-19.1a3/4 [Pinault, 1998]). ‣The meaning is posited by Hilmarsson on the basis of the semantic parallelism with the other cardinal directions. ∎Etymology uncertain. Hilmarsson (1991: 132-133) hesitantly suggests a connection with motartstse ‘green’ but the semantics are not convincing. Perhaps we have a virtual PIE *h1ṇmēdh-r-uhx -n-yeha- (a similar concatenation of suffixes occurs in ṣotri ‘sign’), derived from *medh- ‘middle’ in the sense of ‘midday’ or, alternatively, an original meaning of ‘in the desert’ or the like in opposition to the ‘in the mountain(s)’ that lies behind oṣṣale ‘north.’


omte (adv.) ‘there, in that place; here, in this place’
kuse sw aśāw=omte yare krāke wat kärweñi ‘that which [is] rough here: gravel, dirt, stones’ (7a7), [Brahma]datte ñem walo ṣai sū no śeritsi lac omte wartone śarabhe ñe[m] ‘B. [by] name was the king; he went out to hunt there in the forest the śarabha [by] name’ (358a2), omte ṣe = BHS tavaike [lege: tadaika] (547b6). -- omtek ‘id.’ (PK-AS16.3a6 [Pinault, 1989]);
omteṃ ‘id.’: mäkte omteṃ tañ maiyyane sankantse spelke kuśalapākṣ ayāto tākaṃ yāmtsi ‘so here in [his] strength will he be able to establish zeal and good behavior in the community’ (TEB-74-7). ∎A compound of omp ‘there’ + the neuter deictic pronoun te, qq.v.


omp (adv.) ‘there, at that place’
[s]t[ā]m ñor ṣek su mäskīträ omp akalṣlyeṃts pelaikn=āksaṣṣi ‘he was always under the tree, there he expounded the law to [his] disciples’ (3b3), kwri war tākaṃ yolmene wināññenträ omp lwāsa ‘if there is water in the pool, there animals will enjoy themselves’ (11b4), /// saryat=ompä poyśintse asāṃ spe kenne witskaṃ ‘he planted there near the Buddha's seat the roots in the ground’ (388a2). ∎Om(p) is the apocopated variant of ompe, q.v., just as ket ‘whose’ is the apocopated variant of kete ‘id.’ See also ompe and omte.


ompakwättäññe* (n.) ‘untrustworthiness, unreliability’
[-, -, ompakwättäññe//] ompakwättñe śaul[antse yāmṣate su ai]śai ‘he treated of the unreliability of life’ (3b3). ∎This is clearly the abstract noun derived from empakwatte ‘unreliable’ but the difference in the rounding of the initial vowel is difficult. Hilmarsson (1986a:58) would see a change of *emp- to omp- as quasi-regular but the abstract and its underlying adjective might be expected to act alike even in quasi-regularity.


ompalsko (n.) ‘± meditation’
///m ̇ ompalsko sū rṣāke (360b4). -- ompalskoṣṣe ‘prtng to meditation’: tsirauwñeṣṣe kauṣn āya ompalskoṣṣe mrestīwe pakṣäṃ ysomo ‘it kills the bone of energy and cooks [it] together with the marrow of meditation’ (S-4b1). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- (here showing rounding due to the labial environment) + palsko ‘thought’ (itself a derivative of pälsk- ‘think’), qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:133). The TchA equivalent, plyaskeṃ, is an independent derivative of pälsk-. See also ompalskoññe.


ompalskoññe (nnt.) ‘meditation’
[ompalskoññe, -, ompalskoññe//ompalskoññenta, -, -] ṣlentse tronkne lyam=ompalskoññe ‘in a cave of the mountain he sat in meditation’ (4b7), ompalskoññe päst prankäṣṣäṃ natknaṃ lauke aiśamñe yarke peti ñaṣtär ‘he inhibits meditation, presses far [away] wisdom, and seeks honor and flattery’ (33b2/3), kalymisa ompalskoññe oktante [kalymisa ompalskoññe = BHS samyaksamādhi] (112b5), ompalskoññe yänmaṣṣäṃ = BHS samādhim adhigacchati (U-9a2). -- ompalskoññeṣṣe ‘prtng to meditation’ (73b5, 281b4). ∎ompalsko ‘id.’ to which the abstract suffix -ññe has been added.


ompe (adv.) ‘there’
/// maści śūwaṃ ompe /// (123a5). -- ompek ‘± right there’: cew yāmorsa ompek ra tsa tänmaskenträ ‘by that deed they are reborn right there’ (K-2b1). ∎Etymology uncertain. When compared to omp, clearly ompe is the older, fuller, form and thus must be our etymological starting point, thus ruling out most of the theories recounted by VW (334), including his own. Hilmarsson (1986a:58, 69-70) assumes a PIE *h1ṇbho with a semi-regular change of *emp- to omp- (cf. ompakwättäññe ‘unreliability’ but empakwätte ‘unreliable’). In Hilmarsson's view *h1ṇbho is composed of PIE *h1 ‘in’ (the full-grade form *h1on would do as well--more s.v. 1e(n)-) and a particle of affirmation *bho [: OCS bo, Lithuanian bà, or Avestan bā]. This hypothesis is semantically weak but might be improved by assuming a PIE *h1om(u) ‘that’ [: from PIE *h1emu- Sanskrit amútra ‘there,’ amúthā ‘thus,’ amú- ‘that’ (not found in the nominative)]. See also omp and omte.


ompostäṃ (adv.); (postposition) ‘afterwards’; (postposition) ‘after, concerning’ [ompostäṃ i- ‘follow’]
[yśelmeṣṣ=o]mpostäṃ yokaiṣṣe ce kraupe weña ‘concerning sensual desire he spoke this section [about] thirst’ (8a7), nrain=ompostäṃ tä[nmastär] ‘afterwards he was [re-]born in hell’ (20a1), śeśwer ompostäṃ masa pudñäktentse ‘after eating he went to the Buddha’ (23b6), takarṣk[ñ]etse no āyor ompo[stn=ā]rtaskemane ‘the believer rejoicing in the gift’ [ompostn=ārtaskemane = BHS anumodamānaḥ] (23b7/8), skwänma śaiṣṣe kolokträ iwerune wränta ramt ceṃ läklenta ompostäṃ kolokanträ skiyo rā ‘the world follows good fortunes like waters in an iweru; sufferings follow them like a shadow’ (255a2/3), [o]mp[o]stä paspārttarmeṃ = BHS anuvartya (305a5), ceu āklyisa cmelane ompostäṃ yneṃ-ne ‘by this teaching they follow in births’ (A-2b5), [ompos]täṃ ynūca = BHS anugāminī (H-149.245a5 [Thomas, 1969:310]). -- ompostäṃ-wṣīlñe* ‘consequence’: /// [ompo]stäṃ-wṣīlñentasa mā sälkoṣäṃts ‘[the roots of desire] with [its] consequences not being pulled up’ [ompostäṃ = BHS anu] (11a7). ∎The intensive prefix e(n)- (here with a rounded vowel because of the following -o- + postäṃ ‘after,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:133-134). See also tw-ompostäṃ, s.v. tu.


omprotärtstse* (adj.) ‘related as brothers’
[//omprotärcci, -, -] tumeṃ cey wi omprotärcci kāśyapi ṣesa [aklaṣlyeṃ]mpa maitare pañikte- käṣṣiñiś ‘then the two bebrothered Kāśyapas [= the two Kāśyapa brothers], together with [their] pupils, went up to the Buddha teacher’ (108a8). ‣In idiomatic Tocharian usage the plural of an adjective meaning ‘having a brother’ or ‘having a sister’ is used for ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’ respectively. One should compare TchA (A-144a2) kṣatriṃ pratri tiṃ ‘these two kshatriya brothers’ with a different adjectival formation from pracar ‘brother’ (pratri < *bhrehatrihxo-?). This pratri is neither an anomalous dual noun nor a scribal blunder as is often supposed. In TchB one should compare the analogous eṣerñe ‘related as sisters.’ ∎From e(n)- (the intensive prefix, here with vowel rounded in the labial environment) + protär- ‘brother’ + -tstse the possessive adjective suffix (see the discussion in Hilmarsson, 1991:124).


or* (nnt.) ‘wood’
[-, -, or//-, -, ārwa] vṛddhisa orne ‘through the growth in the wood’ (34a1), Dhanike ñem ṣamāne Ajātaśatruñ lānte amplākätte or kamāte ‘a monk, Dhanika [by] name, without king A.'s permission, gathered wood’ (H-149-ADD.8a3 [Thomas, 1957:124]), rājavṛkṣä-stamaṃtse arwāmeṃ koṣkīye yamaṣlya ‘from [pieces of] wood of the rājavṛkṣa-tree a hut [is] to be made’ (M-3a6). -- oraṣṣe ‘prtng to wood, made from wood, wooden’ (194b1);
or-śacākare ‘ratification on a piece of wood’: or-śacākare ākṣa (LP-2a3/4) [see also sa yakār]. ∎TchA or ‘id.’ and B or reflect PTch *or which must be connected in some fashion to PIE *dóru ‘tree, wood’ (so already Schneider, 1940:203) [: Sanskrit dāru (nt.) ‘wood’ (gen. dróḥ ~ drúṇaḥ), drú- (m./nt.) ‘wood, wooden implement’ (m.) ‘tree, branch,’ Avestan dāuru (nt.) ‘tree-trunk, piece of wood, wooden weapon’ (gen. draoš), Greek dóru (nt.) ‘tree-trunk, wood, spear,’ Albanian dru (f.) ‘wood, tree’ (< *druha-eha-), drushk ‘oak,’ drizë ‘tree’ (*dri < *druha [an old collective] + -zë a diminutive suffix), Welsh derwen ‘oak’ (plural derw), Gothic triu (nt.) ‘wood, tree’ (< *drewo-), triggs ‘true’ (< *dreuhai-), Old English teoru (nt.) ‘tar’ (< *derwo-), OCS drěvo ‘tree’ (< *derwo-), drъva (nom.pl.) ‘wood’ (< *druha-eha), Lithuanian dervà (f.) ‘tar’ (< *derweha), etc. (P:214-217; Hamp, 1978; MA:598)]. It is the nature of this connection that is in dispute. It is probably best to assume that the loss of PIE *d- began in the weak cases, such as the gen. where *drous would have given regularly PTch *reu (so Hilmarsson, 1986a) or that the initial *-d- was lost by misdivision of *to(d)dóru to *tod óru (as perhaps in akrūna ‘tears’ and other neuter nouns beginning with *d-, see Hamp, 1967) or both. Not with VW (340) do we have a PIE *dru- (nt.) prefixed by the "intensive prefix -."


or- See ār-.


ore (n.) ‘± dust, dirt’
[ore, -, -//-, -, wrenta] kārpa nāṣṣa lyyāsa wrenta po laikāte ‘he descended, bathed, washed away the dust and cleaned himself up completely’ (107b4). ∎Hilmarsson (1986a:19-20) suggests a connection with Old Norse ar ‘dust, mote’ from a PIE *h1orom. But one would expect a PIE *er(e) from such a source. Thus Hilmarsson suggests a conflation of *h1oro- (nt.) with the descendant of a putative PIE collective *h1oreha which, in his view, would have given in the first instance *oro. In any case, it would appear to be a derivative of *h1er-/h1or- ‘rise’ and thus be ‘that which rises up.’ Perhaps we have *h1orwo- (> *erwe > *orwe > ore. Formally comparable are Avestan aurva- ‘quick, brave,’ Old English eru ‘prepared, ready, quick,’ etc., and especially Greek oũros (~ óros ~ ōros) (nt.) ‘mountain.’ Not with VW (340) from a putative PIE *uro- and related to Sanskrit vār ‘water’ or a putative TchB 2wärs- ‘spot, stain.’ See also er-.


orotstse ~ wrotstse (adj.) ‘great, big, large’
[m: orotstse ~ wrotstse, oroccepi ~ wroccepi, orocce ~ wrocce (voc. oroccu ~ wroccu)//orocci ~ wrocci, orotstseṃts ~ wrotstseṃts, orocceṃ ~ wrocceṃ] [f: orotstsa ~ wrotstsa, -, orotstsai ~ wrotstsai//orotstsana ~ wrotstsana, -, orotstsana ~ wrotstsana] oroccu walo ārwer ptāka pelaikneṣṣe naumiye klyauṣtsi ‘O great king, be ready to hear the jewel of righteousness!’ (100b5), orotse = BHS -mahā- (251b2), [aśvame]t wärñai yāmäṃ wrotstsana telkanma ‘[if] he offers the aśvamedha, etc., the great sacrifices’ (290a1), orotstsai ytāri = BHS mahāpatham (305a3), orotstse yātalñe = BHS mahardhikayo (543b1), ñorīya kātso orottsa tākaṃ ‘[if] the lower belly is big’ (W-14a6). -- orots(tsäñ)ñe ‘± size’ (S-5a1);
orotstse-cämpamñetstse* ‘having great capabilities’: cai yakṣī orotstse-cimpamñecci ‘these greatly capable yākṣas’ (506a3);
orotstse-yātalñetstse* ‘id.’ (506a2);
orotstse-pācer* ‘grand-father’: /// [o]rotse-pacere nesteñy antpī ktsaitsī eś-lmoṣä /// ‘my grandfathers [= perhaps ‘grandparents’?] are both old and blind’ (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [K. T. Schmidt, 1987:288]). ∎VW (341) assumes an intensive prefix - + a PIE *wrhxdh-to-, the latter related to Sanskrit vrādhanta ‘they are big’ (?) and vrādhant- ‘being big’ (?). (Neither translation of these hapax legomena is assured by its contexts.) Hilmarsson (1986a:260) suggests a putative PIE *h1or-eha-tyo- where *h1or- is from *h1er/h1or- ‘rise’ and *h1oreha- is a derived abstract with a meaning ‘± increase’ or the like. But the underlying abstract *h1oreha- is not otherwise attested and it is phonologically difficult for those who do not believe that the normal development of PIE *-eha was Tocharian *-o-. However, Hittite attests a derived u-stem adjective from *h1er/h1or-, namely aru- ‘high.’ Puhvel (1984:178) takes this to reflect a PIE *h1ṛú- but *h1or-ú- would do just as well, as u-stem adjectives have a predilection for o-grade in the root (cf. Hittite suwaru- ‘weighty, heavy, mighty’ and Lithuanian svarùs ‘heavy’ beside Lithuanian sver̃ti ‘heave, weigh’). A PIE *h1orú- ‘± big, tall, high’ would give a derived abstract *h1oru-(e)ha- whence an adjective *h1oruha-to- (cf. Latin acūtus ‘sharp’ from *haeḱuhato-). The transfer within Tocharian of a to-adjective to a tyo-stem is of course very common. This word is perhaps related within Tocharian itself to TchA aryu ‘long(-lasting)’ (< *h1or-ye-went-?).
An alternative, that would divorce orotstse from A aryu, is suggested by Melchert (p.c.) who would connect orotstse with Hittite and Luvian ura- ‘great’ (the Hittite word has not hitherto been recognized though the Luvian has). Anreiter (1984:14) mentions this equation as a possibility. The semantic equation between the Tocharian and Anatolian words would, of course, be perfect. For the Tocharian we would have to start from *ur-u-, whence a derived abstract *uru-(e)ha-, etc., while the Anatolian might be from *uro-, *euro-, or *ouro-. Thus this equation is weaker formally than the one that equates Tocharian orotstse with Hittite *aru-. See also er-.


ork(a)mo (a) (n.); (b) (adj.) (a) ‘darkness’; (b) ‘dark’
N. [ork(a)mo, -, ork(a)mo//]; Adj. [f: -, -, orkamñai//-, -, orkamñana] orkmo yneś krui tākan-ne ‘if it should appear dark to him’ (139a4), orkamñana nraintane ‘in dark hells’ (255a6), orkamñai = BHS tamasā (H-149.236a3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:497]). -- orkamotstse* ‘dark’: [mä]kte orocce lyamne orkamotsai yaṣine meñantse ściriṃts läktsauña kos ālpaṃ warne ‘as in the great sea on a dark night, the light of the moon and the stars reflects in the water so much’ (154b2);
orkamotstsäññe ‘blindness’: orkamotsäññe = BHS andhatvaṃ (537a3). ∎TchA orkäm ‘id.’ and B ork(a)mo reflect a PTch *orkmo (as if) from PIE *h1(o)rgwmon- (with the initial *o- by rounding from the nominative singular). This *h1ṛgwmon- is from PIE *h1regw- ‘dark’ [: Sanskrit rájanī- ‘night,’ Greek érebos (nt.) ‘darkness of the underworld,’ orphnó- ‘dark’ (< *h1ṛgw-sno-), Armenian erek ~ erkoy ‘evening,’ Gothic riqis (gen. riqizis) ‘darkness,’ Old Norse ro/kkr ‘darkness, twilight’ (P:857; MA:147)] (Petersen, 1933:21, VW:340-1). See also orkamñe.


orkamñe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘darkness; blindness’
[orkamñe, -, orkamñe//] [aknātsaññeṣṣ]=orkamñe wīkäṣṣeñca ‘destroying the darkness of ignorance’ (99b2), [aknātsaññeṣ]ṣe orkamñe kauṣeñc[antse] = BHS ajñānatimiraghnasya (H-149.47b2 [Couvreur, 1966:162]). ∎An abstract built on orkmo ‘dark,’ q.v.


orkäntai (adv.) ‘back and forth, to and fro’
iryāpathänta śwāra yāmṣate lyama śama mas=orkäntai lek yamaṣṣa lyśalyñeṣṣe ‘he performed the four iryāpathas: he sat, he stood up, he walked back and forth, and he made the gesture of lying down’ (108b5), sū naṣṣi orkäntai ‘he swam back and forth’ (H-149.69a3 [Thomas, 1957: 61]). ∎Etymology unclear. Hilmarsson (1991:143-145), following a suggestion of Winter (1988:786), suggests *e(n)- + *h2wērg-(w)ṇt- and a relationship to yerkwanto ‘wheel.’ Not with VW (341) related to Old Norse rugga ‘shake, balance.’ See also possibly yerkwanto.


orkmo See ork(a)mo.


orponk (n.) ‘± platform, rostrum’
(K-T). ∎TchA orpank ‘id.’ and B orponk would appear to be descendants of a PTch *orponk (the dissimilation of *o ... o to o ... a is regular in TchA--cf. onkrac ‘immortal’ beside B onkrotte and onkaläm ‘elephant’ beside B onkolmo). If the meaning is correctly identified, it is possible that we have a compound of or- ‘wood’ + -ponk, an element of obscure meaning and origin (see VW:341). Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985:141) suggests a Middle Iranian source *ārupōng < *ārupa-vana-ka- ‘balkon, verdieping, verhoog.’


olank (adv.) ‘enough; easy; cheap’
wlankä (38a2), kuse ṣamāne karyor pito yamasträ olank kärnāsträ kwāts plankṣäṃ pärkāwse pelkiṃ ‘whatever monk does buying and selling and buys cheap and sells dear for profit’ (337b3), ṣale tapre murtaṣe olank nai nke rankatsi ‘[it is] surely easy to climb the high mountain of exaltation’ (554b5), ente ra tsa olankä-nesalñetse empalkaitte wṣeñaine ompals[k]oñ-ñentse ayātoścä auñentaṃtse mäsket[rä] [olankä-nesalñetse ‘having sufficient existence’] (561a3/4), po tañ olaṅ tu ‘all that [is] easy for thee’ (Pe-2b3). ∎Presumably related in some fashion to olya ‘more,’ q.v.


olākwāṃ* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, olākwāṃ//] ikäṃ-trai kṣuṃntsa śtarce meṃne Putewette olākw[āṃ]ne aisi yakwe kärnāsi yātka-me ‘in the twenty third year of the regnal period, in the fourth month, P. commanded them to give in the olākwāṃ, in order to buy a horse’ (KLOST.37,22 [Couvreur, 1954c:86]).


-oläntse only in the phrase or compound snai-oläntse. Meaning unknown.
s[n]ai-oläntse [reading uncertain] koyñi ra ṣkas yälloñ pīle nätkau ra takälñe (PK-NS-53-b5 [Pinault, 1988:101]).


ololyesa (adv.) ‘± even more’
sū ololyesa ākteke wantare yamaṣa ‘he did an even more astounding thing’ (77a3). ∎Related in some fashion (by reduplication?) to olya ‘more,’ q.v.


olpo (adv.) ‘more’
sāsa [lege: se su = kuse su] lkālñe śaiṣṣene poyśintsy [lege: poyśintsa] olpo mā nesäṃ (296a4), eṃṣke alyek śaiṣṣene yāmors=olpo mā nesäṃ karsoṃ wnolymi ‘even in another world there is nothing more than the deep; may [all] beings know [it]!’ (S-3b3/4). ∎A variant of olyapo, q.v.


olsompaka ‘?’
/// olsompaka we-/// (621a7).


oltsorsa See aultsorsa.


olya (adv.) ‘more’
śtwer meñtsa postaññeṣ ṣamānentse pudgalyik kāko wä[rpa]nalle tumeṃ olya wärpatar [lege: -tär] pāyti ‘for four months at the latest [is] a personal invitation to be enjoyed by a monk; [if] he enjoys more, pāyti’ (H-149.X.3a2/3 [Couvreur, 1954b:48]), ’vly’/t// [= oly-āstre] (Gabain/ Winter:13 ([in Manichean script]). ∎Etymology unclear. Meillet (in Hoernle, 1916:381) suggested a connection with Gothic alls ‘all’ and Old Irish oll ‘amplus’ (see s.v. allek) but such a connection does not easily account for the initial vowel in the Tocharian word. Melchert wonders (p.c.) if pre-Tocharian did not have a *ol-u- to which was suffixed the well-known comparative suffix *-yes-/-is-. A nominative singular *-yōs might have resulted in Tocharian -ya. Neither semantically nor phonologically compelling is VW's connection (333) with the family of PIE *wel- ‘press.’ For Hilmarsson (1986a:64) it is "unclear." See also olyapo and olank.


olyapo (a) (adv.); (b) (conj.) (a) ‘more’; (b) ‘rather (than)’
(a) kuse wat śaulo posa olypo tūn=akalṣlyeṃ r[i]ttästsi ‘or what the best of all possible lives [is] to bind in it [his] disciples’ (24b5), ṣäṃṣalñe sū tne westrä piś klautkeṃntsa ṣäṃṣalñe | menki olypo trīwäṣlñe astarñe ṣpä ‘counting is here called by five forms: [true] counting, less, more, mixed, and pure’ (41a7/8), [o]ktman-olypo kessante ‘more than eight myriads were extinguished’ (421.1b), rätkware ṣpä ceṃts nno nno olypo tākaṃ kwri ‘and if it is again and again very sharp to them’ (K-3a5);
(b) [o]lypo ṣañ ṣarsa kautoy ksa pat ceu mā=tākacce nāki weñi papāṣṣoṣäts krentäṃtsä ‘rather would someone destroy with his own hand a stūpa [than] speak ungrounded blame on the good [who] have behaved morally’ (15b4= 17b6), kwri yarke peti ṣey-me kurpelle ost olypo ṣaicer makci lamalyi ‘if there was to you concern for honor and flattery, rather you yourselves should have stayed sitting at home’ (33a7). -- olyapotstse ‘more, very’: kwreṃntär lānte kokalyi olyapotstse pärsāñci ‘the wagons, very colorful, of the king age’ [olyapotstse = BHS su-] (5a8), olyapotstse welñe = BHS adhivacana (170a6), śamñe cmeltse yänmalyñe olypotse ṣpä waimene ‘achieving human birth [is] very difficult’ (295b5), [olya]potstse = BHS bhṛśam (305a4), akwatse pilko olyapotse = BHS atīkṣṇacakṣuṣaḥ (545a1), mäkte ost karttse aipoṣ swese mā olypotse kauṣn ‘as a house well covered the rain does not harm much’ (A-2a1/2), olyapotstse waime[n]e = BHS sudurharam (H-149.315b1 [Thomas, 1968a: 203]), [olyapo]tstse kātkeṃ aiśaumyi = BHS abhinandanti paṇḍitāḥ (H-149. 315b2 [Thomas, 1969:314]), teksa-ne ka no mrauskate olypotse sū tāka pudñäkte ‘but no sooner did it touch him [than] he became very weary of the world and he became a buddha’ (K-11b3);
snai-olyapo ‘± incomparable’: se tā śuwaṃ onkorñai snai olyapo aiśamñe su yinmāṣṣäṃ ‘[if] he eats this incomparable porridge, he will obtain wisdom’ (107a2/3). ∎olya ‘more’ + po ‘all,’ qq.v. See also olya.


olyi* (nf.) ‘boat’
[-, -, olyi//] Gānkne olyisa tseñe kätkäṣṣar ‘cross the stream of the Ganges by boat!’ (296b4), kektseñäṣṣai olīs[a] ‘by the bodily boat’ (564a3), kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat ‘he guides a boat upstream or downstream’ (PK-AS-18A-b4/5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]). ∎Etymology uncertain. Traditionally it has been compared with TchA olyi ‘id.’ However, as Hilmarsson points out (1986a:33-34) what we actually find is olyik in an obscure context (A-29b2). It is possible, but by no means assured, that we should divide olyik as olyi + -k, an intensifying particle. Since Hansen (1940:151, also VW:334) this word has been connected with Lithuanian aldijà ‘boat,’ OCS ladiji ‘id.’ However such an equation is impossible (cf. Hilmarsson (1986a:196) since the acc. sg. in Lithuanian is al̃diją, indicating a short first syllable in Proto-Balto-Slavic and thus must reflect *hxoldh- rather than the *hxold- demanded by Tocharian. Perhaps olyi reflects a putative PIE *h2(o)uluh1en-, most closely related to TchB auloñ ‘vessels (of the body),’ itself from a putative PIE *h2euluh1en-, related to the *h2eulo- seen in Greek aulós (m.) ‘hollow tube, pipe, groove; flute,’ Latin alvus (f.) ‘belly, womb, stomach; hold of a ship; beehive’ (< *aulos by metathesis), alveus (m.) ‘hallow, cavity; trough; hold of a ship; beehive; bed of a river,’ Hittite halluwa- ‘hollow, pit,’ etc. (more s.v. auloñ) (cf. P:88-89)]. The original meaning would have been ‘± hollowed out log, dug-out canoe.’ See also olyitau and possibly auloñ.


olyitau (n.) ‘boatman’
[olyitau, -, -//] Gānkne olyitau nes twe epastya ‘thou art a boatman on the Ganges, O skillful one!’ (296b3). ∎A derivative of olyi* by means of an agentive suffix -ttau. One should compare käryorttau ‘merchant’ vis-à-vis karyor ‘business negotiation, purchase.’


oś only in the compound oś-kakāmau ‘led astray’
lkāskau śaiṣṣe tallānto [o]ś kakamaṣ kleśanmats /// ‘I see the suffering world led astray by kleśas’ (94a3=PK-NS-36+20b5 [Couvreur, 1964:243]). ∎Borrowed from some Middle Iranian source. One should note particularly Khotanese ośa- ‘evil, bad’ (Hilmarsson, 1986a: 340). Not with VW (344) inherited (as if from an otherwise unattested *ungi-) and related to Old Norse vakka ‘to err.’


ośonai (adv.) ‘out of enmity, hostility’ (?)
/// [kaly]m[isa] ośonai palsko /// (H-149.add.117b1 [Hilmarsson, 1991: 145]). ‣The meaning is assigned (by Hilmarsson, following Broomhead) on the basis of a presumed relationship with ścono ‘hate,’ q.v.


oṣl(.)naṃts ‘?’
///m oṣl ̇naṃts welñe /// (170a3).


oṣle (adv.) ‘?’
oṣle pākre klainämpa kca treṅsateoṣle and pākre he was hanging on some woman or other’ (69a2). ‣Meaning uncertain. Usually taken as a metrically shortened for of oṣṣale. Sieg and Siegling (1949) assume a meaning ‘at night; in the west’ for oṣṣale/oṣle. However, it is clear that oṣṣale actually means ‘north’ and thus a meaning of ‘in the evening’ for oṣle is most unlikely. Given the widespread association of ‘north’ and ‘midnight’ in Indo-European (cf. Buck, 1949:870-873, and particularly the semantic equation of ‘midnight’ and ‘north’ in Breton hanternoz, Czech pu̥lnoc, and Polish póɫnoc), one might suppose that the TchB adverb oṣle might be ‘(at) midnight.’ However, the Indo-European data collected by Buck makes it clear that the association of ‘midnight’ and ‘north’ is (1) always because an original ‘midnight’ has also come to mean ‘north’ and (2) such an association only occurs in languages which also show a development ‘midday’ > ‘south.’ Tocharian B shows neither of those characteristics and if oṣle and oṣṣale are related, it must be on the basis of some other semantic development.
Hilmarsson (1991:121-123) is surely correct in taking pākre as ‘± in the open’ and thus oṣle should be an antonym, thus ‘within an enclosure,’ ‘privately,’ ‘secretly,’ or the like. (Hilmarsson himself [1991:145], assuming a connection with oṣṣale, takes it to be ‘in the dark.’) None of these possible meanings (including Hilmarsson's) suggests any semantic equation with ‘north’ or the ‘mountain’ which underlies ‘north.’ Perhaps the equation of oṣle and oṣṣale should be abandoned.


oṣṣale* (n.) ‘north’
[-, -, oṣṣale//] kom-pirkomeṃ ... omotruññaiṣṣe ... kom-[k]läskomeṃ ... oṣṣalemeṃ ‘from the east ... omotruññaiṣṣe ... from the west ... from the north’ (Otani-19.1a3/4 [Pinault, 1998:364]). ‣The crucial evidence for the meaning of oṣṣale comes from the Otani MS, where it is clearly one of the cardinal directions and equally clearly not ‘west’ which has sometimes been supposed. -- oṣṣaleṣṣe* ‘north, northern, northerly’: [o]ṣale[ṣṣ]ai [kä]ly[m]ine ‘in the northern direction’ (509b4), [o]ṣṣaleṣṣe nauntaine ‘in the northern street’ (612a5). ∎Winter (1988:785-787) relates this word to TchA direction word ṣuliñc which he takes to mean ‘west’ though to my mind ‘northeast’ would seem to be more likely in the admittedly fragmentary contexts in which it occurs. In any case ṣuliñc is clearly a derivative, at least historically, of ṣul ‘mountain’ (cf. B ṣale ‘id.’). Taking ṣul/ṣale to reflect PIE *swelo-, he adds oṣṣale to this group as *ōswelo- ‘near the mountain.’ Better would be *h1ṇswelo- (cf. the *h1- in omotruññaiṣṣe ‘south’). Certainly in the geographical context of the northern rim of the Tarim Basin, a relationship of ‘mountain’ (i.e. the Tian Shans) and ‘north’ makes excellent sense.
Not with Isebaert (1987), assuming a meaning ‘west,’ a borrowing from an (unattested) A source and related to TchA oṣeṃ ‘night’ (cf. yṣiye). Nor with Hilmarsson (1991: 153-154), despite his ingenious argument, from *h1e(n)- + PIE *sḱew(hx)elo- ‘covering’ [: Old Norse skjól ‘cover, hiding place’ (< Proto-Germanic *skeula-), skáli ‘room, small building’ (< *skawalan)]. He compares also *sḱeuas in OCS sěverъ ‘north,’ Lithuanian šiáurė ‘north,’ Old Norse skúr ‘rain-shower,’ English shower (P:597). However, all of the words meaning ‘north’ have an *-rrather than an *-l-. He takes the Tocharian word to reflect something like *sḱewhxelo- (> *ṣṣäw'äle- > *ṣw'äle- > *-ṣṣäle-) but one would expect secondary -ṣwto remain in Tocharian. See also ṣale and possibly oṣle.


oskiye* (nf.) ‘± house, dwelling place’
[-, -, oskai ~ oskiye//] [wāy=ot ce]m oskai ‘he led him [to] the house’ (25a1), tswaiñ[e] ka yku päst kreṃnt ṣamāññemeṃ ṣañ oskai ‘having gone directly from good monasticism to his own housing’ (44b6). ∎TchA oṣke ‘id.’ and B oskai- look to me to reflect a PTch *ost(ä)kāi-, a derivative in -kā- of *ost ‘house.’ The reduction of the heavy consonant cluster in the middle of the word must be independent in the two languages as it occurred after the change of *-st- to -ṣt- in TchA. Hilmarsson's suggestion (1986a:70, following a suggestion of Emmerick's) of a borrowing from Khotanese auskā- ‘dwelling’ is semantically fine but doesn't account for the vowel of B oskai or the -- of A oṣke, unless both are taken to be independent changes in the direction of the inherited ost/waṣt ‘house.’ In any case, not with VW (343) related to Sanskrit úcyati ‘be accustomed to.’ See also ost.


ost (n.) ‘house’ [ostmeṃ länt- ‘to become a monk, to lead a (Buddhist) religious life’ (lit. ‘to leave [one's] house’); ostmeṃ ltu ‘a monk’ (lit. ‘one who has left his house’), contrasted with osta-ṣmeñca ‘householder, layman’ (lit. ‘house-sitter’)]
[ost, -, ost//-, -, ostwa] /// mīsasa ost astāṣṣe ‘[seeing] through the flesh the house of bones’ (9a8), riṃne kuṣaiṃne ostwane ṣek yeyeṃ ceṃ lkatsi ‘they were always going into cities, villages, and houses to see him’ (31b6). -- ostaṣṣe ‘prtng to the house’ [cf. TchA waṣtaṣi]: yes rintsi mā campcer pel-ostaṣṣe ‘you cannot renounce the prison of [your] house’;
ostaññe* ‘householder’ [cf. TchA waṣtiṃ]: tumeṃ cew ostaññi nāksante-ne skarāre-ne ‘then the householders reproached him and scolded him’ (337a5);
ostañña* ‘female householder’: ostaññai Tsyohkñaimpa ‘the householder Ts.’ (346b5);
osta-ṣmeñca ‘householder’: ostä-ṣmeñcaṃ ostmeṃ ltuweṣ ‘householders and [those who] have left the house [i.e. those who have become monks]’ (33b4);
osta-ṣmemane* ‘id.’: ostä-ṣmemanentse māka kurpelle ‘a house-holder has much to be concerned about’ (33a5). ∎TchA waṣt ‘id.’ and B ost reflect PTch *wost. A waṣt rather than *woṣt reflects the action of -umlaut in the plural *wǫstwā (regularly > waṣtu). The B plural ostwa could be either from *wǫstwā or *wostwā with the vowel of the singular generalized. This PTch *wost is clearly cognate with Sanskrit vāstu ‘house, dwelling,’ vástu ‘place, seat, thing,’ and Greek (w)ástu ‘city.’ It has been traditional to connect this etymon with the verbal root seen in Sanskrit vásati ‘dwells,’ Greek á(e)esa (aor.) ‘remain’ (always with núkta ‘night’), Old Irish fōaid (< *h2weseti) ‘spends the night’ (cf. also foss (m.) [< *h2wosto-] ‘sojourn, rest’), Arm. goy ‘is (present),’ Gothic wisan ‘be’ (cf. also Old Norse vist (f.) [< *h2westi-] ‘sojourn’), Hittite hwes- ‘be (alive),’ huski- (< *hus-sḱe/o-). Cf. P:1170-1171, Smith, 1910:19, VW:549, MA:281. Both Greek and Hittite presuppose a PIE *h2wes- for this verb, however, which appears to be incompatible with a relationship with Greek (w)ástu. Perhaps Proto-Greek *wástu, with its admittedly difficult root vowel, is a borrowing from some non-Greek but Indo-European language of the Balkans which had already lost the initial laryngeal. PTch *wost, Sanskrit vāstu, and pre-Greek *wástu might reflect PIE *h2wóstu-. See also oskiye and probably wṣeñña, yṣiye, and wäs-2.


au (interjection) ‘Oh’
tumeṃ weña au ~ watkaṣṣi pi pañäkte niṣīdaṃ ñremeṃ kälymi raso tsamtsi ‘therefore he said: Oh, may the Buddha command the sitting-mat from the fringe on one span broader to grow’ (H-149.X.4a5/6 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). ∎Etymology unknown.


auk1 (n.) ‘snake, serpent’
[auk, -, -//-, -, aukäṃ] [arṣā]klo auk catä tsākaṃ ‘[if] a snake, serpent, or cat should bite’ (503a2), auk = BHS ahi [in the calendrical cycle] (549a7). ∎Etymology uncertain. Pisani (1941-42:24) connects this word with Armenian awj ‘serpent’ (if < pre-Armenian *augwhi-) though the latter is usually related to the family of Latin anguis ‘snake’ (cf. infra). Krause (1961) hesitantly suggests a connection with Sanskrit ójas- ‘force’ (< *haeug- ‘grow,’ cf. auk2). VW (153) compares Greek augē (f.) ‘bright light,’ augázō ‘illuminate,’ augázomai ‘see distinctly,’ assuming TchB auk- would be to Greek aug- as Greek drákōn is to dérkomai ‘see distinctly.’ However, even if drákōn is correctly connected with dérkomai (as ‘the one with the [baleful] glance’ or the like), it is not clear that auk would have a similar history since it is not obviously an agent noun or a participle as drákōn might be.
More likely is a connection with PIE words meaning ‘snake.’ Pokorny (43-45, s.v. angu(h)i-) collects a number of Indo-European words meaning ‘snake,’ ‘eel,’ vel sim. which he takes to represent a single etymon (possibly two) whose multiplicity of shapes (presence or absence of *-n-, media vs. aspirata, labio-velar, vs. plain velar, vs. palatal) he attributes to taboo deformation and crossing. It is better to divide this group into four etyma (MA:529-530, 264): (1) *ha(e)ngwh(i)- ‘snake’ [: Latin anguis (m./f.) ‘snake,’ Lithuanian angìs (f.) ‘snake,’ Old Prussian angis ‘nonpoisonous snake,’ Armenian awj ‘snake,’ OCS *ǫžь- ‘snake,’ Middle Irish esc-ung ‘eel’ (< *‘water-snake,’ ung < pre-Celtic *angwh), OHG unc ‘snake,’ and "Illyrian" ábeisékheis’ (Hesychius)]; (2) acrostatic *h1ógwhi- ~ h1égwhi- ‘snake’ [: Greek ékhis (m./f.) ‘viper’ (< pre-Greek *éghi-), ékhidna ‘id.’ (< *ékhidnya), Armenian iž ‘snake, viper’ (< *h1ēgwhi-), OHG egala ‘leech,’ Welsh euod ‘sheepworm,’ euon ‘horseworm’ (< Proto-Celtic *egi-), Greek óphis (m.) ‘snake,’ Sanskrit áhi- (m.) ‘snake,’ Avestan aži- (m.) ‘id.’ (the lack of a labio-velar in Greek ékhis and ékhidna must be attributed to contamination with groups three and four)]; (3) *Vnghel- or *Vnghur- (plus other suffixes) ‘eel’ [: Latin anguilla ‘eel’ (in its form influenced by anguis), Greek énkhelūs (f.) ‘id.’ (influenced by ékhis), Old Prussian angurgis, Lithuanian ungurýs (assimilated from *angurýs), Finnish (borrowed from Baltic) ankurias, all ‘eel’ (< *Proto-Baltic *anguriya-), OCSǫgulja ~ jęgulja, Proto-Slavic *anguri- (Russian úgor', etc.), and Albanian ngjalë (< pre-Albanian *Vnghellā- [Hamp, 1969, though there is no reason to follow him in seeing it a borrowing from Slavic which, in any case has no similar form])]; (4) *h1eǵhi- ‘hedgehog’ [: Greek ekhînos (m.), Armenian ozni (< *h1oǵhīnyo-), OHG igil (< *h1eǵhīlo-), Lithuanian ežýs (< *h1eǵhiyo-), and OCS ježь] (there is some folkloristic evidence that the hedgehog was a snake-killer par excellence so it may be that ‘hedgehog’ is a derivative of a ‘snake’ word but there are phonological difficulties). Probably in TchB auk reflects PIE *h1ógwhi- ‘snake.’ Normally such a form would have given a PTch *ekw (PIE *-i- did not cause palatalization in Tocharian in the environment of either *-w- or *-s-; Adams, 1988c:15). auk (i.e. *ewk) is simply metathesized (much as Proto-Germanic *aug-an- ‘eye’ is from PIE *h3okw-).


auk2 See ok.


auk- (vi./vt.) G ‘grow, increase’ (intr.); K ‘make grow, make increase’
G Ko. V /aukā-/ [A -, aukat, -//; Inf. aukatsi];
K Ko. II /auk'ä/e-/ [MPOpt. auśimar, -, -//] ///tstsa weṣṣäṃ aukat [t]sāmat ra māka no kawātse /// ‘she says: thou wilt grow and increase ...’ (516b4); /// [ka]lloymä onwaññe pelaikne ṣe auśimar piś-cmelaṣṣeṃ ‘may I obtain the immortal law! Likewise, may I cause [those] of the five-births to increase!’ (S-8b3). ‣This verb is essentially atelic (cf. the apparently telic auks-) and approximately equal to tsäm-. ∎TchA ok- and B auk- reflect PTch *auk- from PIE *haeug- ‘make grow, make increase’ [: Latin augeō ‘augment, increase; (rarely) grow (intr.)’ (< *haeuge-ye/o-), Old Norse auka (a strong verb) ‘id.,’ Gothic aukan ‘id.’ (both < *haeuge/o-), OHG ouhhōn ‘id.,’ Old Saxon ōkian ‘id.,’ Old English ēacian ‘id.,’ Old Norse auka (a weak verb) ‘id.’ (< *haeug-eha-ye/o-), Old English īecan ‘increase in numbers’ (intr.) (< *haeug-ye/o-), Gothic auknan ‘id.,’ Lithuanian áugu (áugti) ‘grow’ (P:84-85; MA:248)] (Fraenkel, 1932:230, VW:329). Germanic *aukō- (< *haeug-eha(-ye/o)-) is at least the formal match for Tocharian aukā- and likewise the thematic *auk- of Proto-Germanic (< *haeug-e/o-) may well be old and matches the TchB "causative" (i.e. transitive) subjunctive auk'ä/e- exactly. The present *auks'ä/e- that we expect to correspond to this subjunctive would be another old iterative-intensive that has relegated the older present to the subjunctive. See also auki, auks- and possibly auśiye.


auki (n.) ‘± increase’ [auki nes- ‘± to best’]
[auki, -, -//] /// wñā-ne waimene ikäṃ pkārsa wäntarwa [] maiyyācempa airṣaitsñe auki nestsi waimene /// ‘he said to him: know the twenty difficult things! [it is] difficult to best the vehemence of a strong [one]’ (127b3). ∎In TchA there is a single attestation of the equivalent okäm (A-215b1 ṣäptäñcäṃ koṃ śla klop wraṣäl ṣpäy pāk - -p wākñam ci okäm pätstsār ‘on the seventh day with pain and suffering I will split for thee the seven parts [?]; set out more [?]’). Whatever the exact meaning, TchB auki and A okäm reflect PTch *auk(ä)mi̯ä(n) (cf. B wāki, A wākäm ‘distinction’ and B nāki, A nākäm ‘reproach’ and Adams, 1993:23-24), a derivative of auk- (A ok-) ‘increase, grow.’ PTch *auk(ä)mi̯ä(n) is matched by Sanskrit ojmán (m.) ‘strength,’ Latin augmen(tum) (nt.) ‘increase,’ and Lithuanian augmuõ (m.) ‘plant, veget ble.’ Not with VW (330) separated from auk- and connected to Greek augē ‘bright light.’ See also auk-.


auks- (vi.) ‘± sprout, grow up’
Ps. XIa /auksäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, auksäṣṣäṃ//]; Ko. IV /aukṣi-/ [Inf. aukṣitsi]; PP /aukṣu-/ [o]stn=auksäṣṣäṃ sū mātri /// ‘he grows up at home; [his] mother's ...’ (121a1); [au]kṣitsi = BHS virūḍhim (H-149.314b5 [K. T. Schmidt, 1984: 152]); kṣatriññempa āklu ñiś sakne aukṣu ‘learnèd in kṣatriya-lore I [have] grown up in good fortune’ (89a1). ∎Related to TchA ok- (cf. particularly the present oksis-) and B auk-, reflecting PIE *ha(e)u(e)ks- ‘grow, increase,’ an élargissement of haeug- ‘id.’ [: Sanskrit vakṣáyati ‘makes grow,’ Old Norse vexa ‘make grow,’ Gothic wahsjan ‘grow,’ Old Norse vaxa ‘grow,’ OHG wahsan ‘id.,’ Old English weaxan ‘id.,’ Sanskrit perfect vavakṣa ‘grew,’ ukṣati ‘grows,’ Avestan aorist vaxšt ‘grew,’ uxšyeiti ‘grows,’ causative vaxšayeiti ‘makes grow,’ Greek aéksō ‘make grow,’ aéksomai ‘prosper, increase (intr.),’ aúksō ~ auksánō ‘make grow; (later) grow,’ Latin auxilium ‘help’ (P:85; MA:248)] (Fraenkel, 1932:230, VW:329). It is difficult to know exactly what the PIE paradigm looked like--even Indic and Iranian fail to agree outside the causative. Sanskrit vakṣáyati, Avestan vaxšayeiti, and Old Norse vexa agree in both form (< *wokse-ye/o-) and meaning (‘make grow’). The superficially identical Gothic wahsjan ‘grow’ (intr.) must be independent, an iterative-intensive built from the *wokse/o- that lies behind OHG wahsan, Old English weaxan, and Old Norse vaxa. The Greek transitive aéksō must also be a new formation. Greek aúksō and TchB auks- directly and Latin auxilium indirectly witness to a PIE *haeuks- ‘make grow, make increase.’ That TchB auks- is intransitive may be explained in the same way that Greek aúksō also becomes intransitive in its later history. See also auk- and auki.


auñento (n.) ‘beginning, initiative’
[auñento, auñentantse, auñentai//] [snai yko]rñe [au]ñento ste po krentaunaṃts ‘diligence is the beginning of all virtues’ (12a1), ayātoścä auñentaṃtse ‘inclined to initiative’ (561a3/4). -- tw=auñentai ‘thereupon’: tw=auñentai [ṣpä] weña tarya ślokanma toṃ ‘thereupon he spoke these three ślokas’ (27b2). ∎TchA oñant and B auñento reflect PTch *auñento, a nomen actionis from *aun- ‘begin’ (cf. aun-.)


aun- (vi./vt.) G Active ‘strike’; Middle ‘begin’; K ‘cause to begin’ ?
G Ps. Xa /aunäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, aunaṣṣäṃ//, MP -, -, aunastär// -, -, aunaskentär; Ger. aunaṣṣälle]; Ko. I /aun-/ [A // -, -, auṃ; MP -, -, auntär// -, -, aunantär]; Impv. III /paunsā-/ [Pl. pauntsat]; Pt. IIIa /aun(s)ā-/ [A -, aunasta, -// -, -, aunar; MP -, -, auntsate// -, -, auntsante]; PP /aunu-/;
K Impv. IV /paunäṣṣā-/ nāki-welñe-preresa ceu aunaṣṣän-me arañcne ‘with this arrow of reproach-telling he wounds them in the heart’ (15a8=17b1), koynameṃ yolo were onolments aunasträ wrātsi ‘from the mouths of [such] creatures begins to be smelled an evil smell’ (K-8b3); [kwri no] cwi palsko käskāträ waiptār aunträ makatsi ‘if, however, his spirit is scattered apart and he begins to run’ (9b8=10a4); auntsante-ne ścīre makästsi ‘they began to make him run hard’ (88a2); tañ [mai]yyane ñiś sanaṃ au[n]u takāwa ‘in thy strength I have wounded [my] enemies’ (22a5/6); ponäṣṣar (K-T). ∎TchA on- ‘id.’ (preterite participle āwu) and B aun- reflect a PTch *āu-(n)- where the -n- presumably is the relic of an old present stem-formative *-nu- extended (nearly) throughout the paradigm. Further connections are obscure. There may be a connection with the otherwise obscure Greek aáō ‘hurt, damage (of the mind).’ The latter appears to reflect a pre-Greek *awasō which could be from PIE *haew-ha-s-. If so, the Tocharian might reflect *haew(ha)-. The original meaning would have been ‘strike,’ hence, in the middle, ‘begin’ (cf. English ‘strike out on [a new career, etc.]’). VW (329) associates the Tocharian word with Greek outáō ‘wound’ instead. This word might also belong here if it reflects *haou-teha-ye/o-. (Frisk, 1970:450, at least allows the possibility of associating outáō and aáō.) Much more distant, if it belongs here at all, is VW's further connection with Gothic wunds ‘wound’ (which might reflect PIE *haw-en-). See also auñento.


aupacayik ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘based on accumulation’
(41b3). ∎From BHS aupacayika.


aumiye* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± fever’
[-, -, aumiye//] tesa śaiṣṣe wäksenträ ālyauwcemeṃ ce preke aumiyene pälskoṣṣe [mā] kälpasträ emälyai ‘thus people are unquiet with one another [at] this time; a spiritual fever does not achieve heat’ (255b4). ∎A derivative in -iye from aume ‘misery,’ q.v. As if from a PIE *haeumihxo- or *hxoumihxo-.


aume* (n.) ‘± misery’
[-, -, aume//] /// ̇m ̇ sportīträ sauśke [sic] aumene e/// ‘[his] son dwelt in misery’ (84b6). ∎TchB aume is the exact cognate of the otherwise isolated Old Norse aumr ‘poor, miserable.’ The two reflect a PIE *haeumo- or *hxoumo-. Within Tocharian this etymon is to be seen also in TchA omäskeṃ ‘evil’ and B aumiye ‘fever,’ q.v. (Krause, Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1958:54 [apud VW], VW:154).


aurtstsea ~ wartstse (adj.) ‘broad, wide’ [aurtsesa ‘fully’]
[m: aurtstse, -, aurcce/aurtstsi, -, -/aurcci, -, -] [f: aurtstsa, -, aurtsai//] ṣemeṃts aurtse lkātsy āñme ‘to some [there was] the wish to see widely’ (9b6=10a2), tparyane tanki wartsane āṃtsne ‘high, very broad shoulders’ (73a5/6), ts[e]n-uppālṣi piltāṣ ra eśne aurtsi ‘wide eyes like two petals of blue lotus’ (575a2/3). -- aurtstsesa (adv.) ‘fully’: [ākṣa wertsya]ntse pelaikne śtwār= emprenm=aurtsesa ‘he announced fully to the assembly the law and the four truths’ (1a4);
aurtsäññe ‘± breadth’: snay au[rtsñe] (74a5), kuse wña[re onolmi] eurtsñesa täñ krentewna ‘whatever beings spoke of thy virtues fully’ (248a1/2). ∎TchA wärts ‘id.’ and B wartse reflect PTch *wärtse. The more common aurtse in TchB is a compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- + this *wärtse. The PIE antecedents of of this *wärtse are not altogether clear. VW (1961b:378-80, 1976:562-563) takes this word to be the exact equivalent of Sanskrit vṛddhá- ‘enlarged, augmented, big,’ the past participle of vṛdh- which verb, however, is only certainly known in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit várdhati ‘enlarges, increases, strengthens,’ Avestan varədaiti ‘makes larger,’ and possibly in Albanian rrit ‘grow, increase, raise’ (tr.), OCS roditi ‘parere’ (P:1167; MA:249)].
The older connection (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:19) with Sanskrit váras- (nt.) ‘width, breadth, expanse, space,’ urú- ‘broad, wide’ also deserves attention, despite VW's rejection [: also Gathic vouru ‘broad, wide,’ Young Avestan uru- ‘id.,’ Greek eurús ‘broad,’ eũros (nt.) ‘breadth’ (by metathesis from *werú- and wéros- respectively) (P:1165; MA:83)]. Possibly we have an adjective *urésto-, derived with regular ablaut processes from the neuter abstract *wéros-. This putative *urésto- would then have subsequently been transferred to the yo-stem adjectives. Hilmarsson (1991:169) starts from a PTch *wärä directly from PIE *urhxu- (though I would have supposed that such a form would have given PTch *orä instead) + the ubiquitous adjective forming suffix -tstse.


aul- (vt.) ‘± throw away, throw forward, thrust forward’
PP /aulo-/ krent wāṣmoṣṣe wassisā menkīce snai yase kwīpets parwāne auloṣsā ‘lacking the clothing of good friendship with the outthrust brows of shamelessness’ (282a5). -- aulñe ‘± throwing away, forward’: [alyekepi] cmeltse aulñe = BHS anyabhavākṣepa (177a6). ∎The Tocharian verbal prefix - + PIE *wel- ‘turn, twist’ [: Sanskrit válati ~ válate ‘turns oneself,’ vṛṇóti ‘covers,’ Armenian gelum ‘turn,’ Greek eiléō (< *wel-n-ew-e/o-) ‘turn, wind,’ eilúō ‘wind around, cover up,’ Albanian vjel (< *welwō) ‘throw up,’ Latin volō (= Albanian) ‘roll, turn,’ Old Irish fillid ‘bends,’ Gothic walwjan ‘roll,’ Lithuanian veliù ‘full, mill (cloth),’ etc. (P:1140-1143; MA:607)] (VW:153, though details differ). For the semantic development of *‘twist’ > ‘throw’ one should compare the history of English throw (cf. its German cognate drehen). See also wäl-1.


aulāre* (n.) ‘companion’
[//-, -, aulāreṃ] [waike] saimä yāmormeṃ ... wäṣṣe weskeṃ aulāreṃ ‘having made a refuge in a lie, they speak poison to the companions’ (255b7), kete no āñme wī aulareṃ eweta tarkatsi ‘to whomever [is] the desire to set fighting two companions’ (M-3a7). ∎TchA olar ‘id.’ (pl. olariñ) and B aulāre relect PTch *āulāre which, since Schneider, 1940:190, has been connected with Greek aulē ‘courtyard, steading for cattle’ (see also VW:333-334). The simplest hypothesis is that both pre-Greek and pre-Tocharian had a *h2eu-leha- ‘± place for spending the night’ to which Tocharian added *-ro-, giving an adjective *‘± pertaining to staying the night,’ whence ‘companion.’ This *h2euleha- is a derivative of *h2eu- ‘spend the night’ [: Armenian aganim ‘spend the night’ and Greek iaúō ‘sleep’ (< *h2ih2euse/o-)] which we see more commonly in an enlarged form *h2w-es- as in B 2wäs- ‘dwell.’ Completely different is Hilmarsson's hypothesis (1991:124) that we have a prefixed derivative of lāre ‘dear’ (< *wlāre < *wlhx-ró-) thus *e(n)- + *wlāre ‘favored one’ > ‘companion.’ See also wäs-2 and aulārñeṣṣe*.


aulārñeṣṣe* (adj.) ‘± prtng to companionability’ (?)
[m: -, -, aulārñeṣṣe//] aulārñeṣṣe yakne /// (623a-2). ∎If correctly identified as to meaning, then we have an adjectival derivative in -ṣṣe from an abstract *aularñe derived from aulāre*.


auloñ* (n.pl.) ‘± blood vessels’
[//-, -, auloṃ] [piś-känte] ṣpä yältse[nma au]loṃ yäsar pāssā[r]e-[c] ‘they stripped him of blood and five hundred thousand vessels’ (252b5), olyapotse māka śeśu ... auloṃ prutkäṣṣäṃ ‘having eaten very much, [it] clogs up the vessels [of the body]’ (ST-a1). ∎TchB auloñ would appear to reflect a putative PIE *h2euluh1en-, related to the *h2eulo- seen in Greek aulós (m.) ‘hollow tube, pipe, groove; flute,’ énaulos (m.) ‘riverbed,’ aulōn (m./f.) ‘defile, glen; channel, trench; strait; pipe, conduit,’ Latin alvus (f.) ‘belly, womb, stomach; hold of a ship; beehive’ (< *aulos by metathesis), alveus (m.) ‘hallow, cavity; trough; hold of a ship; beehive; bed of a river,’ Lithuanian aulýs ‘beehive,’ aũlas (m.) ‘leg of a boot,’ Old Prussian aulinis ‘id.,’ aulis ‘shinbone,’ and some less certain cognates in Germanic and Armenian (P:88-89; MA:96)] (VW:153). Showing the same sequence of resonants as Latin alvus is Hittite halluwa- ‘hollow, pit’ (Puhvel, 1991:49). See also possibly olyi.


aultsorsa (adv.) ‘in short’
aultsorsa ka cämpim eṅtsi alokä[lymi] /// ‘may I also be able to grasp in short ...’ (7a6), tu ñiś tane cek-wärñai kca aultsorsa ka ṣärpau-me ‘I will explain it to you here and elsewhere in short’ (33b6). ∎Like its TchA equivalent waltsurā ~ woltsurā, aultsorsa is the perlative of the verbal noun built on the stem of the past participle of wälts- ‘put together, press together,’ q.v.


auśiye (adj.) ‘aged, matured’ (?)
[m: auśiye, -, auśiye//] se ṣalype [au]wśiye motaṣṣe kaṣāysa kālkä päkṣalle (497b2), auśiye casi (499b2). ∎The meaning is suggested by its possible relationship with the verb auk- ‘grow, increase.’ Auśiye mot would then be ‘aged alcohol/wine.’ See also auk-.


auṣämiye (adj.) ‘upper’
[m: auṣämiye, -, -//] /// auṣämiye ñormiye wassi /// ‘upper and lower clothing’ (332.1a). ∎An adjective derived from auṣmeṃ (s.v. oṃṣmeṃ).


auṣu See wäs-1.


auso* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± cry’ (?)
[-, -, ausa//] nano camel spār[tä]ssi enkalñeṣṣe [au]sane karsoym nāki ‘may I know reproach in the auso of passion so as to turn again birth!’ (S-4a2). ∎If correctly identified as to form and meaning, a derivative of ausw-‘cry out,’ q.v.


ausu See wäs-2.


auspa (adv.) ‘truly, certainly’
krentaunane cwi larauñe mā ṣañ śaulne waipeccene se śrāddhe auspa ‘for him [there is] love for virtues and not for his own life or possessions; truly he [is] a believer!’ (23a6), aus[pa] te wes[k]au /// ‘truly I tell it’ (128a6), [pi]ś [āntseṃ]tsä ṣañäññe sasāräntse yolaiññe lkoyeṃ auspa ‘may they see better the nature of the five elements and of evil!’ (S-6b2). ∎Obviously this word is related in some fashion to TchA wäṣpā ‘id.’ but beyond the fact that the B form, unlike its A equivalent has the prefix *e(n)- the details are obscure and any extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are unknown (see Hilmarsson, 1991:170). Not with VW (565) is there any relationship with oṃṣmeṃ ~ auṣmeṃ ‘from above.’


ausw- (vi.) ‘± cry out’
Ps. V /auswā-/ [A -, -, auswaṃ//] kārene klāyaṃ kwri auswann ot sa ‘if she falls in the pit, then she will cry out’ (H-149.15b3 [Krause, 1952:71]). ∎Etymology unknown. See also perhaps auso. -k, see k(ä).


ka (emphasizing particle) ‘just; scarcely; already; only; [with adverbs of motion] very.’
srukenträ tetemoṣ k=ā[lyaik] ‘others die, scarcely born’ (1a7=2a1), kauc ka kaum [ṣai] pärkawo ‘the sun had already risen high’ (5b3/4), ṣärpsentär-ne ālyauce ka nraiṣṣe wnolme tallāntä ‘they know already one another [as] hellish, suffering beings [Tch sg.]’ (17b1), [osta-]ṣmeñcantse śana ṣai tswaiññe ka sruk[au]sa ‘there was the wife of a householder [who had] just died’ (25b6), tswaiñ[e] ka yku ‘having just gone’ (44b6), katkauñaisa ka kektseñi porośyeṃ ‘only by joy do bodies rejoice’ (404a4), kauc ka ṣ āṃtsne musnānträ ‘they raise [their] shoulders high indeed’ (H-149.14a5 [Hilmarsson, 1989a:7]), tāy no ṣeme ka wasa ‘he gave her, however, only one’ (H-149-ADD.7b7 [Thomas, 1957:126]), teksa-ne ka no mrauskāte ‘but no sooner did it touch him [than] he became weary of the world’ (K-11b3), awiśäṣṣai kentsa ka ṣp śāśwat oko warpoymar ceṃts pakāna ‘even on the avīci-ground may I enjoy permanently the result for their sake’ (TEB-64-04). ∎Etymology uncertain. Perhaps we have the reinforcing enclitic kä, q.v., plus the same - seen in indefinites ksa and kca, qq.v. See also taka.


kakoṭak (n.) ‘Aegle marmelos Corr.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kakoṭak, -, -//] (W-34a6). ∎From BHS karkoṭaka-.


kakse (n.) only attested in the compound käkse-wreme ‘?’
mäkte ñake käkse-wreme emalyaṣṣe kektseṃne stmauṣ [sic] avasth yainmu sak tanmaṣṣeñca [sic] mäsketrä suwak käkse-wreme krostañaṣṣe [sic] avasth yainmu lakle tanmaṣṣeñca mäsketrä ‘As now the kakse-object, having achieved the state of heat arising from the body, becomes the producer of good fortune, just so the kakse-object, having achieved the state of cold, becomes the producer of suffering’ (197b4/5). ‣Stripped of philosophical trimmings, this sentence might be, ‘As now the kakse, becoming warm, produces good fortune, so the kakse, becoming cold, produces suffering.’ Perhaps kakse is a body-part whose warmth or coldness has an important effect on the warmth or coldness of the body as a whole, e.g. ‘belly’ or ‘loins’ or the like (cf. the ‘warm/cold feeling in the pit of one's stomach’ in English). ∎If the meaning is correct, two possible extra-Tocharian cognates suggest themselves, Sanskrit kukṣí- ‘belly’ (RV ‘cheek’ and ‘buttock’) and kákṣa- ‘armpit’ (RV ‘groin’ --in later Indic also ‘side, hip where babies are carried, etc.’) [: Latin coxa ‘hip,’ Old Irish coss (f.) ‘foot + leg,’ OHG hahsa ‘back of knee,’ New Persian kaš ‘armpit’ (cf. kaš-i rān ‘groin’ [lit. ‘armpit of thigh’]), Khotanese käṣa- ‘loins’ (cf. P:611; MA:323)]. Both connections are phonologically difficult; from a putative PIE *kuḱsí- we would expect TchB *kwaks while *koḱso- ‘± inner part; hollow of (major) joint’ (< *koḱes- ‘inner part, nook’ seen in the Sanskrit hapax kaśas- ‘inner part,’ Khotanese kasā- ‘id.,’ and Ossetic (Digoron) k’äsä ‘inner room, nook, corner’) should have given TchB *kekse. Perhaps kakse reflects a derived PIE *keḱs-ó- (cf. Adams, 1985b). Otherwise, H:60.


kakwār* (n.) a kind of food
[-, -, kakwār//] kantine śwālene śro-kant[i]ś yikṣye śwāra cakanma ṣkas tom ... kakwārne tarya tom (433a16-18). ∎Etymology unknown.


kankau ‘?’
ñakesa warñai tsälpelyñeṣai kankau pai/// (169a2), in a list of medical ingredients (P-1b6).


Kank* (n.) ‘Ganges’
[-, -, Kank//] Kankcene [lege: Kank-c[k]ene] waräñcampa eneśle ‘like the sand in the Ganges river’ (552b1). See also Gānk.


kace* (n.) ‘± direction’ (?)
[//-, -, kaceṃ] śtwāra kacenmeṃ lyaka tsälypelyen mäkte cey mā /// ‘he saw the redeemed ones from [all] four directions; as they .... not ...’ (365a7). ∎Meaning dubious; etymology unknown.


kaccalya* (n.) ‘± joy’
[-, -, kaccalyai//] (520a3). ∎A nomen actionis derived from kātk-, q.v. See also katkauña.


kaccāp (n.[m.sg.]) ‘turtle, tortoise’
[kaccāp, -, -//-, -, kaccāpäṃ] wlawātai anaiśai kaccāp ram no ṣañ lyñā/// ‘thou hast behaved carefully like a tortoise in his own shell’ (243b4), snai prenke takoy sa kenä ... wars=ite eśnesa menkitse tākoy kacāp ompä pärkre-śāyeñca ‘the earth must have been without island and full of water; the tortoise there must have lacked eyes [but been] long-living’ (407a5/6). ∎From BHS kacchapa-


kañiye See keñiye.


kañcāṃ-ysāṣṣe (adj.) ‘golden’
[m: kañcāṃ-ysāṣṣe, -, kañcāṃ-ysāṣṣeṃ//] [f: kañcāṃ-ysāṣṣa, -, kañcāṃ-ysāṣṣai//] kañcān-isāṣṣai tapākine ram[t] ‘as if in a golden mirror’ (73b6). ∎From BHS kāñcan- ‘golden’ + TchB ysāṣṣe ‘golden,’ q.v.


kañcuki (n.) ‘chamberlain’
[kañcuki, -, -//] läc kañcuki [] täne lāntsa aiśaisa näske[trä] [lege: mäsketrä] /// (PK-12J-b3 [Thomas, 1979:9]). ∎From BHS kañcukin-.


kaṭapūtane* (n.) a kind of demon
[//-, -, kaṭapūtaneṃ] (301a3). ∎From BHS kaṭapūtana-.


kaṭukarohiṇi (n.) ‘Helleborus niger Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaṭukarohiṇi, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS kaṭkarohiṇī-.


kaṭpaśabaralodär (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaṭpaśabaralodär, -, -//] (P-2a4).


kaṇḍakāri (n.) ‘Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad. & Wendl.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaṇḍakāri, -, -//] (P-1a4, W-17b4). ∎From BHS kaṇṭakārī-. See also kaṇḍāri.


kaṇḍāri (n.) ‘Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad. & Wendl.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaṇḍāri, -, -//] (W-39a4). ∎From BHS kaṇṭārikā-. See also kaṇḍakāri.


Katakarṇi (n.) ‘Katakarṇi’ (PN)
[Katakarṇi, -, -//] (589a5).


katarosi* (n.) a meter of 4 X 14 syllables; rhythm 7/7
[-, -, katarosi//] (PK-AS16.2a3 [Pinault, 1989]).


katänaṃ ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-2b1)


katu (particle) ‘for, namely’
maiyyāmeṃ katu tsänku [lege: tsänkau] caukne yaipu | taiknesa rano tane enenmeṃ sāu tsänkausa śkwarya tākaṃ | [yoko kau]tsiś etsuwai āśäṃ ‘for [if] he [has] risen up with power, [it] having entered into him thuswise thirst leads him, as if a liana [had] grown up within, to kill’ [katu = BHS tu] (11a8), kātu yśelmeṃ postäṃ ynemane = BHS yataḥ kāmān anusaran (U-3b1). ∎A compound of kā + tu, qq.v. (H:114).


katkauña ~ katkauño (nf.) ‘joy’
[katkauña ~ katkauño, -, katkauñai//] śraddhe[näts n]auske kälāṣn arañcne aśrāddhetsä katkauñ=aiṣṣäṃ ‘he brings depression to the heart[s] of believers and gives joy to the unbelievers’ (17b2/3), katkauñaisa arañce po nke plyewäṃ-ñ ‘my whole heart soars then with joy’ (PK-17.3a5 [Couvreur, 1952c:85]). -- katkauñaṣṣe ‘prtng to joy, joyous’ (K-0b6). ∎A nomen actionis from kātk-, q.v. See also kaccalya.


katkre See kätkare.


kattāke (n.) ‘householder’
[kattāke, -, -//kattāki, kattākeṃts, kattākeṃ] mañiññe ramt kattākets yāmṣäṃ ‘he does service, as it were, for the householders’ (31b4), pakaccāṃne kattākeṃ epinkte lämās ‘in the rainy season, stay [lit. sit] among the house-holders!’ (331a5). ‣Similar, perhaps identical, in meaning with osta-ṣmeñca, q.v. -- kattākaññe* ‘prtng to a house-holder’ (PK-AS16.3b3 [Pinault, 1989]);
kattākaññeṣṣe* ‘id.’ (67a3). ∎TchA kātäk and B kattāke are both borrowed, perhaps directly from early Khotanese (cf. ggāṭhaa- < *ggāṭhaka-) or perhaps from the Prakrit source from which the Khotanese is derived. Ultimately from Sanskrit gṛhastha- (Bailey, 1946:791-2, VW:625).


kanakapuṣpä (n.) ‘flower of Cassia esculenta’ (a medical ingredient)
[kanakapuṣpä, -, -//] (W-25a5). ∎From BHS kanakapuṣpa-.


Kanake (n.) ‘Kanaka’ (PN of former Buddha)
[Kanake, -, -//] (429a4).


Kanaṣke (n.) ‘Kanaṣka’ (PN)
[Kanaṣke, Kanaṣki, -//] (423a3, 490-aI-4).


kane See knents.


kanti* (n.) ‘± bread’
[-, -, kanti//] kr[e]nta śwatsanma kanti tänktsi ārwer yāmormeṃ ‘having made ready good things to eat, even bread’ (375b5), [ka]ntiś yikṣye masa o[k] t[o]m ‘flour for bread went, eight tom]’ (433a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (187) suggests a connection with PIE *gnedh- ‘press together’ [: Old English cnedan ‘knead,’ OCS gnesti ‘press,’ Old Prussian gnode ‘trough for kneading bread’ (P:371)] but the semantics are hardly compelling.


kante (numeral) ‘hundred’
[kante, -, kante//-, -, käntenma] kameṃ śr[a]ddh[e]ño Śrāvasti-riṣṣi upāsaki käntenmasa ‘the believing lay-brothers, citizens of Ś., came by the hundreds’ (15a3= 17a3), kaṃnte kältsau ṣalype ‘an oil pressed/sieved one hundred [times]’ (P-1a2), kante kauntsa ‘for a hundred days’ (W-42a6). ‣The numbers from ‘101’ to ‘199’ are phrases as in English, e.g. kant=īkäṃ-okt ‘128.’ Multiples of ‘hundred’ are compounds of the type ṣkas-känte ‘six hundred.’ Such numbers may be inflected at least in the ablative and perlative, e.g. tärya-käntemeṃ or piś-känt(e)sa (Winter, 1991:123). ∎TchA känt and B kante reflect PTch *känte from PIE *ḱṃtóm ‘100’ (from *dḱṃtóm and related to *déḱṃ ‘ten’ --see śak) [: Sanskrit śatám, Avestan satəm, Greek hekatón, Latin centum, Old Irish cét, Welsh cant, Gothic hund, Lithuanian šim̃tas, etc., all ‘hundred’ (P:192), Lycian sñta ‘hundred’ (Melchert, 1987: 202-203; MA:405)] (Smith, 1910:11, VW:204). See also śak, ikäṃ, and taryāka.


kantwo (n.[m.sg.]) ‘tongue; language’
lamästär-ne auṃtsate-ne rupaśke kantwas[a] skāwa[tsi] ‘he sets him on [his] knee and began to kiss [his] face with [his] tongue’ (83a3), alyek-ypoye kaṃtwa weṃne ‘[if] he speaks a foreign tongue’ (325b2). -- käntwāṣṣe ‘prtng to the tongue’ (241b6). ∎TchA käntu and B kantwo reflect PTch *käntwo which, by metathesis, presupposes an earlier *tänkwo (as if) from PIE *dṇǵhweha-n-. This form matches exactly that found in Germanic (e.g. in Gothic tuggo) and, minus the n-stem extension, that of Old Latin dingua (Classical Latin lingua)--so Benveniste (1936:235, fn. 1, also VW:204). More distantly we have Old Irish teng, Sanskrit jihvā, Avestan hizvā, Old Persian hizbāna-, Armenian lezu, Old Prussian insuwis, Lithuanian liežùvis, OCS językъ (P:223; MA:594).


Kanthäke (n.) ‘Kanthaka’ (PN of a horse)
[Kanthäke, -, -//] (PK-12H-b2 [Thomas, 1979:47]).


kantsakarṣaṃ* a meter of 12/12/13/13 syllables (rhythm a and b: 5/7, c and d: 5/8)
[-, -, kantsakarṣaṃ//] (298a1).


kaparcitay (n.) PN?
//[Yu]rpaṣṣe kapar citayä śamaśkeṃtse tsukäle/// ([Lévi, 1913:320]).


kapār See kāpar.


Kapilavarṇe (n.) ‘Kapilavarṇa’ (PN of a brahman)
[Kapilavarṇe, -, -//] (81a1).


Kapilavāstu* (n.) ‘Kapilavāstu’ (PN of a city)
[-, -, Kapilavāstu//] (H-149.X.4b1 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). -- kapilavāstuṣṣe ‘prtng to K.’ (628b4).


kapille* (n.) ‘± fever, illness’
[-, kapillentse, kappille//] ñake no śtarce kaunaṣṣepi kapilletse [lege: kappileṃtse] sātke weñau ‘now I will speak of the remedy for the four-day fever/ sickness’ (P-1b1/2), ñake trice kaunaṣṣe kapilleṃtse weñau ‘now I will speak of the three-day fever/illness’ (P-1b4/5). -- kapilletstse* ‘having a fever/illness’ (P-4b5). ∎In form a nominalized verbal adjective from an unattested, Class IV subjunctive stem, *kāpi-, representing a PIE *kap-ye/o- [: Greek káptō ‘gulp down,’ Latin capiō ‘I take,’ Albanian kap ‘take, grasp,’ or Gothic hafjan ‘lift,’ etc. (P:527-528)]; alternatively its synonym *ghabh- as in Latin habēre ‘have’ (Hamp, p.c.)], thus ‘a taking’ or ‘a seizing.’ A similar semantic development is to be seen in German benommen or English numb, originally past participles of Proto-Germanic *(bi-)niman ‘take.’ Less likely to my mind is Isebaert's suggestion (1981[83]):261) that we have here a reflection of a virtual PIE *kwōp-e-lyo- or *kwəp-e-lyo- ‘± vapor, heat’ from *kwēp- ‘boil, smoke, breathe’ (cf. kāp-). See also perhaps kāpar.


kapci (n.[m.sg.]) ‘thumbprint [as mark of authentication]’
[kapci, -, -//] yirpṣuki Putteyānentse kapci ‘the thumbprint of the supervisor P.’ (P-460a2), [V]aitike lyāka se kapci ‘V. has seen [it]; this [his] thumbprint’ (460a3). ‣The equivalent of Khotanese haṃguṣta- ‘finger (seal)’ or Chinese (pinyin) huàzhǐ ‘id.’ For a discussion of the realia, see the article by Kumamoto in Emmerick and Skjærvø (1987:151-154). ∎Certainly a borrowing from the Chinese, but the details are obscure. The -ci is obviously the equivalent of Chinese zhǐ ‘finger’ (Middle Chinese tçi’), but the origin of kap- is obscure. It is certainly not the equivalent of huà.


kappi* (nnt.) ‘purity; something pure’
[-, -, kappi//-, -, kappinta] kappi śeśuwer ‘eating [something] pure’ (431b1). ∎From Pali kappiya-. See also akappi-.


kapyāre* ~ kalpyāre* (n.) ‘worker, laborer’
[-, -, kapyāre//kapyāri, kapyāreṃts, -] ṣuk meñantse-ne kapyāres klese masa tarya tom ‘on the seventh of the month he brought three tom of klese for the workers’ (434a5), [ka]lpyāre keś pyākäle śīlne (Paris Sanskrit 71.080 [Couvreur, 1970:182]), parra yaṃ caumpa kapyāri wi ‘he goes through; with him two workers’ (LP-10a4). ∎From BHS kalpikāra(ka)- and/or Pali kappiyakāraka- or some other Prakrit relative (Couvreur, 1970:182). See following entry.


kapyāriśke* (n.) ‘± little worker’
[-, -, kapyāriśkaṃ//] (578a1). ∎A diminutive of kapyāre* ~ kalpyāre*.


kamartāññe* (n.) ‘rulership, sovereignty’
[-, -, kamarttāññe//] yamast [t]uwe mā lantuññe kamārtaññe eṃṣke[ts]e ‘thou hast not done kingship or even rulership’ (128b6). -- kamarttāññeṣṣe ‘prtng to rulership’ (K-9b2). See discussion kamartīke.


kamartīke (n.) ‘ruler’
[kamartīke, -, - (voc. kamartika)//kamartiki, -, -] kuse kamartiki säsweñ /// ‘whoever [are] lords and rulers’ (65a2). ∎TchA kākmärtik and B kamartike reflect PTch *kākmārtike, a nomen agentis in -ike derived from *kākmārtā- (A kākmärt, in B enlarged with -ññe as kamartāññe, q.v.) ‘rulership, sovereignty.’ Extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. VW (1967:181-2, 1976:192-193) suggests a putative PIE *kwōḱmōr (cf. Sanskrit kāśate ‘appears, shines’ and, more particularly, Greek tekmōr ‘sign’ (MA:25). However the *-tā- is not well explained under this hypothesis and the meaning is not particularly apposite.


kamāl (n.) ‘jaundice’
[kamāl, -, -//] kamāl = BHS kāmala- (ST-b5). ∎From BHS kāmala-.


kampāl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘mantle, cloak’
[-, -, kampāl//] Śrāvastine Upanandeś ājīvike śem rätreṃ kampāl ausu [] Up[a]nande ceu kampāl yaṣṣāte-nemeṃ mā wsā-ne ‘in Ś. a religious mendicant came to U. wearing a red mantle; U. begged this mantle from him [but] he didn't give [it] to him’ (PK-NS-18A-b1/2 [Thomas, 1978:238-239]). ∎From BHS kambala-. See kampās*.


kampās* (n.) ‘cotton’
[-, -, kampās//] rätreṃ kampās ausū ṣai []Upanande cewmeṃ kampās yamṣāte ‘he was dressed [in] red cotton; U. asked the cotton from him’ (337a4). -- kampāsäṣṣe ‘prtng to cotton’: kampāsäṣṣe śwelesa śanmäṣäṃlle [sic] ‘[it is] to be bound with a cotton bandage’ (P-2a6). ∎From BHS karpasa-, crossed with kambala-. See see kampāl*.


kayast (n.) a species of medical plant
[kayast, -, -//] (P-1b2). ∎From BHS kāyasthā-.


karañcapijä (n.) ‘seed of Pongamia pinnata (Linn.) Merr.’ = ‘P. glabra Vent.’ (a medical ingredient)
[karañcapijä, -, -//] (P-2b5). ∎From BHS karañjabīja-.


karavīräṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to oleander’ (Nerium indica Mill.)
[f: karavīräṣṣa, -, -//] (497b7). ∎A derived adjective from an unattested *karavīr ‘oleander’ from BHS karavīra-.


karāk* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘branch’
[-, -, karāk//karākna, -, -] wrocc=āntseṃts karākna [lege: karākne?] (3a8), laitki atsi karakna [kus]e [nesäṃ] tne späntoṣä ‘vines, limbs, branches which are trusted here’ (554a4). ∎TchA karke and B karāk reflect PTch *kérākāin- and kérāk- respectively. (The PTch *e does not undergo -umlaut in TchA if stressed but does in B. The loss of the medial vowel in an open syllable is perfectly regular in TchA.) Both the phonological shape and the meaning suggest a possible connection of this word with 3kärk- ‘sprout.’ The semantic relationship is comparable in many ways to German zweig ‘branch’ < OHG zwīc ‘twig, sprout, cutting.’ If so, PTch *kérāk might reflect a putative PIE root noun *KorhxK-s if, as is certainly possible, 3kärk- reflects *Kṛhxk-. In addition we might note Lithuanian kárka ‘upper arm,’ Bulgarian krak, krak, Serbo-Croatian krâk ‘leg, femur’ (Balto-Slavic < *korhxko/eha-), Rumanian cra ‘leg,’ borrowed from Slavic, and its derivative cracă ‘branch,’ and possibly Albanian krah(ë) (m.) ‘arm, shoulder’ (if < *krhxk-sḱ-eha- or *korhxk-sḱ-eha- with metathesis? [Hamp (p.c.) takes krah and related krëhë to be from *krṇks- and *krenks- respectively and related to Rumanian (via some substratum) creanga- (pl. crengi) ‘branch’]). It would be reasonable to assume that we have a family of derivatives of *kreh1- ‘grow’ (P:577; MA:248-249). Somewhat similarly Hilmarsson (H:83) takes the Tocharian word to be a derivative of PIE *gherh1- ‘sprout, protrude,’ adducing OHG graz ‘sprout’ and SC grána ‘branch’ as cognates. Not with VW (189) from 2kärk- ‘bind’ (cf. Lithuanian ker̃gti) with the B karāk borrowed in some fashion from A karke (< *korgo-). See also kärk-3 and karāś*.


karāś* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘forest, woods’
[-, -, karāś//] karāś ynūcaṃ [ceṃ wnolmeṃts] ‘for [these] beings going [into] the woods’ (23a7), saṃsāräṣṣe karāśne ce tetrikoṣä ‘those lost in this saṃsāra-forest’ (212a4). ∎TchA kārāś and B karāś would appear to be from a PTch kārāś or *kerāś but further connections are unclear. It is usually taken as a borrowing from Khotanese karāśśa- ‘creeper, vine’ (so VW:625). However, the formation of karāśśa- is isolated within Khotanese (there is an Iranian *kar- which appears in Khotanese kīḍā- ‘creeper, bush’ < *karitaka- but Bailey, 1979, can offer no source for the -āśśa-). Perhaps we have here an old collective *Korhxkyom or the like, a derivative of the *Korhxks that gives karāk ‘branch,’ q.v. As ‘b(r)ushy place,’ ‘place full of branches, sprouts’ it would be a good description of the riparian thickets of the Tarim Basin to which karāś might natively have been applied. If so, perhaps Khotanese karāśśa- might be a borrowing from TchB rather than vice versa. Similarly H:84.


kariśke* (n.) ‘± fruit, harvest’ (?)
[-, -, kariśke//-, -, kariśkenta] ñweṃ kariśke[ś] /// (430.4), ṣar pattit [t]rukālle kariśkenta wärpanamane tākaṃ ‘the hand that will give the honor will be enjoying the kariśke’ (558b1). ∎A diminutive of an unattested *kāri, itself a derivative of kār- ‘gather’ (H:86)?


karītsñe* (n.) ‘± wetness’ (?)
[-, -, karītsñe//] pwārmeṃ laṃññi krostaṃñe war karītsñe rīñi[trä] ‘[even if] from the fire cold should emerge, [or even if] water renounced its karitsñe’ (100b2). ‣We have here a short set of contrary-to-fact concessive clauses. So we are looking for something that water could lose that would be analogous to fire's becoming cold, thus the supposition that karītsñe might mean ‘wetness’ or the like. ∎In form an abstract in -äññe from an adjective of possession *karītstse (i.e. *kāri + -tstse). If the meaning given is approximately correct, probably not related to kariśke*.


karuṃ (n.[m.sg.]) ‘pity, compassion’
[karuṃ, karuṇäntse, karuṃ//] [wināskau] karuṃ ceu orocce täñ ‘I honor thy great compassion’ (226b1). -- karuṇaṣṣe ‘prtng to pity or compassion’ (45a3). See also karuṇīke and añmālaṣke.


karuṇapralāp* meter of 4 X 12 syllables (rhythm 5/7)
[-, -, karuṇapralāp//] (82a3, 264b3).


karuṇasāri (n.) ‘Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.’ (a medical ingredient)
[karuṇasāri, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS kālānusāri-.


karuṇīke (adj.) ‘sympathetic, compassionate’
[m: karuṇīke, -, -(voc. karuṇīka)//] [ka]ruṇīke añmālaṣke ‘sympathetic and compassionate’ (574b3). ∎From BHS *karuṇika- (not in Edgerton or M-W). See also karuṃ.


kare (n.) ‘worth, rank’
[kare, -, -//] kare sporttotär yogācārentse paramañiya[teṃs] täräm wikäṣñeṣṣai lalyīntse (591b2). -- käre-perne ‘± glorious, worthy’: krui twe wroccu wlo yāmt ñi rekisa käll[ā]t yñ[ak]t[eṃ] śale yśāmna käre-perne lantuññe ‘if thou, great king, dost achieve by my word a glorious kingship among gods and men’ (128b4);
käre-pernetste ‘id.’ (73b3=75b4). ∎TchA kär and B kare reflect PTch *käre possibly reflecting either a PIE *gwṛros (nt.) (by Lindeman's Law which lengthens a prevocalic resonant in what would otherwise be a monosyllable) or *gṛhx-os (nt.) ‘weight’ [: Greek báros ‘weight’], a nominal derivative of gwṛr-u- (again with Lindeman's Law) or *gwṛhx-u- ‘heavy’ [: Greek barús, Sanskrit gurú-, Latin gravis, Gothic kauru-, etc., all ‘heavy’ (P:476)] (VW, 1972[74]:143-4, 1976:205). Semantically we might compare Hittite nakki- ‘heavy’ but also ‘important, respected.’ It has also been supposed that kare means ‘good,’ and thus kare perne ‘good dignity’ (Winter 1968:61ff., H:84-85). If so, the usual etymology is impossible and this word belongs with kartse ‘good.’ On the whole, however, the usual translation ‘worth, rank’ seems the more likely. See also käre-perne.


karep (n.[m.sg.]) ‘damage, harm’
[karep, -, -//] totkā-yärm [s]e [tn]e karep wnolmentse ‘of little measure [is] this damage to a being’ (16a7), [mā ost]meṃ lnäskeṃ karep yāma[skenträ] ‘they do not leave the house [i.e. become monks] and do themselves harm’ (230a2). ∎TchB karep and A kāryap ~ kārip- (e.g. allative sg. kāripac) are cognate, but the exact mechanism of that relationship, whether it is by inheritance or borrowing (from A to B, from B to A, or from some third language), is uncertain. Perhaps from PIE *ḱer- ‘decay; harm’ (P:578; MA:312). For another suggestion, see VW (196).


karocuki (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[karocuki, -, -//] (W-28a4).


karkar* (n.) ‘cancer’
[-, karkarntse, karkar//] (158b2, ST-a5). ∎From BHS karkoṭi-.


karnor (n.) ‘± striking, killing, hurting’
karnor = BHS hatam (H-149.315b4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]). ∎Derived from kärn-, q.v.


karmapath* (n.) ‘the way of [good] works’
[-, -, karmapath//-, -, karmapathänta, -, -] (24a6). -- karmapathäṣṣe* ‘prtng to the karmapatha’ (346b1). ∎From BHS karmapatha-.


karmapāy-weṣṣeñca* (n.) ‘one who speaks the karmavācanā (i.e. the one who states the matter moved by an assembly of monks or nuns)’
[-, karmapāy-weṣṣeñcantse, -//] tumeṃ karmapāyä-weṣeñcatse tonak rekauna ... weṣäle ‘then one [is] to say these words of the karmavācanā-speaker’ (KVāc-18a4 [K. T. Schmidt, 1985:764]). ∎Karmapāy must be karma- as in BHS + vācā as in Pali kamma-vācā but the phonological details are obscure. See also karmavācaṃke.


karmavācaṃke* (n.) ‘± one who states the matter that has been moved by the assembly of monks; parliamentarian’ (?)
[-, karmavācaṃkentse, -//] (330b3). ∎If from a putative BHS *karma-vācanaka- (not in M-W or Edgerton) from karmavācanā- ‘stating of the matter moved.’ See also karmapāy-weṣṣeñca.


Karmavārg* (n.) ‘Karmavarga’ [chapter of the Udānavarga]
[-, -, Karmavārg//] (S-3b2).


karyor* (n.) ‘buying, business negotiation’
[-, -, karyor//] ṣaḍvarginta karyor pito misko ailñe yamaṣyenträ ‘the ṣaḍvargikas were engaged in buying, selling, exchanging, and inheriting’ (337a2), kuse ṣamāne karyor pito yamasträ olank kärnāsträ kwāts plankṣäṃ pärkāwse [sic] pelkiṃ ‘whatever monk negotiates a price, buys cheaply and sells dear for the benefit of profit’ (337b3). -- käryortstse* ‘± merchant’: yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ käryorcceṃmpa wat [] yaṃ pāyti kättankäṃ ‘[if one] goes with a yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ or a merchant, he commits pāyti’ (330a5). ∎A nomen actionis derived from kärya-, q.v. See also käryorttau.


karveṃ ‘?’
///tlava | karveṃ śu/// (584a9). ∎Perhaps a miswriting for karweñ ‘stone’ (acc. sg.), as suggested by Hilmarsson (H:98).


karwa* (n.pl.) ‘reeds’
[//-, karwaṃts, -] skwänma ket rälsko [lege: pälsko] kärwa[t]s [s]kwänma ma skwänma (254a2=255a4). -- kärwāṣṣe ‘prtng to reeds’: /// [kä]rwāṣṣe ost ram no onkolmo = BHS naḍāgāram iva kuñjaraḥ (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1968b:200, fn. 5]). ∎TchB karwa (pl.) is cognate with A kru- (loc. sg. kärwaṃ, derived adj. kärwāṣi). Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985:138) correctly related this word to the otherwise isolated Avestan grava- (m.) ‘Rohrstock, Stock’ (MA:481). Both Avestan grava- and Tocharian karwa can reflect a PIE *g(w)rewo-. Not with VW (236-237) who suggests PIE kruwā- (*kruhxeha-?) and a relationship with OCS krovъ ‘roof,’ kryjǫ ‘cover, hide,’ Lithuanian krūvà ‘pile, mass,’ kráuju ‘heap up,’ Old Irish cráu ‘byre, hut’ (P:616) assuming that the Tocharian words originally meant ‘that which covers.’


karse (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± deer, stag’
[karse, -, -//] ysāṣṣe ramt karse mlyuweñc ‘thighs like a golden stag’ (75a1). ‣We have here, in a composition praising the Buddha's lakṣanas or marks of bodily perfection, the equivalent of the BHS aiṇeyajangha- ‘having legs like a black antelope’ (translated in the Chinese lists as, ‘thighs like a royal stag’). For the identification of karse, see Adams, 1983a:611, fn. 2 (further, Adams, 1991b:4-5). ∎Karse must reflect a PTch *ḱṛh2só- ‘horned one,’ an exocentric derivative of *ḱérh2s ‘horn,’ with appropriate reduction of the (now) unstressed vowel. One should compare Greek kéras ‘horn’ and its derivative keraós ‘horned’ (as if from *ḱerh2só- with analogical full vowel). However, the more original adjective (*ḱṛh2só-) appears also in Greek (Hesychius) in two nominalizations (with regular stress retraction): Ionic kárā ‘cattle’ (an old neuter plural) and Cretan (feminine singular) kárā ‘tame goat’ (for the Greek forms, see Nussbaum, 1986:156-157; for wider PIE affiliations P:574-576; MA:260, 272-273). Less likely is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:92-93) that it is a reflex of PIE *kṛsó- ‘black’ (as in Sanskrit kṛṣná- ‘black’).


kartse ~ krent (a) (adj.); (b) (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘good, beautiful’; (b) ‘good, welfare’
(a) Adj. [m: kartse, kreñcepi, kreṃt/kartsi (~ *kreñc), -, (*kartsi) ~ kreñc/kreñc, krentaṃts, krentäṃ] [f: kartsa, -, kartsai//-, -, krenta]; (b) Noun [kartse, -, kartse//] (a) [Mṛ]gārañ stānkne kreṃnt ‘in the beautiful palace of Mṛgāra’ (3a5), kreñc [= BHS santaḥ] c[ai po] kr[e]ntäṃne [= BHS satsu] śarsäskeṃ-ne eñw[e]tstse (5b1), tesar ṣ nāki krentäṃtsa ‘and they set reproach over the good’ (15a5=17a6), [pe]laikne tänkwsa pw āñmtsa päklyauṣtso pelaikn= ākṣiṃ karttse palkas ‘listen to the law with love and with [thy] whole self; look well at the announcer of the law!’ (19a2), erene kartstsa werene kartstsa śukene kartstsa krenta ṣotrunasa kekenusa ‘good in form, good in smell, good in taste, provided with good signs’ (107a4/5), posa kreś tākacer ‘you will be better than all’ (107b3), mā kartsa = BHS akuśalā (200b3), krento = BHS kalyāṇaṃ (308a3), tekanmane kartse ‘[it is] good for diseases’ (500a4), kartsi eṅwene = BHS satpuruṣau (532b4), krentäṃ akalṣälyeṃ = BHS sacchiṣyāṃ (H-ADD.149.62a2 [Couvreur, 1966:165]), kreṃt pelaikne = BHS saddharmam (H-ADD.149.85a5 [Thomas, 1968a: 201]), [in Manichean script] kryntplskvš/// = krent pälskoṣ ṣañ? (Winter/ Gabain:13);
(b) ytāri weṣṣäṃ se kartseś po wnolmets täṅwaññeñca ṣek ‘he [who is] always loving tells the way to good for all beings’ (29a4), ṣañ śl=ālyenkäts kartse[ne] splekkessu ‘zealous for his own welfare and likewise [that] of others’ (30b5), kartse yayātaṣṣa = BHS sudāntena (181b5), wesäñ kärtseśc ‘for our good’ (214a4/5). -- As the first member of compounds often the equivalent of BHS su-, hita-, or sat-;
kärtse-akṣu* ‘well-instructed’: kuse pelaikneṣṣe reki kärts-a[kṣoṣ] = BHS ko dharmapadaṃ sudeśitam (H-149.198b6 [Thomas, 1968a:197]);
kärtse-ere ‘of good appearance’: cmelane kärtse-ere mäsketrä kärtse-weśeññai ‘in births he is of good appearance and good voice’ (K-9a2);
kärtse-yāmi* ‘benefactor’ (= BHS hitakartu- [251a4]);
kärtse-ykne ‘± in good fashion’ (417b1);
kärtse-rita ‘seeking good’ (386a3);
kärtse-reki ‘having a good word, message’ (386a3);
kärtse-wawlāwau ‘well-behaved’ (320b7);
kärtse-were ‘having a good smell’ (= BHS sugandhīni [308b6]);
kärtse-weśeññai ‘eloquent’ (K-9a2);
kärtse-weṣṣeñca* ‘eloquent’ (= BHS hitavaktu- [251a4]), = BHS subhāṣitam [U-20a4]);
kärtse-ṣälype ‘having or offering beautiful oblations, devout, pious’ (= BHS suhaviṣ- [550b3]);
krent-pelaikne ‘± virtuous’ (= BHS saddharman [U-22a5]);
kärtseṣṣe ‘good’: se kärtseṣṣe ak[āl]k ñ[i] ‘this good wish of mine’ (270a2), kärtseṣṣe ñem-kälywe klyauṣāte ‘he heard the good fame’ (AMB-a4);
kärtsauñe ‘goodness, virtue; good work, service’: [tu]sa śpālmeṃ plāskaṃ ṣeme-ṣṣeme kärtsauñe ‘[if] he thus considers a single good deed’ (64b8), ce pintwātstsa kärtstsomñenta [sic] po yātoyeṃ-ś ‘by this alms-giving may all thy good deeds be able’ (107b7). ∎TchB kartse and krent-, though synchronically suppletive to one another, must be diachronically related. Krent- is obviously cognate with TchA krant- ~ kränt- which, like krent-, form part of a suppletive paradigm for ‘good’ (the part played in B kartse is played in A by kāsu--see s.v. kāswo) and kräntso ‘beautiful.’ Extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. VW (232, with a review of previous literature) derives both kartse and krent- from PIE *her- ‘desire, yearn for’ [: Sanskrit háryati ‘likes, takes delight in, yearns for,’ Greek khaírō ‘enjoy myself,’ Umbrian heriest ‘volet,’ OHG gerōn ‘want, desire, yearn for,’ etc. (P:440-441; MA:158)]. More particularly, VW would equate kartse with Greek khartós ‘causing delight, welcome’ (with the common Tocharian substitution of *-yo- for *-o-) and krent- with the aorist participle khareís (< *kharēnts) ‘rejoicing.’ Neither in form (A krant- ~ kränt- presupposes a PIE *-ont- ~ -ṇt- rather than an impossible *-ēnt- ~ -ṇt-) nor in meaning is the latter equation particularly good. However, a participle of the type *hr-ont- ~ hrṇt- with a meaning ‘pleasing’ would seem to be acceptable if not actually attested. Hilmarsson suggests (H:97-98) a relationship with Old Irish carae ‘friend,’ taking both from *kṛh2-ont-. However, the Old Irish is more probably from *kha-r- (MA:357), a pre-form which would not work for Tocharian.
Another possibility, following a suggestion of Specht's (1944:128, fn. 1), would be to relate kartse to PIE *gwṛha-tó- [: Sanskrit gūrtá- ‘celebrated,’ Lithuanian gĩrtas ‘id.,’ Latin grātus ‘grateful, thankful, appreciative; received with or deserving gratitude, acceptable, welcome; pleasant, attractive, charming’] from PIE *gwṛha- ‘praise, chant in praise’ [: Sanskrit gṛnāti ‘sings, praises,’ Lithuanian giriù ‘praise,’ Old Irish bard ‘bard,’ etc. (P:478; MA:449)]. Krent- would then reflect a particple *gwrha-ont- ~ gwrhaṇt- with a similar meaning (Pinault, 1979). Particularly in this connection we should note Lithuanian gẽras ‘good, kind, splendid’ from this root. See also krentauna.


kalapak* (n.) ‘a kind or ornament; a sectarian mark on the forehead’ (?)
[-, -, kalapak//] (320a4). ∎From BHS kalāpaka-.


kalāk- (vi.) ‘follow’
Ps. I /kolok-/ [MP -, -, koloktär// -, -, kolokantär; MPPart. kolokmane]; Pt. Ib /śālākā-/ [-, -, śalāka//]; PP /kākālākā-/ skwänma śaiṣṣe kolokträ ... ceṃ läklenta ompostäṃ kolokanträ skiyo rā ‘the world follows good fortune; sufferings follow after it like a shadow’ (255a2/3); /// swañcaimtsa śalāk=ike poyśiṃñe laktse [ram no] (408b3); /// [pep]ränkoṣ kakālakaṣ wat (529b2). ∎This word is obviously to be related to TchA kälk- which forms the non-present tenses of i- ‘go’ but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. A kälk- and B kalāk- presuppose a PTch *kälk- ~ *kelāk- from a PIE *K(w)ḷK- ~ *K(w)olhxK- which might be from *kwelhx-, the set variant of *kwel- seen in Sanskrit cáritum, cūrtí- from cárati ‘moves, wanders; drives’ (P:639), extended by the same velar that appears in walāk- and parāk-, qq.v. (Smith, 1910:11; Adams, 1988b; H:62-63 [with differing details]). Not with VW (625-626) a borrowing from Uralic. See also käl-2.


kalāskana (n.) ‘?’
[//kalāskana, -, -//] watāmänta kalāska[na] tsankana ‘almonds, kalāskana, and shoots’ (W-31a5).


kaläl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± womb’
[-, -, kaläl//] mātri [kātsane] yaipormeṃ kka kälpormeṃ wi indriñcä kektseñaṣṣe [sic] i[nd]ri śauläṣe indri ṣ[pä] om no ceu kalälne ykuweṣ kautsiśco speltke yamaṣäṃ ‘having entered in the mother's stomach and achieving the two signs, the body sign and the life sign, he makes zeal to kill the one gone in the womb’ (333a2-4). ∎A derivative of the subjunctive stem käl-1 ‘bear, endure,’ q.v.


kaliyuk* (n.) ‘the Kali-age’
[-, -, kaliyuk//] (582b2). ∎From BHS kaliyuga-.


kalkaṣṣe See kālko.


kalpyāre See kapyāre.


kallau* (n.) ‘gain, profit’
[-, källauntse, kallau//] kete pkante yāmyeṃ kal[l]au[n]e cai cets sañi ‘these [are] their enemies whom they must hinder in achieving [food and drink]’ (31b7/8), kallau = BHS lābha- (542b4), wīśim ñiś kallau ynāmñe ‘may I shun profit and esteem’ (S-4b2). -- kallauṣṣe ‘prtng to gain’ (33b1) ∎A derivative of the subjunctive stem of kälp-, q.v. (i.e. kälp-nā- + -au). See also pärkāwse.


Kalyāṇavraddhi (n.) ‘Kalyāṇavṛddhi’ (PN in graffito)
[Kalyāṇavraddhi, -, -//] (G-Su7).


Kalyanamokṣe (n.) ‘Kalyānamokṣa’ (PN)
[Kalyanamokṣe, -, -//] (Otani 19.1.1 [Pinault, 1998:365]).


Kalyānawartane (n.) ‘Kalyāṇavardhana’ (PN in graffito)
[Kalyānawartane, -, -//] (G-Su32).


kawā-ññ- See kāp-.


kawātstse See kāwo.


kaśperne ‘?’
kaśperne mahāgrase[ne] /// (507a2).


kaśmaryaphal (n.) ‘fruit of Gmelina arborea Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaśmaryaphal, -, -//] (P-3b7). ∎From BHS kāśmaryaphala-.


kaṣake (n.) ‘Kashgarian’
[kaṣake, -, -//] twe ñī yaitkorsa maṃt pyām kuce kaṣake Puttamitre parra yaṃ ‘do thou my command that the Kashgarian P. go through’ (LP1a2-3). ‣Usually taken as a name but it would make Kaṣake Puttamitre the only double name in these records. Probably the equivalent of Turfan Middle Persian k’šy (< Proto-Iranian *kāšaka-) ‘Kashgarian’ (cf. Bailey, 1985:52).


kaṣāntaṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to ordure’ (?) or ‘prtng to reprimand’ (?)
[m: //kaṣāntaṣṣi, -, -] koyn kakāyaṣ po kaṣāntaṣṣi kāri po ‘all having opened wide [their] mouth[s] [are] holes of ordure (?)’ (G-Su1-b). ∎Pinault (1986: 136) takes this form to be from *kaṣāynta, the plural of kaṣāy ‘ordure, impurity.’ However, kaṣāy seems only attested as ‘decoction’ in Tocharian. Hilmarsson (H:108) suggests a translation ‘prtng to reprimand’ instead. See kaṣāy and kastuna.


kaṣāy (nnt.) ‘infusion, decoction; impurity (?)’
[kaṣāy, -, kaṣāy//kaṣāynta, -, -] saṃtkinaṃś ka[ṣā]ynta pakseṃ ‘they cook the infusions for the doctors’ (324a5), kaṣāy päkṣalle warsa ‘the infusion [is] to be cooked in water’ (P-1a5). ∎From BHS kaṣāya-. See also kaṣāntaṣṣe*.


kaṣār* (n.) ‘saffron-colored monk's garb’
[-, -, kaṣār//] wässāte kaṣār-wassi ‘he wore the garb of a monk’ (107b4/5), kaṣār-wässanma kaṣkektseñtsa lyakānte-me ‘they saw just the monk's garments over their bodie[s]’ (108a10). ∎Like TchA kāṣār(i), a borrowing from BHS kāṣāya- or some Prakrit equivalent.


kaṣka (H:108) ‣misreading for kaṣṣu, q.v.


kaṣṭa (n.[m.sg.]) ‘misfortune, evil’
[kaṣṭa, -, -//] kkaṣṭa kucalle star-ñ se mā pkwalle lantuṃñe īke pästä/// ‘evil is to be contemned by me ...’ (606a4). ∎From BHS kaṣṭa-.


kaṣṣu (n.) ‘Costus speciosus (Koen.) Sm.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaṣṣu, -, -//] (499a4). ∎From BHS kuṣṭha-.


kastuna (npl.?) ‘± threat’ (?)
/// [mapi lāntä]śc[ä] kastuna palskanatä ‘thou dost not contemplate a threat (?) against the king’ KVāc-19b2 (K. T. Schmidt, 1986:86). ∎Hilmarsson suggests (H:105) that this may be related to TchA kās- ‘reprimand, chastise,’ itself related to Sanskrit śās- ‘id.’ (< PIE *ḱeh1s- [P:533; MA:536]) (VW, 1941:31). See also kaṣāntaṣṣe, if the latter means ‘prtng to reprimand.’


kaswātstse See kāswo.


kā (interrogative pronoun) ‘why’
ka [sic] mā weścer krent [reki] ‘why do you not say the good word?’ (20b6), somo-añyai [lege: somo-aiñyai] somo ytārye kā westär ‘why is the single road called the only-traversable?’ (29b1), kā twe ñäś ñke ārtsi päknāstär ‘why dost thou intend to forsake me?’ (45a1), sū kā swāsaṃ ‘why will it rain?’ (140b4), tneka preksau-me kā snai meṃtsi kläṃtsañcer ‘here I ask you: why do you sleep without care?’ (G-Su1-d). ∎TchB kā reflects either a feminine instrumental or ablative *kweha(d) ‘in what [way]’, ‘for what [reason].’ One might particularly compare Greek pê ‘in what way?’ or Latin quā ‘by which way, how?’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:170, VW, 1941:29, 1976:191). See also kāttsi, katu, kuse, ksa, and kos.


kāk- See kwā-.


kāko* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘invitation’
[-, -, kāko//kakonta, -, -] pintwāt śaitsisa mā kakonta ‘begging [is how] to live, not invitations’ (32b8), śwer meñtsa ka ṣamānentse kāko wärpanalle ste ‘four months only is a monk to enjoy an invitation’ (331a2). -- kakoṣṣe* ‘prtng to an invitation’ (331b5). ∎An nomen actionis derived from kāk-, which fills out the paradigm of kwā- ‘call (to)’, q.v.


kākoṭi (n.) ‘Gymnena balsanicum’ (a medical ingredient)
[kākoṭi, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS kākolī-.


kāñ (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
epe käñcelleṣṣe kāñ iścemne tse[tseku] ‘or (a) kāñ of lotus filaments burned/baked in clay’ (H-149. 45b1 [H:80]).


kāñci (n.) ‘sour gruel, rice-vinegar’
[kāñci, -, -//] (Y-2b5). ∎From BHS kāñcika-.


kāñm- (vi.) ‘play’
Ps. I /kāñm-/ [A -, -, kāñmäṃ//-, -, kāñmeṃ; MPPart. kañmamāne]; Ko. V /kāñmā-/ [Inf. kāñmatsi; Ger. kāñmalle] [ke]ry[eṃ] kāñmeṃ spänteṃnträ onwaññe śaul ‘they laugh and play and believe: life [is] eternal’ (2b2); /// k[ā]ñmatsi [ṣm]ī[c]e[r] ot ñi kenine ‘you sat on my knee in order to play’ (370b6). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (194) suggests a connection with Sanskrit kāma- ‘desire, love,’ kam- ‘to love, desire,’ Latvian kãmêt ‘to be hungry for,’ derived from a more underlying *keha- ‘love’ as seen in Latin cārus (Mayrhofer, 1956:159). If so, kāñm- would be by metathesis from *kāmñ- but the semantic connection seems dubious (VW suggests a development via the ‘lusus venerius’). Cf. MA:357. See also kāñme.


kāñme (n.) ‘play’
[kāñme, -, -//-, -, kāñmeṃ] (389b3, H-149.40a3). ∎A nomen actionis derived from kāñm-, q.v.


Kāḍike* (n.) ‘Kālika’ (PN of a monk)
[-, Kāḍiki ~ Kāḍikentse, -//] (44a3).


kātk- (vi./vt.) G ‘rejoice, be glad’; K ‘make glad, gladden’
G Ps. II /kātk'ä/e-/ [A kātkau, -, kāccäṃ//-, -, kātkeṃ; MPPart. katkemane]; Pt. Ib /kāccā-/ [A //-, -, kaccāre]; PP /kākāccu-/;
K Ps. IXb /kātkäsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kātkästär//; APart. kātkäṣṣeñca; MPPart. kātkäskemane]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [Inf. kātkäs(t)si]; Ipv. IV /päkātkäṣṣā-/ [Pl. pkātkäṣṣat]; PP /kākātkäṣṣu-/ mā tusa kātkau mā tu pällāmar ‘thus I do not rejoice and I do not praise it’ (596a4), tusa kāccän sū skwassu cmela[n]e ‘thus he rejoices, the one [who is] fortunate in [his] births’ (24a2), kāccän = BHS nandate (U-16a3), kkāccän [sic] = BHS modati (U-16a4), [olyapo]tstse kātkeṃ = BHS abhinindanti (H-149.315b2 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]), kātkeṃ plontonträ ‘they are glad and rejoice’ (K-2b6); toy kakkāccuwa bramñikteṃś maitare wināṣṣar-ne ‘they, rejoicing, went to the Lord Brahma and worshiped him’ (107a10), ket no pälsko kakacu ‘to whom, however, [there is] a joyful spirit’ (255b3); kuse ma pälsko katkästrä ‘whoever does not make [his] spirit glad’ (255b2), pälskonta kātkäṣṣeñca weśeñña mäsketär-ne ṣpä ‘and his voice is gladdening the spirits’ (K-9b5); pkātkäṣṣat ceṃts pälskonta wärpaucaṃtso ailñesa ‘through giving make glad the spirits of these sufferers!’ (PK-17.4b2 [Couvreur, 1954c:90]). ∎TchA kātk- and B kātk- reflect PTch *kātk-. The latter is probably with VW (197-198) to be connected with Greek gēthéō (Doric gāthéō) ‘rejoice, be glad.’ The Tocharian form would be (as if) from a PIE *gehadh-sḱe/o- (MA:256). Such an etymology would force us to separate gēthéō from Latin gaudeō ‘id.’ However, this latter connection would presuppose a pre-Greek *gehawedhe-e/o- and as Frisk points out (1960:304) there is no trace of any contraction in the first syllable of the Greek verb which such a theory should imply. See also katkauña and kaccalya.


kāttsi (interrogative pronoun) ‘why’
kātsi tu = BHS kathan tarhi (547a7), kāttsi no wnolme śate mäsketrä cäñcan-ne ṣpä āyor aitsi ‘why is there a rich being and it does not please him to give a gift?’ (K-6a5). ∎kā ‘why’ reinforced by the particle attsi, qq.v. (VW:191).


kānt- (vt.) ‘± rub, polish by rubbing; rub away’
Ps. VI /kāntnā-/ [MPImpf. -, -, kantanoytär//]; Ko. V /kāntā-/ [MPOpt. -, -, kāntoytär//; Inf. kāntatsi] śaumo ks=allek [k]omt tsonkaik tsankoy ka taursa kektseñ kāntoytär ‘may another person rise daily at dawn and rub [his] body with dust’ (19b6), ciṣṣe saimäś kloyomar nauyto-ñ yāmor kāntoytär-ñ k[ṣā]nt[i] tākoy-ñ ‘I fall to thy refuge; may my deed come to naught, may it be rubbed away; may I have forgiveness!’ (TEB-64-11). -- kāntalñe* ‘rubbing, friction’: ṣesa kāntal[ñ]emeṃ = BHS saṃgharṣāt (532a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (194) rejects a connection with either PIE *ghen- or *ken- ‘rub, scratch’ suggested by Couvreur (1950:127) as too inconcrete. While both these roots have dental élargissements (*ghnedh- and *knedh-) the vowel of the enlarged root follows the *-n- rather than preceding it as demanded by the Tocharian data and in both cases the enlarged forms mean ‘bite.’ If the original meaning of B kānt- was ‘polish by rubbing’ one might connect it with PIE *(s)kand- ‘illuminate, glow’ [: Sanskrit candati ‘illuminates,’ candrá- ‘glowing, brilliant,’ Albanian hënë ‘moon’ (< *skandneha-), Latin candeō ‘shine, glow,’ accendō, incendō ‘ignite’ (< *-candō), Greek (Hesychius) kándaros ‘ember,’ Welsh cann ‘white’ (P:526: MA:514)]. In pre-Tocharian we would have *kand(n)ā- ‘± make glow’ (transitive as in Latin). See also possibly kānts-.


kānts- (vt.) ‘± sharpen, file’
Ko. V /kāntsā-/ [Inf. kāntsatsi]; Pt. Ib /kāntsā-/ [A //-, -, kantsāre] /// kāntsasi yātka pā/// (432b4); kṣuranma kāṃtsāre kuśāneṃtsa 250 ‘[for] 250 kuśānes they sharpened the knives’ (490a-III-5). ∎Etymology uncertain. Possibly a denominative verb to kentse ‘rust, oxide of metal’, that is, in PTch terms, *kents-ā-. Alternatively one might see in this verb the reflex of an intensive present, PTch *kānt-s- related to kānt-, q.v. The semantics would be on the order of *‘rub’ > *‘whet’ > ‘sharpen.’ For another suggestion, see VW (194) who connects it with Sanskrit śíśāti ‘whet,’ etc. (also seen as a possibility in MA:510, 641). See also possibly kentse.


kāp- (vt.) ‘desire, crave, want’
Ps. XII /kāpāññ'ä/e- ~ kāwāññ'ä/e-/ [MP //-, -, kawāññentär]; Ko. V /kāpā- ~ kāwā-/ (see abstract infra); Pt. Ib /kāpā- ~ kāwā-/ [MP -, -, kawāte//]; PP /kākāpā-/ kest yokaisa memyoṣ wnolmi śwātsi yoktsiś | kawāṃñentär ‘tricked by hunger and thirst the beings desire to eat and drink’ (286b3); su onmiṃ yāmṣate kawāte-ne añ[m]ā[laṣke] ‘he repented and desired his mercy’ (34a2); kakāpau (66a8). ‣One might note that the tendency to turn intervocalic -p- to -w- in this word is resisted in the preterite participle as such a change would have made it homophonous with the preterite particple of kau- ‘kill.’ -- kāwalyñe ‘desire, craving’: kuse kāwalyñesa warñai śak karmapathantameṃ kaklautko [lege: kaklautkau] ‘whoever [has] turned from the ten karma-paths because of desire, etc.’ (102a3);
kāwalyñeṣṣe ‘prtng to desire’ (590b3). ∎TchA kāp-, B kāp-/kāw- reflect PTch *kāp- from PIE *kw(e)p- ‘± experience strong emotion’ [: Sanskrit kúpyati ‘is moved, excited, agitated; boil with rage or emotion; be angry,’ Latin cupiō ‘desire, long for,’ Sabine cuprum ‘good’ < ‘wished for,’ Old Irish ad-cobra ‘wishes’ (< *-kuprāt; as a denominative verb this Old Irish formation is something of a match for Tocharian kāpāññ- [Hamp, p.c.]), OCS kypiti ‘to boil, overrun,’ etc. (P:596-597; cf. MA:529)] (VW:194-195, with differing details). Whether or not this *kw(e)p- is the same as the *kw(e)p- ‘give off smoke, breathe heavily,’ as is usually assumed, is not easy to tell (see the material assembled at P:596-597). In TchB the present is semi-suppletive in that it is a denominative formation based on the noun kāwo ‘desire,’ itself a deverbal derivative from kāp-. PTch *kāp-ā- is surely *kep-ā-, possibly (as if) from a PIE o-grade intensive present (as Latin procāre ‘ask, entreat’). Hilmarsson suggests as an alternative (H:121-123) a derivation from PIE *kap- ‘seize’ as in TchB kapille ‘fever.’ See also kāwo and possibly kapille or kāpar.


kāpar (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± a bit; bite, morsel’
[kāpar, -, kāpar//] /// orottstse kapār y[amaṣle] ‘a big bite [is not] to be made’ (H-149-ADD. 131b5 [Couvreur, 1954b:51]), ṣeme kāparsa ‘mit eins’ (H-149-ADD.63/59a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. Perhaps ‘thing taken’ and related to kapille, q.v.


kām- See pär-.


kāmadhātu* (n.) ‘seat of desire’
[-, -, kāmadhātu//] (156a3). -- kāmadhātuṣṣe* ‘prtng to the seat of desire’ (591a1);
kāmadhātu-rūpadhātuṣṣe* ‘prtng to desire and form’ (PK-AS16.3a1 [Pinault, 1989]). ∎From BHS kāmadhātu-.


kāmaguṃ* (n.) ‘passion, perfect enjoyment’
[//kāmagu(nä)nta, -, -] (176a2). ∎From BHS kāmaguṇa-.


Kāmavarg* (n.) ‘Kāmavarga’ (a chapter in the Udānavarga)
[-, -, Kāmavarg//] (S-2b5).


kāmāvacaräṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the spheres of desire’
[m: //kāmāvacaräṣṣi, -, -] (176a3). ∎An adjective derived from an unattested **kāmāvacar ‘spheres or worlds of desire’ from BHS kāmāvacara-.


Kāmñäkte* (n.) ‘god of love’
[-, -, Kāmñäkte (voc. Kāmñäkta)//] [kä]nmaṣṣäṃ Kāmñäktempa ‘he comes with the god of love’ (609b4). ∎A compound of *kām + ñäkte, calqued on BHS kāmadeva-.


kāy* (n) ‘± receipt’ (?)
[-. -, kāy//] kāyne ṣotri ṣecaki aṣkār läkāskemane ‘the sign of the lion [is] seen on the receipt on the back’ (Otani 19.1.6 [Pinault, 1998:364]). ∎Etymology unknown.


kāy- (vt.) ‘open wide’
PP /kākāyā-/ mātārä srukalyñeṣṣe koyn kakāyau tekiṣṣeṃ kemeṃtsa po treṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣe ‘the monster opening wide [his] mouth of death chews the whole world with [his] teeth of disease’ (282b4), koyn kakāyaṣ po kaṣāntaṣṣi kāri po ‘all having open wide [their] mouth[s], all [are] pits for garbage’ [?] (G-Su1-b). ∎TchB kāy- is from PIE *hoh1(i)- ‘gape, open wide’ [: Greek kháskō ‘yawn, gape (especially of the mouth)’ (< *hh1-sḱe/o-, though one would expect Greek -- rather than --), Latin hiāre ‘to open, stand open, gape,’ hīscō ‘id.’ (< *hih1-sḱe/o- with laryngeal methathesis from *-h1i-), Lithuanian žióju ‘open,’ OHG gīēn ‘gape,’ TchA śew- ‘yawn’ (< *heh1i-w-), etc. (P:419-422: MA:653)] (VW:199). More particularly the preterite participle kākāyā- reflects a TchB preterite stem *kāyā- from PTch *kāyā- (as if) from *hoh1i- + the ubiquitous Tocharian preterite --. See also koyn, kāre.


kāyike (adj.) ‘corporeal’
(172a2). ∎From BHS kāyika-.


kār- (vt.) ‘gather’
Ko. V /kārā-/ [A kārau, -, -//; Inf. kāratsi]; Pt. Ib /kārā-/ [A //-, -, karāre; MP //karāmte, -, karānte] pelaik[n]e klyauṣtsi āyor ... pelaikneṣṣana naumiyenta kāratsiśco ‘to give the gift of hearing the law and gathering the jewels of the law’ (23a7); tetkorsa [lege: nenkorsa] ka käṣṣinta karāre toṃ ślokanma ‘only by [their] disappearance did the teachers assemble these ślokas’ (11b1); stanāmeṃ okonta wärskānte pyapyaiṃ karānte ‘they smelled the fruits from the trees and gathered flowers’ (576a2). ‣At least in part semantically overlapping with kraup-, q.v. ∎TchA kār- may reflect a PIE o-grade present (see Jasanoff, 1979) *hagor-, parallel to the *hagerye/o- seen in Greek ageírō ‘collect, gather, assemble’ from *hager- ‘gather’ restricted to Greek and Tocharian (VW, 1949:301, 1976:195, though details differ). In a variation on this etymology, Hamp (p.c.) suggests that Greek ageir- is pre-Hellenic (but Indo-European) *haed-ǵher- but this *her- would still match Tocharian kār-. See also perhaps kariśke, karītsñe, and koro.


kārik* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘concise statement of doctrine’
[-, -, kārik//] (Thomas, 1957:289). ∎From BHS kārikā-.


kāruṃ See karuṃ.


kāre (also kārre) (nm.) ‘± pit’
[kāre, -, kāre//kāri, -, -] [e]piṅtene kārre ṣai su śarabhe-luwo eṣke pruka Brahmadatte wa[lo klāya] ‘in between was a pit; while the śarabha-animal leaped [it], king B. fell’ (358a3), koyn kakāyaṣ po kaṣāntaṣṣi kāri po ‘all having open wide [their] mouth[s], all [are] pits for garbage’ (G-Su1-b), kārene klāyaṃ kwri auswann ot sa ‘if she falls into the pit, then she will cry out’ (H-149.15b3 [Krause, 1952:71]). ∎Probably the equivalent of TchA kār in kāraṃ lmo ‘having sat in a hole.’ Cognate with the otherwise isolated Greek khôros (also khōrā) ‘free space, area between, land, etc.’ (cf. also khōrís ‘without,’ khōrízō ‘separate.’ Greek khôros and TchB kāre reflect a PIE *hoh1ro- (MA:534) from *heh1(i)- ‘gape, open wide’. Perhaps also related to Greek khēra ‘widow’ (VW:196). See further kāy-.


kārp- (vi./vt.) G ‘descend, come down, step down’; K ‘make descend, lower’
G Ps. IV /korpo-/ [MP korpomar, -, korpotär//; MPImpf. //-, -, korpyentär]; Ko. V /kārpā-/ [A -, kārpat, kārpaṃ//-, -, kārpaṃ; Inf. kārpatsi]; Pt. Ib /kārpā-/ [A karpāwa, karpāsta, kārpa//karpām, -, -]; PP /kākārpā-/;
K Ps. IXb /kārpäsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kārpästär//]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [AOpt. kārpäṣṣim, -, -//; Inf, kārpäs(t)si]; Pt. IV /kārpäṣṣā-/ [A -, kārpäṣṣasta, -//; MP -, -, kārpäṣṣate//]; PP /kākkārpäṣṣu-/ (K-T) ette korpyentär pitwā[t] św[ātsi] ‘they descended below to eat alms’ (430a3); mäkte wranta ckentameṃ kārpaṃ ‘as the waters descend from the rivers’ (30a8), kārpaṃ mātri kātsane camel enka[lñeś] ‘he will descend into the mother's womb to grasp at birth’ (113a3); Ylaiñätñe weṣsa karpāsta ‘thou didst descend under the guise of Indra’ (TEB-58-22); śak karmaṣṣai ytāri tāu paṣṣimar ñiś kārpäṣṣim alyenkäṃnne ‘may I practice the way of the ten deeds and may I make [them] descend on others’ (S-3a4); śaiṣṣe ñäkta karpäṣṣasta ytārine /// ‘O Lord, thou hast made the world step down on the way’ (212a5). -- kakkārparmeṃ.
kakkārpäṣṣormeṃ. ∎AB kārp- reflect PTch *kārp- whose nearest relatives would seem to be Old Norse hrapa ‘fall; hurry,’ Modern Low German rapp ‘quick,’ sik reppen ‘hurry,’ Middle Irish crip ~ crib ‘quick’ (P:935; VW, 1962a:180, 1976:196; MA:285). The Germanic forms would seem to presuppose a PIE *krob- while Tocharian would presuppose *korb-. One or the other must show metathesis (the Middle Irish, from *kṛb-, is indifferent). TchA with its present kārnā- (< *kārpnā-) and preterite *kārpā- may show an older state of affairs in Tocharian. Or, A *kārpnā- and B korpo- may both be analogical creations designed to differentiate the present from the subjunctive kārpā-. In any case, we seem to have the entire Tocharian paradigm built around an old o-grade present (see Jasanoff, 1979) *korb- (or, of course, *krob-).


kārm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘deed, karma’
[kārm, -, kārm//] (174a4). -- karmaṣṣe* ‘prtng to a deed or to karma’: śak karmaṣṣai ytāri tāu paṣṣimar ‘may I practice the way of the ten deeds!’ (S-3a4). ∎From BHS karma-.


kāryakāryatstsaññe (adj.) ‘what is to be done and not done’
(170b2). ∎From BHS kāryākārya-.


kāryasaṃnipātstsaññe (n.?) ‘state of having an appointed gathering’ (?)
(170b3). ∎An abstract in -ññe built on an adjective of possession in -tstse to the (unattested) noun *kāryasaṃnipāt ‘appointed assembly’? The underlying noun is borrowed from *kāryasaṃnipāta- (not in M-W or Edgerton).


kārre See kāre.


kālk(o) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘paste deposited by oily substances when ground’
[kālk, -, -//] motaṣṣe kaṣāysa kālkä päkṣalle ‘with a decoction of alcohol the paste [is] to be cooked’ (497b2). -- kalkaṣṣe* ‘prtng to a paste’ (W-26b1). ∎From BHS kalka-.


kālp (nnt.) ‘age, eon’
[kālp, -, kālp//-, kalpanmaṃts, kalpanma] ñumka ṣe solme kalpa[nma] ‘all together 91 ages [long]’ (25a3), kālp kestaṣṣe ‘an age of hunger’ (590a7). -- kalpaṣṣe ‘prtng to an age’ (296b2);
kalpanmaṣṣe* ‘prtng to ages’ (591b6). ∎From BHS kalpa-.


Kāḷodāye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Kālodāyin’ (PN)
[Kāḷodāye, -, -//] (H-149.X.4a3 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]).


kālyśke (n.) ‘boy, youth’
[kālyśke, -, kālyśkeṃ (voc. kālyśka)//] [twe Saṃci]te ñemṣait kālyśke ‘thou wert the youth S. by name’ (296a8/9), [U]ttare ñemase soy kālyśke (401a2), brāmaṃñe kālśke ‘brahmanical youth’ (Qumtura 34.1-g6 [Pinault, 1993-94:175). -- kālśkaṣṣe ‘prtng to a boy or youth’: kālśkaṣṣe kraupesa wawārpau = BHS māṇavagaṇ aparivṛta (542a2). ∎In form a diminutive, possibly with VW (1970a:165, 1976:193) from PIE *kal- and related to Old Norse halr (an i-stem) ‘man,’ Old English häle(þ) ‘man,’ OHG helid ‘man, warrior, hero’ (< *haliþ-), Old Norse hǫldr ‘free peasant, man’ (< *haluþ-) (cf. P:524). Whether or not these Germanic (and Tocharian) words are further related to Greek kalós ‘beautiful’ is uncertain.


kāvvi* (n.) ‘sage, poet’
[-, kavvintse, kāvvi//] (361a6). -- kavviṣṣe ‘prtng to a sage or poet’ (429b1). ∎From BHS kavi-.


kāwo (nf.) ‘desire, craving’
[kāwo, -, kāwa//] /// cmetsiśco kāwo tumeṃ tāka ‘thus there was the desire to be [re-]born’ (588b4), laks ra misāṃts kawāñ nakṣäṃ [śaul] ‘as a fish, out of desire for meat, destroys life’ (K-12b3). -- kawātstse ‘desirous’ (516b4). ∎A nomen actionis from kāp-, q.v. which, in turn, provids the basis for the denominative kawāññ- which forms the present of kāp-.


Kāś (n.) ‘Kāśa’ (PN)
[Kāś, -, -//] /// akalṣle Kāś kau[sal]/// (4a3) [= A-431a3]. -- kāśiṣṣe* ‘prtng to Kāś’: kāśiṣṣana ypaunane Bāraṇa[si] ‘Benares in the lands of Kāś’ (359a5).


Kāśyap* (n.) ‘Kāśyap’ (PN of a buddha)
[-, -, kāśyap//kāśyapi, -, -] (2a2).


Kāśyape*1 (nm.) designation of Nadī- and Gayākāśyapa
[//Kāśyapi, -, Kāśyapeṃ] tumeṃ cey wi omprotärcci kāśyapi ṣesa [aklaṣ]lyeṃ mpa maitare (108a8).


Kāśyape2 (n.) ‘Kāśyapa’ (short for ‘Mahākāśyapa,’ a disciple of the Buddha)
[Kāśyape, -, -//] (25b3).


kāswo (n.) ‘eruption, inflammation of the skin’
[kāswo, -, kāswa//] (282a4), in a list of diseases: kāswo = BHS kuṣṭha- (ST-b5). -- kaswātstse ‘having a skin eruption’: kuse yokäṃ kaswātse mäsketär ‘whoever drinks [this], he becomes "leprous"’ (ST-a5/6). ∎Probably Hilmarsson (107) is correct in relating this to Germanic *haswa- ‘grey, white’ [: Old Norse hǫss ‘grey hair’ and OHG haso ‘grey, white’; cf. also Latin cānus ‘grey’ < *kas-no-, and further P:533; MA:240] as the ‘white (disease).’ Less likely but also possible (with Winter, 1962b:113) is an originally euphemistic use of the PTch word that appears as TchA kāsu ‘good’ but the latter's own connections are uncertain. VW (1977a:141) suggests that we have here a virtual *gwōs-wōn-, a derivative of *(z)gwes- ‘extinguish’ but the semantics are anything but compelling.


kātso (nf.) ‘belly, stomach, abdomen; womb’
[kātso, katsāntse, kātsa//katsāñ, -, -] intsau kātsaś śeśśanmusa [= Pali udare dāramaṇ ḍalikaṃ bandhitvā] (18b8), mātri kātsane camel ‘birth in the womb of the mother’ (113a3), ñorīya kātso orottsa tākaṃ ‘[if] the lower abdomen is big’ (W-14a6), wrantse kātsane ‘in [cases of] water belly’ [= ‘dropsy’] (W-42a4/5), kasāntse [sic] = BHS -udara- (Y-3b3). -- kātsāṣṣe ‘prtng to the belly or stomach’ (73b6). ∎TchA kāts and B kātso reflect PTch kātsān- probably (as if) from PIE *gwōt-yōn- and related to Gothic qiþus ‘belly, womb,’ qiþuhaftō ‘pregnant,’ Old Norse kviδr (m.) ‘belly, womb,’ kviδugr ‘pregnant,’ Old English cwiþ (m.) ‘womb,’ OHG quiti ‘vulva,’ quoden ‘inner side of thigh,’ and perhaps Latin botulus ‘sausage’ (if < *‘intestine’ and borrowed from Oscan or Umbrian) (P:481). See Schwentner, 1942:228 (also VW:198; MA:2). The differences in ablaut among these words might be accounted for if they are independent derivatives of an old root noun.
Alternatively, Hilmarsson (1985) suggests a PIE *kuhxtyā- or *kuhxtyōn-; it would also be possible to assume *kwehxtyeha- or the like. This set of words would be related to TchA kāc ‘skin’ (and Latin cutis, Old Norse húδ ‘id.,’ Welsh cwd ‘scrotum, sack’). The semantic relationship would be something on the order of ‘skin’ > ‘bag’ > ‘belly.’ Pinault (1991:186), on the other hand, suggests a connection with the PIE locative adverb *kati seen in Greek kasígnētos ‘brother’ with relatives in Hittite katta ‘down toward,’ kattan ‘down (at),’ and Greek katá ‘down.’ The notion of ‘stomach’ would derive from *‘that which is below’ (particularly of an animal perhaps).


k(ä) strengthening particle ‣Often suffixed to pronominal and other deictic words. Thus we have allek ‘other,’ ompe ~ ompek, omte ~ omtek ‘(right) there,’ tu ~ tuk ~ tuwak ‘it,’ entwe ~ entwek ‘then,’ ot ~ otak, ‘then,’ etc. ∎Etymology uncertain. Proto-Indo-European had a number of particles beginning with a velar of some sort that would be suitable antecedents, e.g. *ḱe (Latin hīc, etc., though in this case the meaning seems to have been ‘hither’ and we might rather expect distal deixis in the antecedent of the Tocharian form [Hamp, p.c.]), *ge (Greek egōge, Gothic mik), *ghe (Sanskrit ha ~ gha, OCS -že, -go), or even *kwe. Phonologically the best equation is with Slavic -, Baltic -gu (e.g. Lithuanian jéigu ‘if’) from PIE *-g(h)u.


käkse-wreme See kakse.


käñcelle See kiñcelle.


kät- (vt.) ‘strew (to some purpose),’ e.g. ‘sow [seeds]’
Ps. VI /kätnā- (~ käntā-)/ [A katnau, -, katnaṃ// -, -, kantaṃ; MPPart. kätnāmane; Ger. kätnālle]; Ko. V /kātā- ~ kätā-/ [A -, -, kātaṃ// -, -, katantär; MPOpt. -, -, katoytär//; Ger katalle]; Pt. Ia /śätā- ~ kätā-/ [A -, śtāsta, -// -, -, śtāre; MP // -, -, ktānte]; PP /käto-/ śaktalye iṅauṃ kästwer katnau ‘I sow the seed night and day’ (205a3), mäkte mäkci käṃtaṃ śaiṣṣentse tweyen aṣtsa ‘as they themselves spread the dust of the world on [their] head[s]’ [käṃtaṃ = BHS kiranti] (545a4/b1), pippāl eneṃ kätnālle ‘pepper [is] to be strewn within’ (FS-a6); [maitrey]eṃ kuse ysāṣṣāna pyapyaiṃ rā kātaṃ ‘whoever would strew maitreyas like flowers’ (274a6); śtasta śatkalye [sic] pernerñe[ṣe] onolmets pontats kärtseśc ‘thou hast sown the glorious seed for the good of all beings’ (203b2), [tau]r āṣtsa ktā[n]te po korsa ‘they scattered dust over [their] head[s] and over the whole of [their] throat[s]’ (PK-NS-36A-a5 [Couvreur, 1964:247]). -- ktormeṃ ∎AB kät- reflect PTch *kät- from PIE *(s)ked- ‘scatter’ [: Greek skedánnūmi/skídnēmi ‘scatter, strew,’ English scatter, shatter, Lithuanian kedėti ‘burst,’ and other, more dubious, cognates in Indo-Iranian, Albanian, and Slavic (P:919; MA:500)] (VW, 1963a:464-5, 1976:211; H:108-109 with differing details). As VW rightly points out the equation of Tocharian kätnā- and Greek skidnē- from PIE *(s)kedneha- is especially striking and significant. See also śäktālye and possibly ktakat.


kätarñe* (adj.) prtng to some species of plant
[f: //kätarñana, -, -] kätarñana tsänkana (W-9a6). ‣The word may also be read känarñana.


kätk-1 (vi./vt.) G (intr.) ‘proceed, pass on; pass [of time]’; (tr.) ‘cross, traverse, pass through [e.g. the sea]; transgress, commit [sin, deed]’; 1K ‘have [someone] proceed’; 2K ‘allow passage’
G (1)Ps. VI /kätknā-/ [A //-, -, kätk(a)naṃ]; (2)Ps VII /kättänk-/ [A -, -, kättankäṃ// -, -, kättankäṃ]; (3)Ps. IXa /kätkāsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kätkāṣtär//]; Ko. V /kätkā-/ [A -, katkat ~ kātkat (KVāc.10b2), katkaṃ//; MPOpt. -, -, kätkoytär//; Inf. katkatsi; Ger. katkalle]; Pt. Ia /śätkā-/ [A śätkāwa ~ śitkāwa, śätkāsta, śatka// -, -, śätkāre ~ śitkāre]; PP /kätko-/;
1K Ko. IX (=/ Ps.) /kätkäsk'ä/e-/ [Inf. katkäs(t)si]; Ko. II /śätk'ä/e-/ [Inf. śäccatsi]; Imp. IV /kätkäṣṣā-/ [MPSg. katkäṣṣar]; Pt. II /śātkā-/ [MP -, śatkātai, -//];
2K Ps. IXb /śätkäsk'ä/e-/ [APart. śatkäṣṣeñca] [t]āk ytārisa poyśinta kätkanaṃ tāksa arhānti ‘by this route the buddhas pass over and by this one the arhats’ (29b4), [ka]tknaṃ tränkonta ‘he commits sins’ (36b4); mäkte śaul [kä]ttankäṃ ‘as life passes’ (3a2), mant kättankäṃ śaulanma mā ṣp wtentse klautkonträ ‘so lives pass and do not turn again’ [kättankäṃ = BHS gacchate] (3a4); su kätkāṣtär ypomna kuṣaiṃ ṣpä ‘he traverses lands and villages’ (Dd6.2.4); ///ñcai laute mā kätkoytär-me ‘[the right insight] must not pass from you’ (11a4), nest kerekauna k[a]tkatsi ‘thou art to traverse the flood’ (355b4); mäktāu ytārisa makte śätkāwa cmelṣe samudtär ‘by what way did I myself pass through the sea of birth?’ (29a7), śatkast=[e]mp[reṃś] ś[a]ksa ‘thou has proceeded by good fortune to truth’ (247a1), ymāne lykaśkana śikṣapātäntats [ts]amo śitkāre ‘naturally they transgressed greatly the lesser śikṣāpadas’ (PK-AS-18B3-b1/2 [Thomas, 1987c:90-91]); mā lauke kca kätkau sū preke ste ‘the time has not passed long’ (77a5), kätkauu-ekmätte-yneśäññi kuse läklenta ‘the sufferings which [are] of the past, future, and present’ (284b4), [in Manichean script] k’tkv (Winter/Gabain:12); käṣṣi ... ṣamāneṃ bhavākkärṣṣai yoñiyai eṃṣke katkässi añmassu ‘the teacher [who was] desirous of getting the monks to proceed unto the way of the last-and-highest-existence’ (108b3); krent yāmor mā yāmoṣäṃ ce[n n]o śäccätsī pkate ‘he intended, however, to let [those who had] not done the good deed proceed’ (133a4); Gānkne olyisa tseñe kätkäṣṣar ‘by boat cross this stream of the Ganges!’ (296b4); /// [pā]täräṃ m[ā]täräṃ śatkātai /// ‘thou hast allowed fathers and mothers to proceed’ (403a3); ///ṣeme samudtär []śatkäṣṣeñca ṣeme stām kleśaṣṣe āsäṣṣeñca po ‘alone allowing passage of the sea [of births], alone drying up completely the kleśa-tree’ (29b2). ‣All three presents of the Grundverb would seem to be historically replacements, created on the basis of the subjunctive for the expected **kätke-. The first and second "causatives" are the causatives of the intransitive and transitive meanings of the Grundverb respectively. -- kätkormeṃ;
kätkor* ‘passage [of time]; past’: kaunaṃts meñaṃts kätkorne ‘in the passage of days and months’ (3b5), kätkor ekamätte karsatsi ‘to know past and future’ (PK-AS-16.2b5:156 [Pinault, 1989]);
kätkālñe ‘± passage, crossing [of a stream]’ (?): se ṣamāne plākisa aśiyana[mpa o]lyine ṣamäṃ kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat parna totte kat[k]alñesa pāyti ‘[if] a monk is seated in a boat, by agreement, with nuns and guides the boat upstream or downstream, except for going across [the stream, it is] pāyti’ (PK-AS-18B-b4/5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]);
kätkalñeṣṣe ‘± prtng to passing’ (332.2b5). ∎AB kätk- reflect PTch *kätk- from PIE *ked-sḱe/o-, a zero-grade sḱe-present corresponding to the otherwise isolated Latin cēdere/ cessi/cessum ‘go, proceed’ (MA:229). Though formally distinct from the Latin verb, the sḱe-present underlying the Tocharian verb and the lengthened-grade present of Latin may both represent iterative-intensive formations and thus be semantically equivalent. Not with VW (211-212) related to Greek kéuthō ‘hide’ nor with Meillet (in Hoernle, 1916:378) is it related to Latin cadere ‘fall.’ See also śatkai, eśatkai, and ekatkātte.


kätk-2 (vt.) ‘± lower, set (down)’
Ps. II /kätk'ä/e-/ [AImpf. //-, -, käccīyeṃ; Ger. käccalle]; Ko. II (= Ps.) [MPOpt. -, -, käccītär//] ///keñc kektseñ käccīyeṃ-ne yāresa ‘they ... lowered his body on the gravel’ (22b4), [śi]ñcäcce meltesa käccilya ‘[it is not] to be put down on snow-covered [cow]dung’ (H-149.37a3 [Krause, 1954:129]); tsakṣtär ysalyṣe pūwarsa sū ce compämpa käccītär ‘he burns with the fire of jealousy[, thinking]: he must lie down with this one or that’ (33b5). ∎The shape (rather than kätt- that is usually given), meaning, and etymology grow out of a tentative suggestion of VW's (212) that 1kätk- might be related to kätkare and that there was no phonological bar to relating kätt- (i.e. 2kätk-) to 1kätk-. I don't think 1kätk- belongs here, but I do think it likely that 2kätk- and kätkare can be put together. I take 2kätk- to represent a verb, in PIE terms *kat-sḱe/o-, built on the preposition *kat-a ‘down(ward)’ seen otherwise in Hittite katta and Greek káta ~ katá ‘id.’ (MA:169). It is noteworthy in Hittite that we have katkattiya- ‘kneel, go down’ (vel sim.) from katta (cf. also āppā(i)- ‘be completed’ from āppa ‘back’ or parā(i)- ‘appear, come forth’ from parā ‘forth’). The same kind of verbal derivative of a preposition (or better "locative adverb") is probably to be seen in ās-1 ‘bring,’ and wäs- the suppletive preterite of ai- ‘give,’ qq.v. Not (with Krause and Thomas, 1960:65; Normier, 1980:256, s.v. kätkare; H:111) from PIE *ḱeudh- ‘hide’ seen in Greek keúthō, Armenian sowzem, English hide. See also kätkare.


kätkare (adj.) ‘deep, far (of height)’ ; (adv.) ‘deep, far’
[m: katkre ~ kätkare, -, kätkreṃ/ kätkri, -, -/] [f: // -, -, kätkrona] wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte ‘the great rivers and pools amidst the deep seas’ (45b7), kloyoträ kätkr[e] ‘he falls far’ (47a2), [papāṣṣo]rñesa astare [om]p[a]lskoññesa kätkare ‘pure in good behavior and deep in meditation’ (345a1). -- kätkr-ārth ‘of deep meaning’: kokaleṣṣe [men]āksa ślok ce weña kätkr=ārtho ‘by the comparison of the wagon he spoke this śloka [of] deep meaning’ (5a7/8);
kätkarñe ‘depth’: aiśamñentse kätkarä[ññ]e = BHS buddhigām-bhīryam (H-149.47a5 [Couvreur, 1966: 162]). ∎An adjectival derivative in -ro from kätk-2, q.v. See also enkätkre.


kätkor See kätk-1.


kän- (vi./vt.) G ‘come to pass [of a wish]; be realized’; K ‘fulfill [a wish]’
G Ps. I/II /kän('ä/e)-/ [MP -, -, kantär//]; Ko. III /käne-/ [MP -, -, knetär//; MPOpt. -, -, kñītär//; Ger. knelle]; PP /kekenu-/ ‘be provided [with]’;
K Ps. IXb /känäsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, knastar, knastär//; APart. kanäṣṣeñca]; Ko. II + V (?) /känī-ā-/ [MPOpt. -, -, käñiyoytär//]; Ko. V /kyānā-/ [MP kyānamar, -, -//]; Ko. IX /känāsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kanaṣäṃ// -, kanaścer, -]; Pt. II k(y)ānā-/ [A kyānawa, kyānasta, kyāna// -, -, kanāre] [akāl]k k[a]ntär ñ[i] ‘my wish comes true’ (594a1), centsak saimtsa ka[ntär] se śaiṣṣe ‘by the support of these this world is realized’ (PK-AS 16.2a2:154 [Pinault, 1989]); cwī yāmorntse [o]kosa se=kālk kñītär-ñ ‘may my wish be fulfilled by the fruit of this work!’ (S-2b3); [ṣamā]ññ[eṃ] yakneṃtsa ṣai kekenu ‘he was provided with monkish habits’ (12a4), kekenu = BHS sampanna- (H-149.315a3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]), kälṣam-ñeṣṣai maiyyasa kekenu ñiś ṣek tāk[oym] ‘may I always be possessed of the strength of endurance!’ (S-5a4); su su cwi akālk po kn[a]stär-n[e] (375a1), pw akālkänta kanṣeñca ‘all wishes fulfilling’ (14a5); wesi rano ritau akālk käñiyoytär ‘may our cherished wish be fulfilled!’ (107b7/8); /// poyśñe akālk kyānamar (401b4); kanaṣäṃ-ne (PK-NS-48a1 [Thomas, 1978b:179, fn. 151]), krui ye[s ñī] ce akālk kan[aścer ot] nke ñśam[eṃ] ... pruccamñe yanmac[e]r ‘if you fulfill this wish for me, then from me you will attain excellence’ (81b1); pontats ñiś akālkänta kyānawa ‘I have fulfilled the wishes of all’ (113b2), tusa krentewnants p[o] ak[e] sak [k]yānasta ‘thus thou has made [in] good fortune the end of all virtues’ (224b1). -- knelñe ‘fulfillment’: akālkäntse knelñe ‘the fulfillment of a wish’ (S-6b5);
knelñeṣṣe ‘prtng to fulfillment’ (591a6). ∎AB kän- reflect PTch *kän- from PIE *ǵenh1- ‘beget, bear’ [: Sanskrit jánati ‘produces,’ Greek gígnomai ‘become,’ Latin gignō ‘beget, produce,’ nāscor ‘be born’ (< *ǵṇh1-sḱe/o-), Armenian cnanim ‘be born’ (< *ǵṇh1-neha-), etc. (P:373-375; MA:56)] (Poucha, 1930:324, VW:204; H:74-76 with differing details). The Tocharian subjunctive reflects a putative *ǵṇh1-ó-, the present perhaps *ǵṇh1ye/o-.


käntsa ‘?’
/// [śai]ṣṣentse ceu preke takoy käntsa kalpänma känte=kṣṇai snai /// ‘by känt [for] a hundred ages wrongly and without ...’ [?] (388b7).


känte See kante.


käntwāśke* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘little tongue’
[-, -, käntwāśke//] träntācce käntwāśkesa [pälwā]mane ‘beseeching with choked up little tongue’ (85b3). ∎A diminutive of kantwo, q.v.


käm- (vi.) ‘come’
Ps. Xa /känmäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, känmaṣṣäṃ// -, -, känmaskeṃ; MP -, -, känmastär//]; Ko. II /śä(n)m'ä/e-/ [A -, śamt, śamäṃ ~ śanmäṃ// -, -, śanmeṃ; AOpt. -, -, śanmi// -, -, śänmīyeṃ; MPOpt. śmīmar ~ śänmīmar, -, -//; Inf. śamtsi; Ger. śmalle]; Pt. VI /śem- ~ käm- ~ kämtsā-/ [A -, śem, śem// kmem, -, kameṃ; MP // -, kamtsatai, - // -, -, kamtsante]; PP /kekämu-/ yenti känmaskeṃ ‘the winds come’ (581b3), [ecce] känmaskeṃ = BHS āyānti (H-149.47b4 [Couvreur, 1966:162]), wrocceṃ cämpamñecceṃ s=onolmeṃmpa känmasträ ṣesa ‘this one comes together with great able beings’ (K-9a4); rämer Rājagrine śämt ‘quickly thou wilt come to R.’ (514a5), nnok śanmäṃ ciś retke ‘again the army will descend upon thee’ (22a2), ñke preśya śamn ‘now the time will come’ (27b7), śanmäṃ swese kälymīnmeṃ śtwāra toṃ ‘the rain comes from [all] four directions’ (A-2a6), śmälle preke ‘the coming time’ (279b4); [wināṣṣä]lyñesa pālalyñesa warñai yarke yāmormeṃ te akālk ñäṣṣalle kuce klautkesa twe aṣanīka sawāsa[nta] y[olai]ñenta[nts] ākesa śem [2nd sg.] (PK-NS-48+258a2/3 [Pinault, 1991b]), se pudñäktentse śem erkatñe orotse ‘this great anger came to the Buddha’ (17a3), śemo (21a6), tumeṃ c[ai] brāhmaṇi ... Areṇemiñ lānte yapoyne kameṃ ‘then these brahmans came into king A.'s country’ (81b2), tu preścyai[neṣe ka]mtsatai-ñ (H-ADD.149.62-b5 [Couvreur, 1966:165]); [tai]kn[e]sa kekamoṣ = BHS tathāgatāḥ (27b5), Gankne kekmu mäkte yaiku nāki ṣesa reṣṣäṃ war ‘as the blameless water [which has] come in the Ganges flows into the ocean’ (30a4), alyaik kekmoṣ ñyātsene ‘others [have] come into danger’ (31b8=32b2). -- kekamor: kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant śarsässi ‘who [has] come to us to know the great king?’ (81b3);
kekmormeṃ;
śmalñe ‘coming’: aknātsaimpa ṣe śmalyñe mā ñī tāko śänmīmar krentäṃmp=eṣe ‘may there not be to me a coming with a fool, [rather] may I come with good [people]’ (S-4b3);
śänmalñe ‘id.’ (S-6a4);
śänmalñeṣṣe ‘prtng to coming’ (511a3). ∎A kum- and B käm- reflect PTch *k(w)äm- from PIE *gwem- ‘come, go’ [: Sanskrit gácchati ‘goes,’ Avestan jasaiti ‘id.,’ Greek baínō ‘go,’ Latin veniō ‘come,’ Sanskrit gámati ‘goes,’ Gothic qiman ‘come,’ Old English cuman ‘id.,’ Lithuanian gemù ‘be born,’ etc. (P:464-5; MA 115)] (Pischel, 1908:933, VW:242; H:73-74 with differing details). The TchB preterite śem may be the exact match for the athematic aorist seen in Indic ágan and Armenian ekn (*é-gwem-t), if PIE *-e- shows up as PTch -- in monosyllables (Winter, p.c.). The rest of the preterite may result from the generalization of the weak grade proper to the plural (i.e. kameṃ < *gwm-ónt). The TchB subjunctive, which in its historically older form is śäm'ä/e-, may be the exact equivalent of the thematic subjunctive seen in Indic, i.e., gámati. If so, it is the clearest indication of an inherited subjunctive to be found in Tocharian. As to the present, it may be that Tocharian preserves an old *gwṃsḱe/o- [= Sanskrit gácchati]. We might expect *gwṃsḱe/o- to have given PTch *käsk-, compare käsk- from *gwhṇsḱe/o- or mäsk- from *mṇsḱe/o-. However, it does not seem impossible that a pre-Tocharian *kwämsk- eventuated in *kwämnsk- as the nasal partially anticipated the place of articulation of the following -s- and then a svarabhakti vowel was inserted giving *kwämnäsk-. A similar history might be seen in the history of täm- ‘be born,’ q.v. See also ekamätte.


käre-perne See kare.


kärk-1 (vt.) ‘rob, steal’
Ps. VI /kärk(ä)nā-/ (see kärkanamo); Ko. V /kärkā-/ [Inf. karkatsi]; Pt.Ia /kärkā-/ [MP -, -, kärkāte// -, -, kärkānte] mäksu wat wäntre lykaṃts kärkatsi a[māskai] ‘or what thing [is] difficult to steal by thieves?’ (14b7), yärponta lykaṃtsa pos=amāskai karkats[i] ‘good works [are] the most difficult to steal by thieves’ (14b8); ///s=entwe kärkānte-ne kle[śanma]/// (26b6). ∎Etymology unknown. VW (205) suggests a connection with Latin grex ‘herd’ from *ger- ‘gather’ by broken reduplication (*gre-g-) and a semantic development ‘gather’ > ‘steal.’ The hypothesis is neither phonologically nor semantically satisfying. See also kärkanamo and kärkauca.


kärk-2 (vt.) ‘bind’
Ps. X /kärkäsk'ä/e-/ [Ger. kärkaṣṣälle]; PP /kekkärku-/ klaiñe te[ki] karsaträ te[ki] /// kärkaṣäle pretsa mä[sketrä] ‘[if] a gynecological disease is discovered, the disease [is] .... to be bound; she finds herself pregnant’ (505b3/4); ///täṃmäṣle srukallesa [ ] māka kekkärkū/// (142b3). ‣The meaning is largely determined by the contexts in which its TchA equivalent is found. Thus we have at 4a4: äntāṃne tkanā sam tsmār kärkñäṣ ‘where the root binds to earth’ [tsmār kärkñäṣ = BHS mūlam badhnāti], or 71b6: pokeṃ ṣkāra kakärkuräṣ ‘having bound [his] arms behind [his back].’ One should note the close formal match of the TchA preterite particple kakärku with the TchB one. ∎AB kärk- reflect PTch *kärk- from PIE *kergh- ‘tie, bind,’ otherwise seen only in Lithuanian ker̃gti ‘tie, bind’ (Fraenkel, 1932:229-30, VW:206; MA:65). Lithuanian's having ker̃g- here rather than *kérg- leads us, as Hamp (p.c.) suggests, to posit a PIE *kergh- rather than *kerg- since the latter should have had Proto-Baltic lengthening by Winter's Law. See also kerketse and śerkw.


kärk-3 (vi.) ‘sprout’
PP /kärko-/ malkwer patsaṃ uppāläṣṣana witsakaṃmpa kärkoṣ śātrempa mā śwālle ‘milk and pollen with lotus roots or with germinated grain [is] not to be eaten’ (ST-a4). ∎Perhaps from PIE *ḱr(e)h1- ‘grow’ with a velar élargissement (cf. kalāk- ‘walk,’ walāk- ‘dwell’). More s.v. karāk ‘branch.’ One should note that the expectable *ḱrh1-sḱe/o- cannot be the antecedent of the Tocharian form since that should have given *kärsk-.


kärk-4 (vt.) ‘± hack up’
Ko. I/II /kärk('ä/e)-/ [AOpt. // -, -, kärśiyeṃ]; PP /kekärśu-/ spaitu ra waltsañy [= waltsaṃ-ñi] āsta lykaśke po wnolmi [] kärśye-ñ kektseñ wat ‘all beings ground my bones fine like dust or they hacked apart my body’ (220b4); läksañana misa lykaśke kekarśwa tsatsāpauwa ‘fish meat finely chopped and crushed’ (P-1a21/). ∎Etymology unclear. VW (208) suggests a connection with PIE *(s)ker- ‘cut’ which is excellent semantically but less convincing otherwise since among the plethora of élargissements of *(s)ker- there are none with a velar. Thus a putative *(s)ker-K- is not paralleled. Hilmarsson (H:94) suggests that we actually have kärst- (with a present kärst-y/e-, etc.) and thus a relationship with kärst- ‘cut off.’ Such a suggestion provides an excellent etymology semantically but at the cost of complicating the phonological development unduly.


kärkanamo (adj.) ‘± stealing, taking away’
[kärkanamo, -, -//] kuce cai śtwore (?) śno kärkänamo ‘when the rākṣasī snatching the woman away (from the fire?)’ (BM 1 [= BM 163], apud H:87) ∎A derivative of kärk-1 ‘rob, steal,’ q.v.


kärkauca (n.) ‘± stealer’
[kärkauca, -, -//] pilko palsko kärkauca ‘stealer of thought and insight’ (H-ADD.149.89a8 [K]). ∎A derivative of kärk-1 ‘rob, steal,’ q.v.


kärkkālle* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± swamp, marsh’
[-, -, kärkkālle//] saṃsāräṣṣe kärkkālle[n]e sesīnoṣäṃ ‘depressed in the swamp of the saṃsāra’ (408a7), yaiku kärkkālle = BHS vinītakardamo (PK-NS-107b4 [Thomas, 1976b:106]). ∎In form kärkkālle and A kärtkāl ‘id.’ look to be derivatives (specifically gerunds built on the subjunctive stem) of the following verb, kärtk-, which would, in Indo-European terms, be *K(e)rT-sḱe/o-. It seems etymologically significant that kärkkālle translates the otherwise isolated Sanskrit kardama- ‘mud, slime, mire; dirt, filth’ (cf. Mayrhofer, 1956:173) with the requisite root structure. Tocharian and Indic together argue for a PIE *kerd- which is probably also to be found in Latin mūs-cerda ‘mouse-dung’ and sūcerda ‘sheep-dung’ (MA:186). To Latin -cerda one should compare semantically TchB kekärtkorṣṣe ṣpel (see s.v. kärtk-) ‘kekärtkorṣṣe poultice’ if it is the same as melteṣṣe ṣpel ‘dung-poultice.’ Iranian shows (Bailey, 1979:417) a root *xarδ- in Khotanese khārgga- (< *xarδ-ka-) ‘mud,’ saṃkhal- (< *tsama-xarδ-, with the prefix showing expressive strengthening beside regular *hama- < *sama-) ‘smear, defile,’ Modern Persian xard ‘clay,’ Chorasmian xþrk ‘dust,’ Shughni šarþk ‘clay,’ šarδ, šux̆t ‘defecate,’ Yazgulamani xawδ, xax̆t ‘id.,’ Pashto axēṛəl ‘to plaster.’ The correspondence of Indic k- and Iranian x- is not regular but there are enough instances where Iranian shows an innovative (expressive?) x- where we would expect k- (e.g. Avestan xumba- ‘pot’ beside Sanskrit kumba-) that there is no reason to exclude the Iranian words from consideration here. It is possible that another derivative of this root is to be seen in German Harz (nt.) ‘resin, rosin, gum,’ reflecting a putative PIE *kordo- (though any connection of Harz and kardama- is specifically denied by Mayrhofer). Not with VW (208) who, without making any mention of kärtk-, suggests a connection with Sanskrit kartá- ‘separation, distinction; hole’ and kṛntáti ‘cut.’


kärtk- (vb.) ‘± defile oneself; defecate’ (??)
Ps. IX /kärtkäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kärtkäṣṣäṃ//]; PP /kekärtku-/ (see absolute) kuse oñtn[e] [sic] kärtkäṣṣäṃ/// (259a1). -- kekärtkor attested only in the derived adjective kekärtkorṣṣe ‘prtng to dung’ (?): /// tuñänma kekärtkorṣṣe [ṣpel] /// (PK-12K-b6 [Krause, 1952:185]). ∎See kärkkālle*.


kärn- (vt.) ‘± strike, afflict’
Ps. IX /kärnnäsk'ä/e-/ [APart. karnnäṣṣeñca] upatāpi karnnäṣṣeñca [] la[kl]e [] [ubhayav]ī-pa[r]īta[m] [] mā parākäṣṣeñca mā karn[n]äṣṣeñca upe[kṣ]upatāpi inflicting pain ubhayavī-parītam not gladdening not afflicting, indifference’ (197b5/6). ‣Our knowledge of the meaning is fleshed out by the more abundant attestations in TchA, e.g. 379a4 (tsaryo kakärnāṃ ‘he struck him with [his] hand’), 321b3 (rapeyäntu kärnäsmāṃ yeñc ‘they went [around] striking/ playing [their] musical instruments’), 320a5 (ñare-lwā pretāñ kaṣt yokeyo kakärnuṣṣeñc ‘the hell-animals and pretas were afflicted with hunger and thirst’), 212a6 (mokoneyo käkärnu ‘afflicted with old-age’). ∎Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:144-5, also VW:206) suggests a connection with Greek keraízō ‘devastate, ravage’ and Sanskrit śṛnāti ‘harms, destroys.’ More specifically VW assumes that we have here a denominative verb built on a past participle *ḱṛhx-no- (cf. Sanskrit śīrṇá-) but PIE *-rn- should have given Tocharian -rr- (cf. the treatment of *-rn- in kärr-). That we have attested -rn- would seem to mean that the contact of -r- and -n- is secondary (cf. the similar situation of käln-).
Thus AB kärn- must reflect PTch *krän- or possibly *kärCn- and it seems that the original meaning was something like ‘strike.’ Thus the probable connection is with Greek kroúō ‘strike (together), strike a stringed instrument with a plectrum, knock [at the door]’ (< *krousye/o-) and kroaínō (of a horse) ‘stamp, strike with the hoof’ (< *krowṇye/o-) from PIE *kreu-s- ‘± strike’ [: also Old English hrēowan ‘grieve, distress, afflict,’ OHG (h)rieuwa ‘id.’ (< *kreu-), Old Norse hrosti (m.) ‘mashed malt,’ Lithuanian krušù/kriaušaũ ‘smash, crash; grind,’ OCS sъ-krušiti ‘shatter’ (P:622-623; MA:549)]. I take PTch *krän- to be, in Indo-European terms, *kru-neha- and thus closest formally to Greek kroaínō; the *-n- properly restricted to the present has been extended everywhere as in śänm- ‘come,’ rin- ‘renounce,’ and aun- ‘wound,’ qq.v. In a similar fashion the present-stem formative *-sḱ- has been extended throughout the paradigm in many verbs. See also karnor.


kärpiye* (adj.) ‘common, raw, rough’
[-, -, kärpiyeṃ//kärpi, kärpīyeṃts, -] kärpi yśe[lmi] ‘raw sensual desires’ (8a3), cmenträ kwri yśāmna kärpi mäskenträ ‘if they are born among men, they will be common’ (K-8a1). -- kärpye-yakne ‘common’: kärpye-yakne mā klyomo ‘[thou art] of common type, not noble’ (5b8). ∎A kärpi and B kärpiye reflect PTch *kärpiye (as if) from PIE *krup(i)yo- [: Old Icelandic hrjūfr ‘crude, rough,’ Old English hrēof ‘crude, rough, leprous’ (> English rough), OHG hriob ‘leprous,’ g(e)rob ‘fat, clumsy, undistinguished’ (> NHG grob), Lithuanian kraupùs ‘dreadful, rough; timid’] (VW, 1970a:166, 1976:207; MA:490, 523).


käry- (vt.) ‘buy’
Ps. Xa /kär(y)nāsk'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kärnāstär//; MPPart. kärnāskemane]; Ko. VI /kär(y)nā-/ [Inf. kärnātsi]; Pt. Ia /käryā-/ [A // käryām, -, -; MP -, käryātai, -// käryāmte, -, -]; PP /käryo-/ kuse ṣamāne karyor pito yamasträ olank kärnāsträ kwāts plankṣäṃ pärkāwse pelkiṃ ‘whatever monk does buying and selling and buys cheaply and sells dearly for the sake of profit’ (337b3); ikäṃ-trai kṣuṃntsa śtarce meṃne Putewatte olākwāṃne aisi yakwe kärnāsi yātka-me ‘in the 23rd regnal year, in the fourth month, P. commanded [them] to give in the olākwāṃ [in order] to buy a horse’ (unpubl. Paris fragm. [Couvreur, 1954c:86]); Suwarti kauko käryām kuśāneṃtsa 700 (490a-II-2), śaul käryātai ‘thou hast bought [thy] life’ (239b2); tāṣtär pelaikne śaulanmasa käryau se ‘the law is established; it [is] bought by lives’ (G-Su1-c). ∎From PIE *kwreiha- ‘buy’ [: Sanskrit krīṇāti ‘buys,’ Old Irish crenaim (< *kwrineha-), Old Russian krьnuti ‘buy’ (with a transfer from *-neha- to *-new-), Greek príamai ‘buy,’ Old Lithuanian (gen.) krieno ‘pretium pro sponsis’ (P:648; MA:185)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:378, Lidén, 1916: 19-20, VW:209-210). The TchB subjunctive (relegated from the present) kärnā- is, pace VW, the exact equivalent of the Indic and Celtic present formations (PIE *kwrineha-). For other discussions of the development of PIE *kwriha- to TchB käry-, see K. T. Schmidt, 1982:365, and Lindeman, 1987:301. See also karyor and käryorttau.


käryāñ (n.pl.) ‘hearts’
[//käryāñ, -, -] ṣemeṃts käryāñ pruknānträ räskre māka tsärkalyi ‘the hearts of some [scil. the sick and dying] are bounding and they are very heavily tormented’ (H-149.14a4 [H:100]). ‣The usual word for ‘heart’ in TchB is of course arañce. The survival of käryāñ in this one passage is a notable archaism. ∎TchA kri (m.) ‘will’ and B käryā- reflect PTch *käryā- from PIE *kṛd(i)yeha- [: Greek kardíā (f.) ‘heart,’ Old Irish cride (nt.) ‘id.’ (< *kṛdiyom), and more distantly English heart, Lithuanian širdìs (f.) ‘heart, kernel,’ OCS sьrdьce ‘heart,’ Latin cor (nt.) ‘heart,’ Greek kēr (nt.) ‘heart,’ Armenian sirt ‘heart,’ Sanskrit hṛd- ‘heart’ (with unexpected initial) (P:579-580), Hittite kir ‘heart,’ Hieroglyphic Luvian zar-za ‘heart’ (Melchert, 1987:197-198; MA:262-263)] (Sapir, 1936:263, VW:235; H:100).


käryorttaññe* (n.) a meter of 4 X 12 syllables [rhythm 5/7]
[-, -, käryorttaññe//] (350b3). ∎A derivative of käryorttau, q.v.


käryorttau (nm.) ‘trader, merchant’
[käryorttau, käryorttante, -//käryorttañc, käryorttantäṃts, käryorttantäṃ] käryortantäṃts lātkatsi kektseñ wsā[sta] ‘thou gavest the body to be cut by the merchants’ (239b3). ∎A derivative of karyor, q.v.


käryortstse* (adj.) ‘prtng to commerce’
[-, -, käryorcce//] [se ṣamāne ... ytā]ri yaṃ [] waṣik kälpasṣṣukiṃ yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ käryorccempa wat ‘if a monk travels a road with a waṣik kälpasṣṣukiṃ, a yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ, or someone concerned with commerce’ (330a5). ∎A derivative of karyor, q.v.


kärr- (vt.) ‘scold’
Ps. V /kärrā-/ [Ger. kärrālle]; Ko. V (= Ps.) [MP -, -, kärrātär//]; Pt. I /kärrā-/ [MP -, -, kärrāte//]. aṣā[nike] mā ṣ kärrāll[e] klautkattsi [sic] (350b6); /// mā kärrātär-me /// (116.9). ∎A form without s-mobile corresponding to skär-, q.v.


kärwaṃts See karwa.


kärweñe* (n.) ‘stone’ ; (coll.) ‘rock’
[-, -, kärweñ//kärweñi, -, -] kuse sw aśāw=omte yare krāke wat kärweñi ‘what [is] rough here: gravel, dirt, or stones’ (7a7), or kärweñ tättālñe ‘setting/stacking wood or rock’ (331a1). -- kärweñäṣṣe ‘stony’ (565b3). ∎Etymology unclear. Perhaps with VW (1960:39-40, 1976:209; also H:98-99 with differing details) we should relate this word (and the Tocharian kärwaṃsaṃ ‘on the rocks’ [see H:98]) to Sanskrit grāvan- (m.) ‘stone for pressing the soma,’ Old Irish bráu (gen. broon) ‘millstone, quern’ (< *grāwṇ-)--cf. P:476-477; MA:474. If so, the Tocharian would represent a putative PIE *gwṛhxwon-en-, a derivative of the *gwrehxwen- that lies behind the Indic and Celtic forms. Since the Indic and Celtic words are possibly part of a large set derived from *gwer(hx)- ‘heavy,’ the Tocharian meaning would represent a generalization from ‘millstone’ to any stone (though Winter, 1998:351, presupposed the opposite semantic development). It is also possible to see kärweñe the descendent of a derivative of the *ḱérhawṛn- ‘thunderbolt’ seen in Greek kéraunos. The Tocharian would reflect *ḱṛhawon-en- and the meaning would be generalized from ‘thunderstone’ (the stones that are supposed to be the result of a lightning strike).


-kärśa See arśakärśa.


kärs- (vt.) G ‘know, understand, recognize’; K ‘make known’
G Ps. VI /kärsnā-/ [A kärsanau, kärsanat, kärsanaṃ// kärsanam, -, -; MP -, -, kärsanatär//; AImpf. // -, -, kärsanoyeṃ; Ger. kärsanalle]; Ko. V /kārsā- ~ kärsā-/ [A kārsau, -, kārsaṃ//; MP -, -, karsatär//; AOpt. karsoym, -, karsoy// -, -, karsoṃ; MPOpt. karsoymar, -, karsoytär//; Inf. karsatsi; Ger. karsalle]; Ipv. I /päkārsā-/ [ASg. pkārsa, Pl. pkarsas; MPSg. pkarsar]; Pt. Ia /särsā-/ [A śärsāwa, śärsāsta, śarsa// -, -, śärsāre]; PP /kärso-/;
K Ps. IXb /śärsäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, śarsäṣṣäṃ//-, -, śarsäskeṃ; AImpf. -, -, śarsäṣṣi//]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [AOpt. -, -, śarsäṣṣi//]; Pt. II /śārsā-/ [A -, -, śārsa// -, -, śarsāre]; PP /śeśśärso-/. kärsanoyeṃ toy tu epe mā ‘did these [animals] understand it or not?’ (575a3/4), kärsänalle = BHS jñeya (148a3/4); krui palsko kārsau-ne ṣeme ślok klyauṣtsi ayu-ne ‘if I am to understand his spirit, I will give him one śloka to hear’ (99a5), karsaträ ‘it will be recognized’ (505b3), [ka]rsatsi = BHS ājñātum (H-149.245a6 [Thomas, 1969:295]), kätkor ekamätte karsatsi ‘to know past and future’ (PK-AS-16.2b5:156 [Pinault, 1989]); ten nai pkārsa päst paṣ ñy ostameṃ ‘know this with certainty and go from my house!’ (23b6), pärweṣṣe śl[o]kne [ce ye]s ārth pkarsas ‘in the first śloka you are to recognize this meaning’ (18a3), pkärso [lege: pkärsso, for pkärsaso] (284b7); śarsa empremna ‘he recognized the truths’ (48a3); te śārsa-me pudñäkt=ānaiśai mā ranw aiku kärsau ñy akalṣle ‘this the Buddha clearly made known: my student is neither known nor famous’ (31a7/8=32a2); kreñc no c[ai po] kr[e]ntäṃne śarsäskeṃ-ne eñw[et]sts[e] ‘for these good ones [scil. buddhas] make us recognize all good things anew’ [śarsäskeṃ-ne eñwetstse = BHS nivedayanti] (5b1), akālk śarsäṣṣäṃ-ne ‘he makes known [his] desire’ (325a5); kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant śarsässi ‘who [has] come to us [that] he might know the great king?’ (81b3); te-ramt śārsa-me nesäṃ ytārye tne saṃsārmeṃ ‘thus he made this known to them: here is the road from the saṃsāra’ (30a5). -- kärsor ‘± knowledge, understanding’: ñakta ñikcye-menāk aiśamñesa kärsor star-ś ‘O lord, because of [thy] divine-like wisdom, thou hast the knowledge’ (DAM-507a2 [Pinault, 1984a:24]);
kärsormeṃ: kektseñ kärsormeṃ = BHS kāyaṃ viditvā (U-23b1);
karsalñe ‘knowledge’: mā karsalñemeṃ = BHS ajñānāt (542b6). ∎AB kärs- reflect PTch *kärs-, probably (with VW, 1941:26, 1976:207) from PIE *kers- ‘cut off’ [: Hittite kars-/karsiya- ‘cut off, mutilate,’ Greek kourā ‘cutting the hair,’ korsóō ‘shear,’ (inscriptional) kouron ‘cut wood,’ Tch. kärst- ‘cut off’ (P:945)]. This *kers- is an élargissement of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (P:938-945). As to the semantic development VW suggests *‘cut off’ > *‘distinguish’ > ‘come to know’ and cogently points to Latin scīre ‘know’ from *sek- ‘cut’ [: Sanskrit chyáti ‘cuts off’]. To his equation we can add Hittite sakk-/sekk- ‘know,’ also from *sek-. Tocharian kärs- is the exact equivalent of Hittite kars-, though Hittite has preserved the older meaning, a meaning which is preserved in Tocharian in the derived kärst-, q.v. See also kärsauca and, more distantly, kärst-.


kärsauca (n.) ‘one who knows’
[kärsauca, -, kärsaucai//kärsaucañ, -, -] ytārye sā śpālmeṃ | śaiṣṣe kär[s]aucaisa apākärtse yāmusa klyomña ‘this excellent noble way, made known by the world-knower’ (30a3/4), [kä]r[s]auca = BHS ājñātā (H-149.165a4 [Thomas, 1969:295]). ∎A nomen agentis formed from the subjunctive stem of kärs-, q.v.


kärsk- (vi.) ‘propel, i.e. shoot, throw, spread (by throwing)’
Ps. I /kärsk'ä/e-/ [MPPart. kärskemane; Ger. kärṣṣalle*]; Pt.Ia /kärṣṣā-/ [A -, -, karṣṣa//]; PP /kekärṣṣu-/ sumānṣeṃ warkensa Mālaṇḍi kärskemane ‘strewing the M. with sumāna-garlands’ (M-3a3/4), känte-okt sumāṃnṣeṃ warkensa kärṣalya ‘[it (= the Mālaṇḍika) is] to be strewn 108 times with sumāna-garlands’ (M-3a5); po warkṣältsa wäntalyi ite pännāte karṣṣa ‘with all [his] energy he stretched the bow fully and shot’ (109b6); sraukaṃ ṣ temeñce prere ramtä kekarṣṣu | nraine tänmasträ ‘and consequently he will die; [as quickly] as a shot arrow, he will be [re-]born in hell’ (14b4). ‣For the semantics we might compare Khotanese ah- which means both ‘shoot’ and ‘throw’ (cf. aha- ‘noose’ [i.e. ‘throwing weapon’]). If, beside the agent, there is only a patient, it is found in the accusative. If there is both a patient and a locative/dative, the latter appears in the accusative while the patient is in the perlative (a syntax analogous to that seen in Khotanese for ah- and in English for shoot). ∎Closely related to TchB kärsk- is A -krase in pärra-krase ‘distance of an arrow-shot.’ These Tocharian words must be related to Sanskrit kiráti ‘pour out, scatter, throw’ (< *kṛhx-) as Couvreur (1950:129; also VW:233) has seen. Whether they are further to be related to words for ‘spring,’ etc. (e.g. Greek skaírō) is more doubtful (cf. P:933-934; MA:507). However, the exact relationship of kärsk- and kiráti remains obscure. If we are to take the A -krase at face value, we would appear to have a putative PIE *kroso- from *kr-es-. If so, kärsk- would be, in Indo-European terms, *kṛs-sḱe/o-. It is also possible to see -krase (with VW) as a metathesized result of an earlier *karse, a late TchA nominal from *kärs- which would have been the expected A outcome of a PTch *kärsk-. Under this latter scenario PTch *kärsk- might reflect a putative PIE *kṛhx-sḱe/o-. Much less likely is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:93) that this words reflects a PIE *(s)kri-sḱe/o- ‘fly, move (in a non-linear way)’ with cognates in Lith. skriẽti ‘fly (around)’ and Latv. skrìet ‘fly.’


kärst- (vt.) ‘cut off, cut down, terminate; tear; destroy utterly’ [lykaśke kärst- ‘chop [something] fine’]
Ps. VI /kärs(t)nā-/ [A -, karsnat, karsnaṃ//; MP -, -, kärsnātär//; AImpf. // -, -, kärsnoyeṃ; MPPart. kärsnāmane]; Ko. V /krāstā- ~ kärstā-/ [A -, -, krāstaṃ// -, -, karstaṃ; MPOpt. karstoymar, -, karstoytär//; Inf. karstatsi; Ger. kärstālle]; Ipv. I /päkrāstā-/ [ASg. pkrāsta]; Pt. Ia /kärstā-/ [A kärstāwa, -, karsta//; MP -, -, kärstāte//]; PP /kärsto-/ karsnaṃ pärmank ṣañ śāmnaṃts mäntaṃ pw akālkänta ‘it [scil. the life of men] cuts off the hope of its own followers and brings to naught desires’ (3b7), [ma]nt śāmn[aṃ]ts śaul tne kos śaiṃ ksa kaunaṃts meñaṃts kätkorne kärsnātr attsaik postäṃ ‘so is the life of men; as long as one lives by the passing of days and months it is suddenly cut off later’ (3b5), sankantse ayāto nesaññe mā karsnatär ‘the proper situation of the community will not be terminated’ (DAM-507a11/12 [Pinault, 1984a:24]), kärsnāmane pannāk = BHS parikarttun upānaham (U-3a1); tumeṃ cwi soyetse śireṃ yepesa āśe kärstālya ‘then the head of the doll [is] to be cut off with a sharp knife’ (M-2a3); pkrāsta sklok ‘cut off doubt!’ (2b5); lykaśke kektseñ tāyä karst=arṣāklaṃtse ‘he chopped fine the body of the snake’ (42a6); kärstau rano stām nano wtentse tänma[strä] ‘even if the tree is cut down, it will be born again’ (11a6), kärstoṣ wastsi ṣek ausu ‘dressed always in torn clothing’ (32b4). -- kärstor ‘± utter destruction’: /// kete no te kärst[o]r = BHS yasya tv ete samu-cchināḥ (H-149.112 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:493]);
kärstālyñe ‘cutting off’ (284b2). ∎TchA kärṣt- and B kärst- reflect PTch *kärst- from PIE *kers-T-, a derivative of *kers- ‘cut off’ [: Hittite kars-/karsiya- ‘cut off, mutilate,’ Cuneiform Luvian kars- ‘cut,’ Greek kourā ‘cutting the hair,’ korsóō ‘shear,’ (inscriptional) kouron ‘cut wood,’ TchAB kärs- ‘know’ (P:945)]. This *kers- is, in turn, an élargissement of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (P:938-945). It is possible that in kärst- we have a generalization of an old *-d(h)- present. In any case one should note that Tocharian kärs- ‘know’ preserves the original shape of *kers- but the derived kärst- preserves the original meaning (Schrader/Nehring, 1917:426, VW:207-208, with differing details). See also enkärstātte, -kärstau, and kärstauca and, more distantly, kärs-.


-kärstau (n.) ‘interruption’
[only in the compound snai-kärstau ‘without interruption, uninterruptedly’] weksa sr[a]kañce kwoytär-ne taṅsa snai-kärsto [sic] (85a1), snai-kärstau (587.a1). ∎A nomen actionis from kärst-, q.v. See also kärstautstse.


kärstauca (n.) ‘one that cuts off or down’
[kärstauca, -, -//] teki ktsaitsñe srukalñe cmelñe ṣpä kärstaucā ra ‘as one who cuts off sickness, old-age, death and rebirth’ (30a6), pontäṃntso akalkänta kärstoca ‘a cutter off of the desires of all’ (295b3). ∎A nomen agentis based on the subjunctive stem of kärst-, q.v.


kärstautstse* (adj.) ‘± interrupted, stammering’
[f: -, -, kärstautstsai//] t[oṃ] w[e]ña Hetubā[like rekau]na kärstautstsai weśeññaisa ‘H. spoke these words with an interrupted [stammering? choked up?] voice’ (283a2). ∎An adjective in -tstse from kärstau, q.v.


käl-1 (vi.) ‘endure, bear’
Ps. VIII /käls'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kalṣäṃ// -, -, kalseṃ]; Ko. I /kel- ~ käl-/ [A kelu, -, -//; Inf. kaltsi]; Ipv. III /päkel-/ [Sg. pkel]; Pt. III /kel-/ [A -, kelasta, keltsa//] te kalṣäṃ aräñc=aiśaumyepi ‘the heart of the wiseman endures it’ (227b2), kaklāyāṣṣäṃ [sic] läklene mā säk kälṣäṃ ‘having fallen into suffering, he does not good fortune’ (255a3); su ke ñem [lege: te-ñem] walo yāmṣate ñīśś erkatte mäkte ṣ teṃ kelu ‘this so-called king treated me badly and how will I endure it?’ (81a4), waimene kaltsi tne śasanne ‘difficult to bear in the law’ (44a6); pkel twe erkätñe ‘endure the bad treatment!’ (123b1); kelts=empelona läklenta ‘he bore terrible sufferings’ (220a1). ∎AB käl- reflect PTch *käl- from PIE *kwel- ‘move’ (see discussion s.v. 2käl-). See also ekalätte, kaläl, kälṣamo, and kälṣamñe and, more distantly, käl-2 and kälts-.


käl-2 (vt.) ‘lead, bring’ [NOUN epyac käl- (middle) ‘remember [something/ someone]’]
G Ps. Xa /källāsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, källāṣṣäṃ// -, -, källāskeṃ; MP -, -, källāstär//; APart. källāṣṣeñca; Ger. källāṣṣälle]; Ko. V /kālā- ~ kälā-/ [A -, kālat, kālaṃ//; MP kalamar, -, kalatär//; AOpt. kaloym, -, -//; MPOpt. -, -, kaloytär//; Inf. kalatsi; Ger. kalalle]; Ipv. I /päkālā- ~ päkälā-/ [ASg. pkāla, Pl. (p)kalas; MPSg. pkalar, Pl. pkalat]; Pt. Ia /śälā- ~ kälā-/ [A -, -, śala// -, -, śilāre; MP -, klātai, klāte// klāmte, -, klānte]; PP /kälo-/;
K Ipv. II /(pä)śālā-/ [Pl. (p)śālat]; Pt. II /śālā-/ [MP śālamai, -, -//] källaskeñ-c säkw ‘they bring thee good fortune’ (588a2), ykāk ñiś kälāstär epyac poyśy añmālaṃṣke ‘then the Buddha remembers me sympathetically’ (22b8), tane cärkenta klāsträ ‘he brings garlands here’ (91b4), nauṣ cmela epiyacä källāsträ ‘he remembers earlier births’ (523b3), sak ecce källāṣṣeñca = BHS sukhāvaham (182a1); tusāksa ecce kälamār [sic] cau ñäke ‘therefore I will now bring it forward’ (PK-12J-b3 [Thomas, 1979:48]), alyekepi kaloym wat mīyäṣṣälyñe ‘or may I bring harm to another’ (S-3b1); cwim nai kalas ‘bring [it] to him!’ (107a10), ñiś epyac pkalat ‘remember me!’ (28a1); makte pācer walo cwi comp lakle śala ‘the father king himself brought this suffering to him’ (88b3), su ci klāte ñyātsene ‘he led thee into danger’ (93b1), mäkte käryo[rttañc] klānte lw[ā] kc[a] ‘as the merchants led some animal’ (24a6); ñiś yolaiññemeṃ tsälpāwa brahmalokäś tāu ytāri śālamai ‘I was freed from evil and I led the way to the brahmaloka’ (19b7). -- klormeṃ;
kalalñe, only attested in the derived adjective kalalñeṣṣe: [epi]yac kalalyñeṣe yakne ‘the manner of remembering’ (552a3). ∎AB käl- reflect PTch *käl-, probably from PIE *kwel- [: Sanskrit cárati ~ calati ‘moves (intr.), wanders,’ (evidence of a set-root is provided by cáritum, caritá-, cīrṇá-, etc.), kárṣati ‘draws (to oneself), leads; plows,’ kṛṣáti ‘plows, travels over,’ Avestan čaraiti ‘moves (intr.); drives,’ Greek pélō ~ pélomai ‘come to exist, be’ (Cretan télomai ‘will be’), Homeric teléthō ‘be,’ poléō ‘go about (intr.); range over, haunt; turn over (the earth with a plow),’ pōléomai ‘come/ go frequently,’ Latin colere ‘cultivate, dwell in’ (< either *kwel-e/o- or *kwol-e/o-), Albanian sjell ‘bring’ (< *kwele/o-), qell ‘delay, hold up, detain’ (< *kwoleye/o-, = Gk. poléō), kall ‘insert, put in,’ për-kul ‘bend, crook’ (< *-kwḷneha- or *-kwḷn(ha)ye/o-), and nominal derivatives in Celtic, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic (P:639-640; MA:606-607)]. The TchB subjunctive, relegated from the present by the iterative-intensive *kwḷse/o- (itself = Sanskrit kṛṣáti?), would exactly match Albanian kall ‘put in, insert,’ Both would reflect an o-grade present. The subjunctive of AB 2käl- ‘lead, bring,’ kālā- ~ kälā- would reflect the same formation, only with the addition of the subjunctive *-- (or do we have here traces of the set-variant of this root?). The present of 2käl-, källāsk- (< *kwḷneha-sḱe/o-) matches Albanian -kul (< *kwḷnha-e/o- or *kwḷn(ha)ye/o-) in përkul ‘bend, crook.’ The "causative" preterite to 2käl-, śālā-, though it is most probably an independent creation, matches Albanian solla (< *kwēl-), the past of sjell. This etymology, at least for 2käl- goes back to Pedersen (1941:183).
Alternatively, and more traditionally, either 1käl- or 2käl- or both might be from PIE *kel- ‘put into motion’ [: Sanskrit kāláyati/kaláyati ‘drives, carries,’ Greek (o)kéllō ‘drive a ship on land,’ kelēs ‘quick,’ Latin celer ‘id.,’ Gothic haldan ‘drive cattle to pasture,’ etc. (P:548)] (VW, 1941:25, 1976:199-200; H:61-62). See also källāṣṣuki and more distantly käl-1, and perhaps kalāk-.


kälkañc (n.) ‘collyrium in paste’
[kälkañc, -, -//] (354b1, W-5b1). ∎From BHS kalkāñjana-.


käln- (vi.) ‘resound’
Ps. I /käln-/ [A // -, -, kalneṃ; AImpf. -, -, kalñi//]; Pt. III /kälnsā-/ [MP -, - kälnsāte//] kalneṃ ploryaṃ tne pīyaṃ lwāsa ‘the ploryas resound and the animals sing’ (589a6), katkauñaisa kalñi śaiṣṣe ‘the world resounded with happiness’ (408a4); [ipre]rmeṃ kälnsāte ram no ‘as if having resounded from the sky’ (617a4). ∎AB käln- reflect PTch *klän- [sic]. The original order of resonant and vowel is assured by the derivative klena and by the failure of -ln- to assimilate to -ll-; the -l- and -n- came into contact only after the assimilation rule was no longer productive. This *klän- must reflect PIE *klun-, otherwise seen only in West Germanic in Old English hlynn ‘sound, noise, roaring stream,’ hlynan/hlynnian ‘resound,’ Old Saxon gihlun ‘din, uproar’ (Jacobsohn, 1934:212, Duchesne-Guillemian, 1941:143-4, VW:200, though details differ; cf. also P:550, with differing details; MA:534). See also klena.


kälp- (vt.) G ‘find, get, obtain, achieve’ [INF. + kälp- = ‘get to’]; K ‘± bestow’ [with accusative of thing and genitive of person]
G Ps. IXa /kälpāsk'ä/e-/ [A kälpāskau, -, kälpāṣṣäṃ// -, -, kälpāskeṃ; AImpf. -, kälpāṣṣit, kälpāṣṣi//; MP -, -, kälpāstär// -, -, kälpāskentär; MPPart. kälpāskemane; Ger. kälpāṣṣälle]; Ko. VI /källā-/ [A kallau, kallat kallaṃ// -, -, kallaṃ; AOpt. källoym, -, källoy// -, -, källoyeṃ; Inf. källātsi; Ger. källālle]; Pt. Ia /kälpā-/ [A kälpāwa, -, kalpa//kälpām, -, kälpāre]; "Intensive" Pt. (Pt. VII) /kälpiyā-/ [A -, -, kälpiya//]; PP /kälpo-/;
K Ps. IXb /kälpäsk'ä/e-/ [A kalpäskau, -, kalpäṣṣäṃ//] su ceu rilñemeṃ oko wrocce kälpāṣṣäṃ ‘from renouncing this he obtains a great result’ (8a2), kälpāṣṣäṃ = BHS vindati (18a6), śwāṃ-ne ynkauṃ kästwer mā=ñu kälpāṣṣäṃ ‘[if] they eat at him day and night, he doesn't achieve peace’ (33b1), yākṣi maiyya kälpāskeṃ kauseṃ wnolmeṃ māka ‘the yākṣas find strength and kill many beings’ (3a1), kälpāstär = BHS vidyate (U-18a4), wīna kälpāṣṣit ‘thou didst find pleasure’ (231a2); ente ṣ kallau tu lkātsi ‘and when will I get to see it [again]?’ (46a5=47b2); pañaktäññe pelaikne klyauṣtsi kälpāwa ‘I got to hear the Buddha's law’ (101a6), ṣesa wertsyaimpa kalpa perne su pärweṣṣe ‘together with [his] retinue he achieved the first rank’ (23a1/2); Puttewatte kercapai kälwiya ‘P. obtained a donkey’ (KLOST.37,50 [Couvreur, 1954c:87]); ostmeṃ lantsi preke ñi yapoy yesäṃ kalpäskau [the king speaking to his ministers] ‘[it is] time [for me] to leave the house [= become a monk] and I bestow on you my kingdom’ (372b4), /// [waipe]cc[e]nta kälpäṣṣäṃ (132a5). -- kälpormeṃ;
kälporsa: śwātsi yoktsi klporsa [sic] ‘by obtaining food and drink’ (31a3);
källālñe ‘obtaining, achieving’: laṃtuññe īke källālñe ‘the achievement of a royal station’ (128a4), ṣärpalñe källālñe = BHS deśapratilaṃbhāḥ (181a4), källālñe = BHS lābham (U-7b4). ∎AB kälp- reflect PTch *kälp- but extra-Tocharian connections are less certain. Peterson (1933:18, also VW:201) would relate the Tocharian word to Sanskrit kálpate ‘is well ordered, well managed, fitting; succeeds’ but the meaning seems very distant. Surely this Sanskrit set is to be related to Avestan karpa- ‘ritus,’ karpan- ‘non-Zoroastrian priest’ from a Proto-Indo-Iranian *kar/lp- ‘be/make fit or proper.’ It is semantically and morpho-logically tempting to equate the Tocharian words with Sanskrit grah- (present gṛbhṇā-/gṛhṇā-) ‘seize, lay hold of, capture, steal, take; undertake.’ However the Sanskrit word is securely tied to a PIE etymon with -r- (e.g. English grab, grasp).
Watkins (1969b:1522) isolates a PIE *kelp- ‘hold, grasp’ for some nominal words in Germanic (Old English hälftre ‘halter’ [< *half-tra-], Old English helma ‘rudder, tiller’ [< *helf-man-], hielfe ‘handle’ [cf. P:926; MA:595]). Such a root would provide a suitable semantic and phonological basis for kälp-. In addition one might wish to see in kälp- a relative of klep- ‘± touch with the fingers, investigate,’ q.v. or even kälyp- ‘steal,’ q.v. It is possible, I think, to see in these latter words (including Watkins' Germanic collection) a PIE *klep- ‘± lay hand to’ that appears in Tocharian as (1) kälp- (with a putative PIE present *kḷpneha-, perhaps modeled on the semantically similar *ghṛbhneha-), as (2) (in malam partem) kälyp- ‘steal’ (also in Greek, Latin, and Germanic), as (3) klep-, originally an intensive with a present *klēpe/o- (cf. Latin cēdere), and (4) in Germanic, with guṇa from the zero-grade in Old English hielfe, etc. The first and third meanings are to a certain extent paralleled in Old English by grīpan ‘grasp’ (< *ghreibe/o-) and grōpian ‘feel for, grope’ (< *ghroibehaye/o-). For this etymology, see also Adams, 1989b. See also enkalpatte, kälpauca, and kallau and possibly kälyp- and klep-.


kälpaṣṣuki* (n.) ‘± stealer, robber’
[-, -, kälpaṣṣukiṃ//] [se ṣamāne ... ytā]ri yaṃ [] waṣik kälpasṣṣukiṃ yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ käryorccempa wat ‘if a monk travels a road with a waṣik kälpasṣṣukiṃ, a yoñiyai ṣparkäṣṣukiṃ, or someone concerned with commerce’ (330a5). ∎A nomen agentis from the otherwise unattested present stem of kälyp-, q.v. (Winter, 1961, Schaefer, 1997:168). The exact significance of kälpaṣṣuki is uncertain. It is glossed by the Old Uyghur ywitquji but the verbal root ywit- (-quji is transparently the agentive suffix) is attested as such only here and does not appear to match any verbal root in any other Turkish language. In a parallel text (H-149.X.3) the phrase waṣik kälpaṣṣuki is matched by lykaṃ ‘thieves.’ See More discussion s.v. waṣik.


kälpauca (n.[m.sg.]) ‘one who obtains’
[kälpauca, -, -//] mant sw apāṣṣätte kälpauca śwātsi yoktsi alanmeṃ ‘so he [who has] not practiced moral behavior [thinks to be] one who gets food and drink from somewhere’ (31a2), kwri tane śwātsintse śle yoktsintse klpauca [sic] tākaṃ wnolme ‘if a being would be one who obtains food and drink’ (31a7). ∎A nomen agentis from kälp-, q.v.


kälm- (vt.) ‘permit, allow, accord’ (?)
Ps.IX /kälmäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kälmaṣṣäṃ//]; Ko. II /śälm'ä/e-/ [A -, -, śalmäṃ//]; Pt. Ia /kälmā-/ [A -, -, kalma//] [pe]rne=rhanteññe kṣaya-jñāṃmpa ṣe lkāsi ram no kälmaṣṣäṃ-ne pyutkäskeṃ-ne krentau[na] ‘this one with extinction-knowledge permits him to see, as it were, Arhat-worth and virtues manifest themselves in him’ or ‘this one permits him to see, as it were, arhat-worth together with extinction-knowledge and virtues manifest themselves in him’ (591a5); teṃ yiknesa weweñu mā tākaṃ wac[e] kaum aksaṣṣuki mā śilmaṃ-ne ārwe[r ya]maṣṣamtte mā wat mā yalle ste ‘[if] he [scil. the patron's messenger] has not spoken in this way and the messenger not allowed him [scil. the monk] [to stay] a second day [, saying]: ‘we have made ourselves ready, or not,’ [he is] not to go’ (331b3/4); toṃ wi wäntarwa tne kalma ksa kalloy ‘he permitted these two things [that] someone might achieve [them]’ (82b5). ∎Etymology unknown. For a suggestion, VW:200 (a denominative verb from an [unattested] *ḱlumen- from *ḱleu- ‘hear’).


källāṣṣuki (n.) only attested in epyac källāṣṣuki ‘one who remembers’
[källāṣṣuki, -, -//] epyaś [sic] klāṣṣuki [sic] mā nesan-ne /// (330b5). ∎A nomen agentis from käl-2, q.v.


kälṣamo (adj.) ‘enduring’
[kälṣamo, -, -//] kälṣmo tākaṃ [su pä]rk[ā]wänta yänmāṣṣäṃ ‘[if] he is enduring, he will achieve benefits’ (258b4). ∎An adjectival derivative from the present-stem of käl-1, q.v. See kälṣamñe*.


kälṣamñe* (n.) ‘± endurance’
[kälṣamñe, -, kälṣamñe//] k[e] käl[ṣa]mñesa ot ra nemce ṣārkate (235a2), [pap]āṣaurñe [sic] kälṣamñe tsiromñe ompolskoññe [sic] (586a7). -- kälṣamñeṣṣe ‘prtng to endurance’: kälṣämñeṣṣe kaṣarä wästsi preke ‘the time [is] to wear the kaṣar of endurance’ (281b3), kälṣamñeṣṣe niṣke su prākre tākoy-ñ ‘may I always be strong [like] the jewel of endurance!’ (S-5b1). ∎An abstract noun derived from kälṣamo, q.v.


kälskālyñe See kläskālyñe.


käl(t)s-1 (vt.) ‘± press, pour’
Ps. VI /kälsnā-/ [Ger. kälsnālle]; Ko. V /klātsā-/ [A -, klātsat, -//]; Pt. Ia /kältsā-/ [MP -, -, kältsāte// -, -, kältsānte]; PP /kältso-/ mītä śak ṣkäs traunta eneṃ kälsnālle ‘16 trau of honey [is] to be poured in’ (497a4); /// warporṣe mai klātsāt ‘thou wilt perhaps suppress the sensations’ (91a2); iprer kältsāte ‘the air was oppressive’ (H-149.69b3 [H:67]), [kä]ltsānt[e] cew preke ‘they were oppressed in that time’ (15a1); kaṃnte kältsau ṣalype ‘an oil pressed/sieved 100 [times]’ (P-1a2). ‣Compare TchA [puk marmas] kakältsāṃ trik tkanā [klā] ‘it made all her veins pour forth, she swooned, and fell to the earth’ (A-77-b2). The TchB subjunctive singular klātsā- may be analogical for *kāltsā-. If so, the original cluster may have been *-ls- rather than *-lts-. The analysis of this and the following verb owes much to Hilmarsson (H:67-68) ∎AB käl(t)s- reflect PTch *käl(t)s- but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. Hilmarsson suggests (H:68) the possibility of a deriving this verb from PIE *ḱel- ‘lean,’ noting particularly ON hella ‘pour.’


käl(t)s-2 (vt.) ‘goad, drive’
Ps. II /kälts'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kalṣtär// -, -, kältsentär] [ṣa]ñ k[e]wän śakātaisa kalṣtär-me ṣñār wepeṃś aśan-me | tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srūka[lñe] śaul kältsenträ wnolmentso ṣañ kalymiś aken-ne ‘with a stick he goads his own cattle and leads them to [their] pastures; similarly old-age and death drive the life of beings and lead it in their own direction’ (3a3/4). ∎B käl(t)s- reflects PTch *käl(t)s- perhaps from PIE *keldh- [: Gothic haldan ‘drive cattle to pasture,’ English hold, etc. (P:548; MA:170)], itself an élargissement of *kel- ‘put into motion’ (H:68). The Tocharian kälts- may result from the generalization of a ye/o-present, e.g. *kḷdh-ye/o-. Not with VW (1969:487, 1976:201-202) from *kwel- ‘turn.’


käly- ~ stäm- (vi./vt.) G ‘stand (intr.), stay, stand still; last’ [NOUN-ne käly- (metaphorically) ‘± obey’]; K ‘establish, fix [in place]’
G Ps. II /käly'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kaltär// -, -, klentär; MPImpf. -, -, kälyitär//; APart. klyeñca; MPPart. klyemane; Ger. klyelle]; Ko. V /stāmā- ~ stämā-/ [A -, -, stāmaṃ//; AOpt. stamoym, -, stamoy//-, -, stamoṃ; Inf. stamatsi]; Pt. Ia /ścämā-/ [A ś(i)māwa, ś(i)māsta, śama/-, -, stāmais/-, -, ś(i)māre]; PP /stämo-/;
K Ps/Ko. IXb /stämäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, stamäṣṣäṃ//; Ger. stamäṣṣälle]; Ipv. II /päścämā-/ [Sg. päścama; Pl. pśīmar]; Pt. I /ṣṭāmā-/ [A ṣtamāwa, -, -//]; Pt. IV /stämäṣṣā-/ [A -, stämaṣṣatai, -//] ṣamānentse yśelmi pälskone tsankaṃ kwipe-ike keuwco kalltärr-ne [sic] ‘[if] sensual desires arise in the mind of a monk and his shame-place [scil. penis] stands tall’ (334a3/4), anaiśai kwri pa[pā]ṣṣoṣ walke klyentar [sic] k[o]kalyi ‘if they [are] careful, wagons last a long time’ (5b2), [kly]enträ = BHS tiṣṭhanti (lla3), alyek-ypoyṣi brāhmaṇi parna klyenträ säsweṃ lkātsi ñäskenträ ‘the foreign brahmans are standing [around] and they are seeking to see the lord’ (81b4/5), yaitkorne klyeñca ñiś ‘I [am] standing in the commandment’ (205b4), ṣl[e]ntse tärnene kaun ra pälkā klyemāne ‘the sun rose as if standing on the crown of the mountain’ (H-149.50a7 [Thomas, 1968b:209, fn. 3]), klyelle = BHS stheyaṃ (251a3); [walo eṣe] retkempa | stāmaṃ pratiṃne mā ṣ nnok śanmäṃ ciś retke ‘the king with [his] army will stay [here] and the army will not go against thee again’ (22a2), /// śaul stāmaṃ-ñ /// ‘[if] my life lasts’ (63a4), stamatsiś = BHS sthitaye (537b3); [samudtä]rne śimāwa mā śitkāwa ‘I stood in the sea and did not proceed’ (425a2), krent käṣṣintsa menkitse yolaiñesa mā ṣṣe nta aṣkār śmāwa ‘lacking a good teacher, I never stood back from evil’ (TEB-64-09), intsau kātsaś śeśśanmusa śama=nepre poyśintse ‘having bound the block of wood to [her] stomach, she stood before the Buddha’ (18b8), stāmais ... ñäktene ‘the two gods stood’ (338b7); ṣalesa stmau ‘standing on the mountain’ (12a7), pelaiknene stmau prākre ‘standing firmly in the law’ (S-6a2); meleṃtsa yaipwa yenteṃ korne stamṣäṃ ... kauc ykuwa yenten stamṣäṃ tarnen=eṃṣke ‘it fixes the winds [which] have entered through the nose in the throat...’ (41b5/6); /// täṅwaññe jaṃbudvipmeṃ tsrāwa wätkāwa hai kka ṣṭamāwa-ne ṣpä tarya nau[miyenta] (PK-NS-31a3 [Pinault, 1991b]); pkai-kṣātreṃntsa yarke yāmormeṃ rīne stämäṣṣatai-ne ‘having done honor with chowrie and parasol, thou didst establish him in the city’ (Qumtura 34-d4 [Pinault, 1993-94:176]). -- stamalñe ‘continuation, duration, abiding, persistence’: [śaulantse kekt]señäntse [stama]lñe ‘the continuation of life and body’ (176a1), stamalñe = BHS sthitiḥ (182a5);
stamalñetstse* ‘± lasting, persisting’: onol[mi] /// stamalñecci ‘lasting beings’ (175b4);
stamalñeṣṣe ‘prtng to continuation’: [pe]laiknetse kreñcepi stamalñeṣṣe akālksa ‘in the wish for the continuation of good law’ (S-2a2).
śceścamor ‘?’ (211b3);
śceścamormeṃ (päst śceścamormeṃ ‘with the exception of’): [nraiṣṣana po yke]nta päst śeśśamormeṃ ‘with the exception of all hellish places’ (64b2);
stamäṣṣälñe ‘establishment’: stamäṣälñe = BHS sthāna- (41a7). ∎AB käly- reflect PTch *käly- from PIE *kel(h1)- ‘raise up’ [: Latin ante-, ex-, prae-cellō ‘surpass’ (< *kel-d-), Lithuanian kélti/keliù ‘raise up,’ kìlti/kylù ‘raise oneself up,’ and nominal derivatives (with the meaning ‘hill,’ etc.) in Greek, Celtic, Germanic, Slavic, (P:544; MA:352)]. Greek keléontes (< *kelh1yont-) ‘upright pieces of a loom’ secures the laryngeal as *h1. Particularly striking would seem to be the Baltic-Tocharian correspondence since Tocharian käly- would appear to reflect a putative PIE *kḷh1-ye/o- which is similar to Lithuanian keliù (< *kelh1-ye/o-) and kìlti (< *kḷh1-). Not with VW (1941:33, 1976:202) from PIE *ḱlei- ‘lean.’ Nor with Normier (1980: 257; also H:69-70) is kaltär to be taken as from *kälyätär from *klyäyätär (which would surely have given *klyitär) from PIE *ḱlei-e-.
TchA ṣtäm- and B stäm- reflect PTch *stäm-, probably from PIE *stem-, a byform of *steh2- ‘stand’ in the same way *gwem- is to *gweha- ‘go’ (Winter, 1962a:27; for the many reflexes of *steh2-, see P:1004ff and s.v. śänm-). Meillet in Hoernle 1916:161 assumed a nominal origin for stäm- as in Sanskrit sthāman-. VW (463-464) suggests instead a connection with *ste(m)bh- ‘establish, set up; step; stop, check’ (P:1011-1012). Whatever its exact source, the verb is phonologically parallel to ṣäm-/lyäm- ‘sit.’ The initial palatalization of the causative preterite is the same sort of analogical palatalization seen in the caustative of stāl-. See also klyemo, stām, stemye, śmoñña, and śänm-.


kälyp- (vt.) ‘steal’
Ps. IXa /kälpäsk/e-/ (see kälpaṣṣuki); Ko. IV /kälypī-/ [AOpt. -, -, kalypi// -, -, kälypiyeṃ; Inf. kälypītsi]; Pt. Ia /kälypā-/ [A -, -, kälypiya (K-T)//]; "Intensive" Pt. (Pt. VII) /kälypiyā-/ [A kälpyāwa, -, -//]; PP /kekalypo-/ ka ma [lege: kā mā] wes ra [kä]lypiyem ‘why shouldn't we also steal?’ (404b2); kälpyawa (PK-14a5) (K); [ce kleśanma]ṣṣeṃ lykäts kekalypoṣ ṣäp naumy=aiśämñeṣṣe pälskomeṃ āratsi ‘this jewel of wisdom, stolen by kleśa-thieves to stop [him] from thought’ (282a1). ∎The TchB subjunctive reflects PIE *klépye/o- ‘steal,’ exactly as in Greek kléptō ‘steal’ [: Latin clepō ‘steal,’ Gothic hlifan ‘id.,’ Old Prussian au-klipts ‘concealed,’ and possibly, if with s-mobile, Lithuanian slepiù ‘hide’ (with reduction of *skl- to sl-) (P:604; MA:595)] (VW, 1960:39, 1976:203). More distantly this word is related to both klep- ‘± touch with the fingers, investigate’ and kälp- ‘get, obtain,’ qq.v. (Adams, 1989b). See also kälpaṣṣuki and klepe.


kälymiśśeṃ ‘?’
(PK-13-Eb4 [H:70]). ‣One wonders if this might be a miswriting or a misreading of kälymiṣṣeṃ, a derivative of the next entry.


kälymiye (nf.) ‘direction’ [po kälymintsa = ‘± everywhere’]
[kälymiye, -, kalymi//-, kälymīṃts, kälymīṃ] tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srūka[lñe] śaul kältsenträ wnolmentso ṣañ kalymiś aken-ne ‘by such means old-age and death goad the life of men and lead it in its own direction’ (3a3/4), lyuwa ṣ parkāsaṃ walo śtwāra kälymintsa ‘and the king sent the proclamation in four directions’ (21b2), [ysā-yok]ñana swañcaiyno po kälymintsa cärkāsta ‘thou hast released everywhere gold-like rays’ (221a5), kälymiṃts tskelñe = BHS diśodāghā (543a7), watkaṣṣi pi pañäkte niṣīdaṃ ñremeṃ kälymi raso tsamtsi ‘may the Buddha order the sitting-mat to increase a span [in] the direction of the fringe’ (H-149.X.4a5/6 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). -- kälymiññe* ‘± bordering, regional’ (?) [if a calque on BHS deśīya-, so Sieg and Siegling, 1949:110] or ‘foreign’ (?) [if a calque of BHS diśya-]: lāntäṃ kälymiññeṃ ‘bordering/regional/foreign kings’ (46a6);
kälymi-kälymi ‘region by region’: [aknā]tsaññe orkämñe kälym-kälym[i] m[yā]yta [lege: m[yā]yasta] ‘the darkness of ignorance thou hast brought down region by region’ (221a3);
somo-kälymi ‘having a single goal or direction’: somo-kälymī = BHS ekāntaṃ (U-18a3). ∎A kälyme, B kälymiye, and the Kroraina Prakrit borrowing from "TchC" kilme reflect PTch *kälymiye from PIE *ḱli-men- (nt.) [: Greek klíma ‘inclination, region, geographical zone’ with the addition of the PTch suffix *-iye (Normier, 1980:259, Adams, 1988d; more generally VW, 1941:33, 1976:202-3; H:70-71). More at kläskalyñe. See also ekalymi.


-kälywe See ñem-kälywe.


käṣṣī (nm.) ‘teacher, master’
[käṣṣī, käṣṣīntse, käṣṣīṃ//käṣṣīnta, käṣṣīntaṃts, - (voc.: käṣṣīnta)] käṣṣinta karāre toṃ ślokanma ‘the teachers gathered these ślokas’ (11b1), pintwāt yeyo käṣṣi poyśi ‘the omniscient teacher went alms-begging’ (19b7). -- käṣṣiññe ‘prtng to a teacher or master’: käṣṣīññe yäknesa asānne lyāmate-me ‘he sat himself down on the throne in the manner of a teacher’ (81b6);
käṣṣīṣṣe ‘id.’ (A-3a2). ∎AB käṣṣī both reflect borrowings from Khotanese kṣīa- ‘master, teacher’ (Bailey, 1961:13, VW:626).


käṣṣu See kaṣṣu.


käs- (intr./middle) ‘come to extinction, be extinguished, go out’; (tr./active) ‘quench, extinguish’
Ps. II /kes'ä/e-/ [A -, -, keṣäṃ//; MP -, -, keṣtär// -, -, kesentär; APart. keṣeñca; MPPart. kesemane; Ger. keṣalle]; Ko. III /käse-/ [MP ksemar, -, -// -, -, ksentär; Inf. ksetsi; Ger. kselle]; Trans. Inf. /kästsi/; Pt. III /kes(sā)-/ [A -, -, kesasta//; MP // -, -, kessante]; PP /kekesu-/ keṣäṃ palsko ‘he extinguishes the spirit’ (278a3), yñakteṃ tänmasträ ramer ṣpä keṣtär ‘he is reborn among the gods and comes quickly to extinction’ (K-11a3), ente skeyi kesenträ ‘when efforts are extinguished’ (206a2); mā walke nke ñiś ksemar tu postäṃ onmiṃ tākaṃ-me ‘[it will] not [be] long and I will be extinguished and to you will be regret’ (29a8), eṃṣke kselyai preścyaiścä ‘unto the time of extinction’ (228b4); toṃ pwāra kastsiś ‘to quench these fires’ (566a1); [nrai]ṣṣana kesasta pwāra ‘thou hast extinguished the fires of hell’ (243b3); yänmoy īke kesoṣ [lege: kekesoṣ] ‘may I achieve the extinguished place!’ [= BHS adhigacchet padaṃ śāntam] (H-149-ADD.124b6 [Thomas, 1969:298]). -- kekesor* ‘extinguishing’: cok kekesorne ‘in the extinguishing of the lamp’ (588b8);
kselñe ‘extinction, suppression, disappearance’: läklentse kse[lñe]ne ynūca ytā[rye] ‘the road going toward the extinction of suffering’ (155a2), yāmorntatsa [sic] kselñe = BHS saṃ skāranirodhaḥ (157a3), kseññe [sic] = BHS nirvāpaṇaṃ (195a6), y[ä]nmāṣṣäṃ ks[elñe] = BHS prāpnoti nirvṛtim (H-149.236b2 [Thomas, 1969:298]);
kselläññeṣṣe ‘prtng to extinction’ (S-6a6). ∎AB käs- reflect PTch *käs- from PIE *(z)gwes- ‘extinguish’ [: Sanskrit jásate/jásyati ‘be exhausted,’ jāsáyati ‘exhaust, cause to expire,’ Greek sbénnūmi ‘extinguish,’ Lithuanian gèsti ‘to cease to burn, go out,’ gesìnti ‘to put out, extinguish,’ OCS ugasiti ‘extinguish,’ and Gothic qist (f.) (<*gwes-ti-) ‘destruction’ (P:479-480; MA:188)] (Smith, 1910:10, VW:210). More particularly AB käs- reflects a PIE *gwes- and the B present a putative PIE o-grade intensive *gwose/o-. Melchert points out (p.c.) that Hittite and Palaic contain a verb kist- ‘be extinguished.’ The Tocharian, Anatolian, and satem forms could also be subsumed under a PIE lemma *ges-, though that leaves Greek and Germanic unaccounted for. There seems to be no way to bring together all of these together. If the Tocharian word belongs with the Anatolian group, it would be possible, though not semantically necessary, to group them all with Tocharian kest ‘hunger,’ Hittite kast- ‘id.’ See also possibly kest.


käsk- (vt.) ‘scatter apart, scatter to destruction’ (often with violence), ‘confuse [the mind]’
Ps. XII /käskäññ'ä/e-/ [A -, -, käskaṃ//; MP -, -, käskantär//; MPImp. -, -, käskaññitär//]; Ko. V /kāskā- ~ käskā-/ [A -, kāskat, kāskaṃ//; MP -, -, käskātär//; MPOpt. -, -, käskoytär]; Ipv. I /päkäskā-/ [MPSg. pkaskar]; Pt. Ia /käskā-/ [MP // -, -, käskānte]; PP /käsko-/ prentse yente käskan-me ‘in an instant the wind scatters them’ (46a7=47b6), wäräñcäṣṣa mäṣce ra käskäntär ‘like a handful of sand they are scattered’ (142a3), laursa eñcuwaññe tarne räskre tsopyeṃne käskaññītär-ne waiptār āśce po lykaśke ‘with an iron peg they roughly penetrated his skull; his head was scattered wide apart, all in little pieces’ (22b5); cwi palsko käskāträ waiptār ‘his spirit will be scattered all about’ (9b8); pkaskar-ñ waiptār (246b3); ṣem kautāte koklentse waiptār pwenta käskānte ‘the axle of the wagon broke and the spokes were scattered all about’ (5a2); käskauw[a] = BHS vikṣiptāni (H-149.152b6 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32: 485]). -- käskalläññe ‘± scattering’ (PK6.A-a3). ∎TchB käsk- reflects PTch *käsk- (as if) from PIE *gwhṇsḱe/o-, a derivative of *gwhen- ‘strike, slay’ [: Sanskrit hánti ‘strikes’ (pl. ghnánti), Avestan jainti ‘id.,’ Hittite kwenzi ‘kills’ (pl. kwnanzi), Armenian ganem ‘id.,’ Greek theínō ‘kill,’ Lithuanian geniù ‘strike,’ Albanian gjanj ‘hunt’ (= theínō and geniù), Old Irish gonim ‘wound, slay,’ Lithuanian genù ‘drive [cattle],’ OCS ženǫ ‘id.,’ etc. (P:491-493; MA:548)] (Melchert, 1977:108). The PIE *-n- disappears before *-s- precisely as in mäsk-, q.v. Not with VW (210; also H:104-105) related to Tocharian kät- ‘scatter’ (*kät-sk- would give **kätk-, not käsk-). See käskor*.


käskor* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘idle talk, gossip’
[-, -, käskor//] [mā mäkci]ya käskor weskau mā alyek watkäskau kä[skor weṃtsi mā käskor] weṣeñcaimpa ... mäskemar ‘I do not retail any gossip, nor do I order [anyone] to tell gossip, nor am I with one who tells gossip’ (596a5/6). -- käskor-weṣṣeñca* ‘gossiper’ (596a6). ∎A derivative of käsk-.


käst(u)wer (adv.) ‘by night, at night’
[re]kauna plātäṃne inkauṃ wīna kallaṃ kästwer ṣpanene ‘by day he will find pleasure in words and speeches, by night in sleep’ (27a4), mäkte yelyitse ku tallāw tākaṃ śwāṃ-ne ynkauṃ kästwer yelyi pilenta ... śwāṃ-ne ynkauṃ kästwer mā=ñu kälpāṣṣäṃ ‘as a worm-ridden dog will be suffering [if] the worms eat at him day and night ... [if] they eat at him day and night, he doesn't achieve peace’ (33a8/b1), kästu[wer] (232b4). ∎Etymology unknown. VW (1968: 66-7, 1976:210) suggests a PIE *ḱḷst- (cf. OHG hulst ‘covering’) + -wer. However *ḱel- ‘hide, cover’ is otherwise unknown in Tocharian and a reduction of *-lstw- to -stw- is unexpected and unparalleled. One might see in *käst- a PIE *gwes-ti- (cf. Gothic qist [f.] ‘destruction’), a verbal abstract from *gwes- ‘extinguish’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:158, see käs-) but the generalization of the zero-grade in the root would be somewhat surprising.


kiṃśuk (n.) ‘Butea frondosa Koen. ex Roxb.’ or ‘Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze’
[kiṃśuk, -, -//] (257a1). ∎From BHS kiṃśuka-.


kiñcelle (~ käñcelle) (n.) ‘filament of Nelumbium speciosum Willd. [= Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn.]’ (a medical ingredient)
[kiñcelle, -, -//] (W-1b3). ∎From BHS kiñjala-.


kintarik* (n.) a meter of unknown rhythm
[-, -, kintarik//] (91b6).


kinnare (n.) ‘celestial musician’
[kinnare, -, -//-, -, kinnareṃ] (109b6). -- kinnarñe* ‘prtng to a celestial musician’ (109b5). ∎From BHS kiṃnara-.


Kimña* (n.) ‘Kimña’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Kimñantse, -//] (466a2).


kiratikta (n.) ‘Agathotes chirata’ (a medical ingredient)
[kiratikta, -, -//] (P-3a3). ∎From BHS kirātatikta-.


kirot (n.) ‘the bulb of a small variety of the Nymphea’ (a medical ingredient)
[kirot (~ kirok ~ kiros), -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS giloḍya-.


kiśore (n.) ‘youth, lad’
[kiśore, -, -//] (20a5). ∎From BHS kiśora-.


ku (n.[m.sg.]) ‘dog’
[ku, -, kweṃ//] mäkte yelyitse ku tallāw tākaṃ śwāṃ-ne ... yelyi pilenta ‘as a worm-ridden dog might be suffering [as] worms eat his wounds’ (33a8/b1), kū = BHS śvāṇa in the calendrical cycle (549a5), kweṃ-pikulne ‘in the dog year’ (H.150.44b2 [Pinault, 1987:182]). ∎AB ku reflect PTch *ku from PIE *ḱúwō (nom. sg.) ‘dog’ [: Sanskrit ś(u)vā, Armenian šun (with unexpected -), Greek kúōn, Latin canis, Old Irish cú, Gothic hunds, Lithuanian šuõ, Hittite kuwas (acc. kuwanan) (Melchert, 1989[90]), Hieroglyphic Luvian zuwana/i- (Melchert, 1987:202), all ‘dog’ (cf. P:632-633: MA:168)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:238-239). The Tocharian nominative singular ku is the regular reflex of *ḱúwōn with PIE * becoming PTch * in a final syllable when in the neighborhood of a *-w- (cf. the masc. nom. sg. of the preterite participles in -u from PIE *-wōs). Krause and Thomas give in their grammar, but not in their lexicon, the TchA acc. sg. form koṃ (apparently attested, in a very fragmentary context, at 360a9). B kweṃ is perfectly regular for PIE *ḱuwonṃ (cf. Sanskrit śvānam). That A koṃ is too seems likely. See also kuñiye.


ku- (vi./vt.) G (vi.) ‘offer a libation’; (vt.) ‘pour’; K ‘make pour’ (?)
G Ps. VIII /kus'ä/e-]/ [A -, -, kuṣäṃ//; Ger. kuṣalle]; Ko. I /kew- ~ ku-/ [A kewu, -, -//; MP -, -, kutär//]; PT. III /kew(sā)-/ [A kewwa, -, -//];
K Pt. II /kyāuwā-/ [A // -, -, kyauware] ///meṃ wär śār kuṣän-ne ‘he pours the water from the ... all over him’ (PK-12J-b2 [Thomas, 1979:9]), ṣalype ... śār kuṣalle ‘the salve [is] to be poured all over’ (P-1a2); ṣ śār kutär ‘and it is poured all over’ (324b2); /// [oro]cceṃ tewpeṃ keṃ po yatamai /// [Vaiśā]line kuce kewwa dakṣiṇākeṃtse] /// ‘I was able to ... the whole earth and great mines ... I have offered a libation to the worthy one’ (H-149.171b4/5); śār kyauwar./// (116.12). -- kuwermeṃ (?): /// śarkuwermeṃ = śār kuwermeṃ (617b5);
kekuwer ‘± libation’: [te]lki yāmor kekuwer ‘sacrifice or libation’ (307b3);
kuwälñe ‘± libation’: mā āyor mā ra telki yamalñe [mā] kwälñe [sic] nesäṃ ‘there is no gift, no sacrifice and no libation’ (28a6). ∎AB ku- reflect PTch *ku- from PIE *heu- ‘pour’ [: Sanskrit juhóti ‘pours in the fire; sacrifices,’ Greek khéō ‘pour,’ and somewhat more distantly, Latin fundō ‘pour,’ Gothic giutan ‘pour,’ etc. (P:447-448; MA:448)] (Couvreur, 1947:78, VW:239). See also possibly kus- and kutk-.


kuk-1 (vi./vt.) ‘call out, shout; entreat, seek out’
Ps. II /śauk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, śauśäṃ//; MP śaukemar, -, -//]; Ko. I /keuk-* ~ kuk-/ [AOpt. -, -, kuśi//] karuṇīk=añmāla[ṣka ś]auko-c kwām[a]r-c akālksa ‘O loving and merciful one! I entreat thee and call to thee with a wish!’ (TEB-64-07), tu-yäknes[a] kwäsnāträ snai-kärsto [] kwātär-ne taṅsa śauśaṃ-ne ‘in that fashion he cries out without inter-ruption; he calls to him and shouts to him’ (88b1), añmālaṣke palwaṃ ... ṣpä ñem śauśäṃ ‘he wails piteously and calls [his] name’ (89b5); rṣākeṃts lānte kreñcepi tsänkā-ñ palsko klāwässi lālyi wrotsai ~ kuśi-ñ pele rekisa /// ‘the spirit of the good king of seers arose to me to announce the great effort; may the law seek me out! With a word ...’ (S-8b2 [Lévi, 1933]). -- śauśalñe ‘begging aloud, vocally asking for alms’: śoś[alñe] = BHS āhvaya (170a6). ∎The present is from PIE *kēuk- with lengthened grade; the subjunctive is a PIE o-grade formation. The relationship between present śeuk- and subjunctive keuk-/kuk- is identical to that between cek- ‘touch’ and its subjunctive tek-/täk-. The root is *keuk- [: Lithuanian kaũkti ‘to howl, yell, roar’] or *ḱeuk- [: Lithuanian šaũkti ‘call softly, name,’ Khotanese sūch- ‘name,’ Sanskrit śúka ‘parrot’ (cf. P:536; MA:90)] (Fraenkel, 1932:227, VW:471-2, Adams, 1993b:38). See also kauke.


kuk-2 (vt.) ‘± bow down’ (?)
Ps. /kukäsk'ä/e-/ (see abstract); PP /śeśśuko-/ kuce wäntaresa kekamoṣ takās ytarintse ś[e]śśukoṣ /// ‘by whatever matter you have come, by the road bowed down’ [?] (82a1). -- kukäṣṣälyñe ‘± depression’ (?): mentsi kukäṣälyñe pälskontse ra trikalyñe ‘grief and depression [are] like confusion of the spirit’ (284a6), /// [la]kle [ami]śkñe kū[kä]ṣl[ñ]e (569b2 [restored after Winter, 1984:213]). ∎If the meaning has been correctly identified (cf. Winter, 1984), PTch *kuk- may possibly be connected with the widespread Germanic etymon *huk- seen in Middle Low German hūken ‘sit in a bent position, squat,’ hōken ‘bend, squat, bear on the back, peddle,’ Old Norse hokra ‘crouch,’ hukla ~ hukra ‘crouch together from the cold,’ húks ‘cower, squat, crouch,’ New High German (dialectal) hüchen ~ hücheln ‘limp’ (cf. De Vries, 1962:247, P:588). The original meaning would have been ‘± be bent (over)’ and the attested Tocharian verb a derived causative.


kuke* (n.[dual f.]) ‘heel’ (?)
[/kukene, -, -/] [kärsto]ṣ w[aṣ]tsi [sic] ausu samp wawākauwa kuke[ne] ‘dressed in torn clothing, [his] heels [?] spread apart’ (92b2). ∎TchA kukäṃ (dual) and B kukene probably reflect a PTch dual *kukäne or *kukene. Further connections are unknown (see VW:628 for the suggestion of an implausible borrowing from Uralic) and even the meaning is hardly secured (the one attestation in TchA [212b7] is even less informative than the single attestation in TchB).


kucaññe (adj.) ‘?’
[kucaññe, -, -//] kucaññe iṣcake = BHS tokharika (Vorob'ev-Desjatovskij, 1958). ‣The meaning and form of this phrase has been much debated (see K. T. Schmidt, 194:209-210, for a convenient summary). It has been universally assumed that the tokharika of the MS must be a mistake for tokharikā (a mistake very much in keeping with others in the MS) and thus should mean ‘Tocharian woman’ (or, more specifically, given the phonological shape of kucaññe, ‘Kuchean woman’) but iṣcake is not a known word for ‘woman’ and, as an apparently masculine noun, an unlikely candidate to be a heretofore unknown word for ‘woman.’ Thus, if iṣcake does not mean woman, it is at least doubtful that kucaññe means either ‘Tocharian’ or ‘Kuchean’ (the latter being normally kuśiññe in any case). Attested in Sanskrit is tukkhara with the meaning ‘a kind of horse’ and in Georgian t‘oxarig-i (and variants) with the meaning ‘ambling horse’ (Bailey, 1985:126-127) and it may be that our tokharika was intended to refer to some sort of horse, but, if so, the meaning of kucaññe is more obscure than ever.


kucatāk* (n.) ‘tower, balcony’
[-, -, kucatāk//] kucatākmeṃ ṣañ [ñ]em ette ṣallāte ‘she threw herself down from the tower’ (109b2). ∎Related to TchA kuccatāk but further connections are unknown (see VW:240 for a suggestion).


kucalle See kuts-.


kuce (a) (interrogative pronoun); (b) (relative pronoun) [in both (a) and (b) the accusative of kuse, q.v.]; (c) (conj.) (a) ‘whom, what, which’; (b) ‘whom, which, what’; (c) ‘because; (so) that’
(a) kuce klautkesa aiśalyi ‘by what behavior [are they] to be recognized?’ (K-7a4), kucesa akalkäntats yatalyñe mäsketrä ‘by which is the taming of desires?’ (552a3/4).
(b) [a]kṣā-me kuce wnolmi yamantär ‘he told them what beings are to do’ (21a2), kuce cai makci enkoṣṣeṃ pilkonta ‘these insights which they themselves have had’ (28b6), cwīññe se śāp ste kucesa ṣp swesi mā sūwaṃ ‘this curse of thine is [that] by which the rains do not rain’ (350b4), kuce no kleśanma nanautauwa = BHS api tu kleśāḥ kṣīnāḥ (524b1), ce [= kuce] peri nesem tu päs aiskem-ne ... ce [= kuce] cowai carka tu mā pälskanaṃ ‘what we owe, we will give to him; what he has robbed, he does not think about’ (DAM-507a9 [Pinault, 1984a:24]), kuce te mant wñāwa tu nke weñau anaiśai ‘what I have so said, that will I now speak clearly’ (K-2a5).
(c) kuce ñiś ṣuk-kauntsa wsāwa wno[lmeṃts s]n[ai] meṃtsñe kuce ṣp pudñäkte [ṣuk-kauṃ kakāwa sānkämpa ] ce krent yāmorsa källoym perne poyś[iññe] ‘because I gave to the beings for a week without ill-will and because I invited the Buddha with the retinue for a week, through this good deed may I obtain the rank of a Buddha’ (22a8/b1), twe ñī yaitkorsa maṃt pyām kuce kaṣake Puttamitre parra yaṃ ‘do thou thus by my command that the Kashgarian P. goes through’ (LP-1a1/3), kuce ñiś śtwer ssūwa ypoymeṃ lyautwa snai tränko ‘since I have driven [my] four blameless sons from the country’ (PK-13E-a2 [Couvreur, 1954c:89]). -- kuceṣäp (no) ‘let alone’: [po śaiṣṣe twe] täṅwät kuce ṣäp kuse ci täṅwäṃ ‘thou lovest the whole world, let alone [those] who love thee’ (245b2).
kuce tu ‘that is to say’: kuce tu pwārntse yarke yamaṣṣeñcaṃ ṣeyeṃ tu y[pa]rwe tuwak kottarcce pelaik[n]e āksi añmassu kakā-me ‘rief er sie in dem Wunsch, weil sie da Verehrer des Feuers waren, daraufhin das eben derselben Familie angehörige Gesetz vorzutragen’ (108b9 [Thomas, 1957:75]), kuce tu = BHS yad tad (202a1), kute [sic] nno ṣpä kärtse weṣṣeñcantse = BHS prāg eva hitavaktuś ca (251a4), kuce tu = BHS yad uta (547a3).
kuce-yäknesa ‘in whatever way’: kuceknesa ket ra [kartse yāmṣa]t[e] śakk[e]ññe rṣāke ‘in whatever way, for whomever, the śākya-seer did good’ (30b2). See kuse.


kuñi-mot (n.[m.sg.]) ‘wine’
[kuñi-mot, -, kuñi-mot//] pippāl kuñi-mot eṣe mā śwālle aukṣu kuñi-mot mā śwālle ‘pepper together with wine [is] not to be eaten; aged wine [is] not to be eaten’ (ST-b1), kuñī-motsa kālko yamaṣalle ‘a paste with wine [is] to be made’ (W-22a3). -- kuñi-motäṣṣe ‘prtng to wine’ (W-20a4). ∎A compound of kuñi + mot, the latter meaning ‘alcoholic drink,’ q.v. Kuñi may be a borrowing from Khotanese (vel sim.) gūräṇa- ‘prtng to grapes,’ a derivative of gūra- ‘grape’ (cf. Bailey, 1979:87). The loss of Khotanese -r- is paralleled by TchA pāśiṃ ‘treasure’ from Khotanese pārgyiñi- ‘treasury, treasure-room’ (VW:636). At bottom then kuñi-mot means ‘grape-alcohol.’ See also mot.


kuñiye (adj.) ‘prtng to a dog, canine’
[kuñiye, -, -//] swāṃññe weṃṣṣiye kränkañe weṃṣṣiye kuñiye weṃṣṣiye ‘pig excrement, chicken excrement and dog excrement’ (P-1b3). ∎An adjectival derivative of ku, q.v.


kuñcit (~ kwäñcit) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sesame’
[kuñcit, kuñcitäntse, kuñcit//] kwäñcit yarm ‘the measure of a [whole] sesame seed’ (41b4), kuñcit wawāltsau ‘ground sesame’ (P-1a1), mlutku kuñcitä ‘id.’ (W-38b4). -- kuñcitäṣṣe ‘prtng to sesame’ (27a8, P-1a6, W passim). ∎A borrowing, like TchA kuñcit, from Khotanese kuṃjsata-.


kut- See kuts-.


kutameṃ (interrogative pronoun) ‘where’
naumikkane lkāṣn eśnesa kutameṃ källoym waipecce ‘he looks with glittering eyes[, thinking]: where might I get possessions?’ (33b1/2), kutameṃ tākoy emparkre yṣūwa[r]kañe po wnolmeṃts ‘where might be widespread enjoyment for all beings?’ (PK-AS16.3a3 [Pinault, 1989:156]). ∎If like the other derivatives of the PIE interrogative/relative *kwu-, this word is enclitic in TchB and thus represents as underlying /kutāmeṃ/, we may have a putative PIE *kwutōd, an old ablative (cf. the discussion s.v. mäkte) + -meṃ, the regular TchB ablative ending. In *kwutōd the final *-d is lost regularly (and early) and the -meṃ is added before final - becomes PTch *-e (Adams, 1988c:19). See further s.v. kuse.


kutumñcik (n.) ‘Leucas linifolia Spreng.’ or ‘Leucas lavandulaefolia Ress.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kutumñcik, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS kutumbika-.


kutk- (vt.) ‘± give substance to, cast in a mold’
G Ps. VII /kuttänk-/ [MPPart. kuttänkmane]; Pt. Ia /śutkā-/ [A // śutkām, -, -]; PP /śutko-/: śutkau (K-T).
K PP /śeśutku-/: śeśutku (K-T). kutänkmane särwecaṃ ṣäñ yāmorsa cmelane ‘filling out the forms of existence by one's own deed[s] in [one's] births’ (229a2); po śutkām sarwecäṃ ‘we filled out all the forms of existence’ (45a6). ∎AB kutk- reflect PTch *kutk- (cf. A arthaśśäl kutko ñom kärsnāl ‘the name [is] to be known, filled out with meaning’). If the meaning is substantially correct, probably with Melchert (1977:125) from *hud-sḱe/o- ‘cast into a mold’ from *heud- ‘pour’ [: Latin fundō ‘pour,’ Gothic giutan ‘id.,’ and, more distantly, TchB ku- ‘pour,’ Sanskrit juhóti ‘throw in the fire, sacrifice,’ Greek khéō ‘pour’ (P:447-448)]. Not, with VW (247) related to Latin cūdere ‘strike, forge.’


kuttipaśaṃ* (n.) ‘(body of a) plough’ (??)
[-, -, kuttipaśaṃ//] naitwe kärkāllene släppoṣ kuttipaśaṃ wat parra pānnaṃ ... po duṣkär ‘[if] he reaches for a plough-share (?) [which has] slipped into the mud or for the kuttipaśaṃ [= BHS kūṭa- ‘body of the plough’?] ... all [is] a sin’ (331a1). ‣This sentence is in the midst of a commentary on the sin of farming: ‘a monk should not plow or have someone plow for him, etc.’ It seems likely that naitwe means ‘plough-share’ and thus kuttipaśaṃ may be the equivalent of BHS kūṭa-, one of whose meanings is ‘body of a plough’ (the plough absent both pole and plough-share). It might also be a virtual *kūṭa-pāśa- ‘contemptible body of a plow’ or the like.


Kunacaṃttre (n.) ‘Guṇacandra’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Kunacaṃttre, -, -//] (LP-107a1).


Kunacaṃttrakau (n.) ‘Guṇacandrakau’ (PN in caravan passes)
[Kunacaṃttrakau, -, -//] (LP-8a1).


kuntark (n.) ‘Saccharum munja Roxb.’ [aka Saccharum sara] (a medical ingredient)
[kuntark, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS gundraka-.


kuntäṣṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to jasmine’ (Jasminum multiflorum Andr.)
kuntäṣṣe = BHS kunda- (H-ADD.149.79b4 [Couvreur, 1966:178]). ∎An adjective derived from an (unattested) *kunt ‘jasmine,’ itself a borrowing from BHS kunda-.


kuntiśke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘little pot’
[kuntiśke, -, -//] cewä śerkwameṃ wente yamaṣle cew wentesa ñuwe kuntiśke taṣale ‘from this cord a covering [is] to be made; over this covering a new little pot [is] to be put’ (M-3b2). ∎The diminutive of an unattested (in TchB) *kunti. The latter is, however, attested in A as kunti ‘pot.’ A borrowing from BHS kuṇḍī- (VW:628).


kuntsaññe* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kuntsaññe//] ///täṣṣe iprerne rmer ka plyewsa 68 kuntsaññe mā ṣ campy e[rtsi] (386a4). ‣Perhaps a byform of kwäntsaññe (see s.v. kwaṃts).


Kumārapuṇye* (n.) ‘Kumārapuṇya’ (PN in grafitto)
[-, -, Kumārapuṇye//] (G-Su-39).


Kumpante* (n.) ‘Kumpante’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Kumpanti, -//] (490a-III-5).


kumbhāṃṇḍe* (n.) member of a particular class of demons
[//kumbhāṇḍi, -, -] (333b9). ∎From BHS kumbhāṇḍa-.


kurār-lūwo (n.) ‘osprey’
[kurār-lūwo, -, -//] [kä]lymiṃ sportoträ pācer cwimp [ku]rār-lūwo tu- yäknes[a] kwäsnāträ snai-kärsto ‘his father turns [in all] directions; like a kurār-animal he cries out without interruption’ (88b1). ∎A compound of kurār (< BHS kurara-) + lūwo ‘animal,’ q.v.


kuruci (n.) ‘Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers’ (a medical ingredient)
[kuruci (~ guruci), -, -//] (P-3a3, Y-24). ∎From BHS guḍūci-.


kurkamäṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to saffron’ (Crocus sativa Linn.)
[m: //kurkamäṣṣi, -, -] (W passim). ∎An adjective derived from an unattested *kurkam from BHS kunkuma-.


kurkal (n.) ‘bdellium’ (a medical ingredient)
[kurkal (~ kurkala), -, -//] (M-3a5). ∎From BHS gulgulu-.


kurp- (vt.) ‘be concerned with, be concerned to’
Ps. III /kurpe-/ [Ger. kurpelle] lānte spaktāṃ ypoye pauśye añmants=ekñi kurpelle ‘he [scil. the house-holder] must be concerned with service to the king, national taxes, and his own possessions’ (33a6), kwri yarke peti ṣey-me kurpelle ‘if they had been concerned with honor and flattery’ (33a7). ∎TchB kurp- reflects PTch *kurp-, probably from PIE *kw(e)rp- ‘turn oneself’ [: Gothic hwaírban ‘walk about,’ Old English hweorfan ‘turn, wander about,’ Old Norse horfa (< *kurp-) ‘turn, think, look,’ Greek karpós ‘wrist’ (with *-w- lost be dissimilation from the following bilabial) (P:631; MA:607)] (Lane, 1960:78). The Tocharian verb represents a putative PIE *kurp-(h1)-ó- ‘ urn oneself toward’ (cf. particularly the Proto-Germanic *hurfai- from PIE *kurp-(h1)-oi). VW rejects this connection (245), wrongly I think, in favor of a connection with Belorussian žurba ‘concern.’ The semantics are favorable but the Belorussian word is isolated, so far as I know, in Slavic and is thus unlikely to represent something of Proto-Indo-European age. The connection, if any, of TchB kurp- with A śur- ‘be concerned’ is unclear.


kul* (n.) ‘bell’
[-, kulantse, -//] śak pärkāwänta kulantse āyorsa poyśintse patne ‘the ten benefits [that accrue] through the gift of a bell to the Buddha's stupa’ (K-9b4). ∎Etymology unknown. VW (240-241) suggests an improbable derivation from *heu- ‘pour’ as ‘the thing poured or founded.’ It seems phonologically impossible to attach this word to the semantically attractive käln- ‘resound’ but perhaps it is a cognate of Old Norse hvellr (< *kwel-wo-). The Tocharian word might reflect *kwḷwo-m or the like (cf. H:189-190).


kul- See kwäl-.


kulaṃkule (n.[m.sg.]) ‘one who has attained a state of being born in several families before final liberation’
[kulaṃkule, -, -//] ñikciye kulaṃkule ste = BHS devakulaṃkula (198b5). ∎From BHS kulaṃkula-.


kulenkarñeñ ‘?’
/// ̇k ̇s ramt ekamäcceṃ kulenkarñeñ k ̇/// (Dd-6.2.2). ‣A variant of klenkarññaññe, q.v. (H:190)?


Kulkera (n.) ‘Kulkera’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kulkera, -, -//] (490a-I-1).


kulyp- (vt.) ‘desire’ [NOUN-ś kulyp- ‘desire for’]
Ps. III /kulype-/ [Ger. kulypelle] /// kulypelle ce cmelne sak katkauña ṣp ‘[whose] desire in this life [is] good fortune and joy’ (14a4), yarpo kwälypelle ket tākaṃ ‘to whom there is service to be desired’ (K-10a6). -- kulypelñe ‘desire’ only attested in the derived adjective kulypelñeṣṣe: kwälypelñeṣṣe ṣp om palsko yāmträ toṃ krentaunaś ‘and [if] he makes the thought of desire for virtues’ (23a5/6). ∎AB kulyp- reflect PTch *kulyp- or *kwlyäp- from PIE *kwlep-, otherwise seen only in Avestan xrap- ‘id.’ (Čop, 1958:50-1; VW:242, though there is no need to consider B kulyp- to be a borrowing from TchA; MA:158; H:191).


kūwo ‘?’
///ṣäp no kūwo s ̇ṃ no (133b1). ‣A form of kū ‘dog’?


kuva (n.) ‘?’
/// eñ[c]are kuva (584a7). ‣A form of kū ‘dog’?


kuwele* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kuwele//] ///kärkalle kuwelesa /// ‘over the dark pond’ (?) (319b1). ∎Probably a byform of kwele, q.v.


kuśanār (distributive adverb) ‘by kuśanes’
[list of ingredients] kuśanār ‘[these ingredients measured out] by kuśanes' worth’ (W-19a6). ∎A derivative of kuśāne, q.v.


kuśal ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘well, healthy, prosperous’
[kuśal, -, kuśal//] (S-6a4). ∎From BHS kuśala-.


kuśalapākṣ* (n.) ‘the side of virtue’
[-, -, kuśalapākṣ//] sankantse ayāto nesaññe ste kuśalapākṣne rittemttär ‘the situation of the community is proper and we are attached to good behavior’ (DAM-507a4 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). ∎From BHS kuśalapakṣa-.


kuśalamūl* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘root of merit’
[-, kuśalamūl(ä)ntse, -//-, kuśalamūl(ä)ntaṃts, kuśalamūl(ä)nta] (41a4). -- kuśalamūläṣṣe ‘pertaining to the kuśalamūla’ (624a3). ∎From BHS kuśalamūla-.


kuśalasāsrap (n.) ‘well-being of that which attaches one to the world’ (?)
(173b4). ∎From BHS *kuśala-sāsrava- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


kuśāne* (n.) a coin and measure of weight
[-, -, kuśāne//kuśāni, -, kuśāneṃ] Suwarti kauko käryām kuśāneṃtsa 700 ‘we bought S.'s kauko for 700 kuśānes’ (490a-II-2), kṣuranma kāṃtsāre kuśāneṃtsa 250 ‘they filed the knives for 250 kuśānes’ (490a-III-5), [ingredients] toṃ wyār kuśaneṃ prapuntarik kuśane ‘[ingredients] these each 2 k., prapuntarik 1 k.’ (W-28a4/5). ∎Etymology unknown.


kuśiññe (adj.) ‘belonging to Kuca’
[m: kuśiññe, -, kuśiññe//] kuśiññ=oroccepi lānte /// ‘of the great king of Kuca’ (G-Su-36.1). ∎An adjective of provenance from Kuśi, the Tocharian B form of Kuca. See also the discussion s.v. kucaññe.


kuṣ ̇eṣe (adj.) ‘?’
///t ṣäñ āñmtsa kuṣ ̇eṣe yokäṃ [] (118a3).


kuṣṭa (n.) ‘Costus speciosus (Koen.) Sm.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kuṣṭa, -, -//] (W-23b3). ∎From BHS kuṣṭha-. See also kaṣṣu.


kus- (vi.) ‘± shoot upward, gush’ (?)
Ps. VI /kusnā-/ /// [i]prerne kusnonträ /// (387.4). ∎If the meaning is correct, from PIE *heus- ‘spray, gush’ [: Middle Irish guss ‘power, anger’ (< *hustu-), Old Norse gjósa ‘gush, spout, erupt,’ geysa ‘propel, heat up,’ English gush, etc. (P:448)]. If so, see also ku- ‘pour.’ It is also possible (H:195) that this is a form of kwäs- ‘mourn, lament,’ q.v.


kusär ‘?’
/// kusär sā snai keśo īte (H-150.104a4 [H:195]). ‣Formally identical to TchA kusär*, also a hapax of unknown meaning, occurring in the locative, at A-378a2: tseṃ śākwis kusraṃ tmaśśäl tāskmāṃ tñi śālyi pā[ci] ‘in the kusär of the blue hair, thy left and right are comparable to it.’


kuse (a) (interrogative pronoun); (b) (relative pronoun) (a) ‘who, whoever, no matter who; (b) the one who, those who’ (nom.)
(a) śrauddhauñe kuse ste ‘what is faith?’ (23a5), kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant śarsäṣṣi ‘who [has] come to us that he might know the great king?’ (81b3), kuse no sū yāmor kakraupau mā no yāmu ‘what deed is accumulated but [still] not done?’ (K-3b5), kuse cau nāktsi arcanträ = BHS kas taṃninditum arhati (U-18b1);
(b) [mā] sū nesäṃ kuse onwaññe tākoy ‘there is no one who is immortal’ (2a2), /// ywārśkāññi pikulameṃ kuse rano maiwe[ño] ‘... those of middle years and also [those] who are young’ (2a5), kly[omo] lkālñesa kuse kekenu tākaṃ tne | sū su kälpāṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣene tne yṣwarkaññe ‘the noble one, who is provided with insight, he alone achieves in the world here comfort’ (14a7), kuse ñi yesñ=āksaṣle kuse wat no enäṣlyi tu pw=ākṣā[wa-me] ‘what I [was to] have announced to you, or what [was] to be instructed, all of it I taught you’ (27b7), kuse parśi-ne wrattsai weṣṣi sū ñiś po-[aiśeñca nesau] ‘whoever [= no matter who] should ask him, he should reply [to him]: I am the all-knowing’ (28b5), kuse pelaikneṣṣe krent ceu yerkwantai ...ṣpyārta ‘whoever turned the good wheel of righteousness’ [kuse = BHS yaḥ] (30b3), sklok ket ra nai mā tsänkau ste kuse tne cmīträ mā srūko[y] ‘there must have arisen no doubt to him who would be born here and not die’ (46b2), [sä]swe kuse tākaṃ māñye mäsketrä ‘whoever would be lord, finds himself a servant’ (128b6), kuse = BHS evaṃ (201a5), k[us]e cek wärñai = BHS yat kiṃcit (H-149.47b6 [Couvreur, 1966:162]). ‣Though masculine singular in form, kuse/kuce are used with all genders and both numbers--the same pattern that is to be found in its TchA interrogative (kus/kuc) and relative (kusne/kucne) counterparts, save for the existence of a nominative plural relative kucene. The relative pronouns are characteristically used correlatively with the demonstrative sū, just as mäkte ... mant ‘as ... so’ and kos ... tot ‘as much ... so much.’ ∎TchA interrogative kus (acc. kuc) and the relative kusne/kucne (all relative pronouns in TchA have the particle -ne added to them--cf. B nai) and B interrogative-relative kuse/kuce reflect PTch *kuse/kuce (which were either enclitic or stressed, counter to the norm, on the final syllable). PTch *kusé is (as if) from PIE *kwusó (Meillet, 1914:18, VW:246, MA:456, cf. also Normier, 1980:256), a form to be seen also in Albanian kush ‘who’ (both interrogative and relative). The parallelism with Albanian makes *kwuso a more likely antecedent of PTch *kuse than the phonologically equally possible *kwi(s)so (favored by Hilmarsson, 1987, H:196-197). The accusative *kuce reflects a putative PIE *kwutóm; the palatalization of the PTch *kuce is analogical, as it is in other masculine pronouns, after the distribution of palatalized and non-palatalized stem-final consonants in adjectives, e.g. trite/trice ‘third’ (see Adams, 1988c: 122). The *-so/-to- is the regular demonstrative reinforcing the original interrogative/relative. (Tocharian is like most Indo-European groups in conflating interrogative and relative pronouns--there is no trace of the relative pronoun *yo- seen in Greek, Indo-Iranian, Balto- Slavic, or Celtic). One should compare, within TchB itself, the "pleonastic" kuse su as well as the typologically similar formations in Greek hóstis (< *yos kwis), Latin quisquis, and Hittite kuis kuis (both < *kwis kwis). See also P:647-648. In Indo-European terms the correlative pair kuse ... sū would have been *kwu-so ... so-u [: mäkte ... mant ‘as ... so’ < *men-kwu-tō ... men-tō-u or kos ... tot ‘as much, many, long ... so much, many, long’ < *kwot-s ... *tot-u or *kwehawot-s ... tehawot-u]. In each case, both terms of the correlation are strengthened by particles. In the case of the relative pronoun it is *so/to- or *-s while for the anaphoric demonstrative it is *u. See also kuce, ket(e), kutameṃ, kā, kos, kwri, mäkte, mäksū, katu, and ksa/kca.


kuts- (vt.) ‘± accuse, revile’ (?) or ‘± turn one's attention to’ (?)
Ps. II /kuts'ä/e-]/ [Ger. kucalle]; Ko. V (?) /kutsā-/ or II (?) /kuts'ä/e-/ [A kutsau, -, -//] /// pyāmtsar calle [if for kucalle] walke lyat (606a1), kkaṣṭa kucalle star-ñ ‘misfortune/evil is to be reviled by me’ or ‘misfortune/evil is to be attended to by me’ (?) (606a4), calle ṣ wesäṃ miṣenta lauk[e] tarkam enkalñe ‘but for us [there is] an revulsion with the fields [of worldly activity]; we will leave passion far away’ or ‘but for us [there is] an attending to our fields [of monastic activity] ...’ (?) (PK-AS-16.2-a4 (Pinault, 1989); c[ā]ne mā ait - - kutsau-ś ‘[if] thou dost not give [me] the money ... I will accuse thee’ or ‘.... I will attend to thee’ (?) (495a4). ‣This is a very problematic entry in at least two ways: (1) it is not clear that all the forms collected here even belong to the same verb; (2) if they do belong together, it is not clear what the root-shape is (kuts- or kut-). With regard to the first, it is not necessary that calle belong with the other two or, even more specifically, that kucalle and kutsau belong together. With regard to the second one would like to know if the present should be morphologically divided as kut-s'ä/e- or kuts-'ä/e- and, if the latter, whether -c- can be the palatalized equivalent of -ts- (as it certainly can of -t-). ∎If we have kuts- ‘revile, accuse,’ then it is presumably borrowed from BHS kuts-; if it is kut- ‘tend to,’ the we presumably (with H:206-207) have PIE *k(w)eit- [: OCS čьtǫ ‘count, read, take account of,’ Sanskrit cétati ‘pays attention to’].


kutspaneṃ ‘?’
///kutspaneṃ po trai /// (303c). ‣It is not certain that an entire word is present here.


kuhākäññe* (n.) ‘deception, trickery’
[-, -, kuhākaññe//] snai kuhākäṃñe snai tarśauna ‘without trickery or deception’ (558b1/2). ∎An abstract in -ññe derived from an unattested *kuhāk ‘deceptive, tricky’ from BHS kuhaka-.


ke (particle) an intensifier?
[nanā]korsa Satyake ke nigranthets soy päst [wasa] ‘by reproach did Satyaka, the son of the Nirgranthas, give [it] back’ [i.e. he was shamed into doing so] (20a6), su ke ñem walo yāmṣate ñīśś erkatte mäkte ṣ teṃ kelu (81a4). ∎Etymology unknown. See also perhaps k(ä).


keu* (n.) ‘cow’
[//-, -, kewäṃ] [ṣa]ñ k[e]wän śakātaisa kalṣtär-me ṣñār wepeṃś aśan-me ‘he goads his own cattle with a stick and leads them to their own pastures’ (3a3), kewä[n] ṣäṃsemane al[y]enkänts ‘counting the cattle of others’ [= BHS gāḥ saṃgaṇayan pareṣām] (305b8), [a]lyaik no kraupnanträ śānta kewaṃ [sic] śaitsisa ‘others, however, herd sheep and cattle for a living’ (H-149-ADD.28a5 [Thomas, 1954:756]). -- keu-pyapyo* a kind of flowering plant, perhaps ‘dandelion’ because of its abundant milky sap [H:115]: keu-pyapyantse welki eñcuwañe keṃtse te ṣeme yarm ‘the petals of a dandelion [?] and iron-rust, each the same measure’ (W-32b2/3). ∎TchA (acc. sg.) ko (nom. pl. kowi, acc. pl. kos) and B keu reflect Ptch *kew- from PIE *gwou- ‘cow’ [: Sanskrit gáuḥ (m./f.) ‘cow,’ Avestan gauš (m/f), Armenian kov, Greek boûs (m/f) (Doric bôs), Latin bōs (m/f), Old Irish bó (f.), OHG chuo (f.), Old English cū (f.), Latvian gùovs, all ‘cow’ (P:482-483), also Hieroglyphic Luvian wawa-, Lycian wawa- ~ uwa-, ‘cow’] (Schrader/Nehring, 1929:255, VW:226, MA:134). The PIE paradigm would appear to have been nom. sg. *gwōus, acc. sg. gwōm (with regular reduction of *-oum to *-ōm), gen. *gwou(o)s, nom. pl. *gwowes, acc. pl. *gwō(m)s, etc. Tocharian, insofar as we can tell, has generalized the underlying stem *gwou-. See also kewiye and kauurṣe.


kekamor See käm-.


kekuwer See ku-.


keklyauṣor See klyaus-.


kektseñe (nf.) ‘body’
[kektseñe, kektseñäntse, kektseñ//kektseñi, -, kektseñäṃ] taik[n]esāk ra kektseñi kätsai[tsäññe yänmāskeṃ] ‘just so do bodies achieve old-age’ [kektseñi = BHS śarīram] (5a8), somo somo klokaśne ltū wlaṃśke yok tañ kektsentsa ‘a soft hair [has] emerged in each and every pore on thy body’ (74a3), kektseñ = BHS kāya- (197b3), alyekepi kektsenne = BHS paraśraye (545b4), su no orotse kektsentsa ‘he [is] large of body’ (H-149.X.4a5 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]), kek[ts]e[ñ] = BHS deha- (PK-NS-306/305a4 [Couvreur, 1970:177]). -- kektseñäṣṣe ‘prtng to the body’: po kektseñiṣṣe [sic] krāmarsa ‘with all bodily weight’ (332.1b). ∎TchA kapśañi and B kektseñe are obviously related but the exact preform is unclear. The attested shapes would appear to reflect PTch *kepts'eñyā- (with the underlying stem extended by *-yā-) and *kekts'eñän- (with the underlying stem extended by *-'än-) respectively. Either an original sequence *kek- has been dissimilated in TchA to *kep- or an original sequence *kep- has been assimilated to *kek- in TchB. The situation with regard to extra-Tocharian connections is confused too. VW (1965b:502, 1976: 187-188) and Anreiter (1987b:95-100) assume a connection with Sanskrit cakṣaṇa- ‘aspect, appearance, form’ [: kāśate ‘appear, shine,’ cáṣte ‘see, perceive’], ultimately from PIE *kweḱ- ‘appear; see; show’ (P:638-639). The Tocharian forms would be (as if) from PIE *kwoḱson-, giving PTch *keksen-. The development of *-ks- to -kts- is irregular. In any case, cakṣaṇa itself presupposes a putative PIE *kweḱsen-. The Sanskrit and Tocharian words must be independent formations. If we start from a verbal abstract *kwoḱti- ‘appearance,’ such a form thematized, would give *kwoḱtyo- and then, if extended by an n-stem (see Adams, 1988d), we would have *kwoḱtye-en-, whence PTch *kekts'en-. We may also relate the Tocharian words to Old Irish cucht ‘color, outward appearance’ and Old Norse háttr ‘way, fashion’ (cf. Pedersen, 1925:29). Pedersen reconstructs a PIE *koktu- which, whether we connect Tocharian or not, is probably to be taken as *koḱtu- or *ḱoḱtu- from *kwoḱtu- by distant dissimilation of *kw ... u or assimilation of *kw ..ḱ or both. Hilmarsson (1986a:186) notes with favor a comparison suggested by Toporov whereby our Tocharian words are to be related with Lithuanian kaktà ‘forehead’ and kaktenà ‘skin of the forehead; part of helmet covering the forehead; hilltop’ but the semantics seem unconvincing (particularly when we include the clearly cognate Latvian kakts or kakat ‘corner, nook’). If the PTch shape was *kepts'en- instead of *kekts'en-, we might start from *kopto- ‘that which is cut off’ (i.e. ‘trunk [of the body]’) from *kop- ‘cut’ (cf. kepece ‘± hem’). With *-yo- replacing *-o- in an expected fashion we would have *koptyo- which, extended by an n-stem, would give *koptye-en- or PTch *kepts'en-. For another suggestion see H:124-126.


keñinta* (n.pl.) ‘?’
[//-, -, keñinta] ///rne kācer [lege: tkācer] keñintane lāmaṃ-ne kliye trāppaṃ ṣamānentsaśār kl[āyaṃ] (325a2). ‣This word is often taken as the plural of keni ‘knee,’ q.v. (indeed it is glossed as such in Uyghur in this text) but if it is to be translated as ‘[if] the daughter is sitting on his/her knees and the woman trips over a monk’ the plural rather than dual would be unique. Winter (1962b:119) suggests the possibility of ‘skirts’ vel sim. here. See also keni.


keñiye (adj.) ‘of a country, land’
[m: keñiye, -, -//] śaumo kañiye [lege: keñiye] rine śem ‘a land man came to city’ (592a5). ∎A derivative of keṃ, q.v.


ket ~ kete (pronoun) ‘whose, to whom, for whom’ [genitive of kuse]
ket ait yoktsi sāṃtk=onwaññe pelaiykneṣṣe lyaitkeṃ teki mantanta ṣäp srukentär cai ‘to whom thou givest the righteous, immortal medicine to drink, they will avoid sickness and never die’ (212b3/4), [ke]te = BHS yasya (299a1), kleśanmaṣṣi sta[na no bha]wakärne keṃt [sic] witsko ‘the kleśa-trees whose root [is] in the highest existence’ (554a3/4), kete pācer lare tākaṃ mācer wat ‘to whom father or mother [are] dear’ (576b7). -- ket-ra ~ ketara ‘whosever, to whomever, for whomever’: taiknesa ket ra kartseś paspārtau poyśi [ i]nāṣle ‘in this way the Buddha [is] to be honored [who has] worked for the good of everyone’ (30b8), sklok ket ra nai mā tsänkau ste kuse tne cmīträ mā srūko[y] ‘to no one indeed has a doubt arisen [as to] who may be [re-]born and not die’ (46b2), mā keta[ra pe]rākäññesa mā alyeksa aśalle = BHS aparapratyayo nanyaneya (541a2). ∎Like om(p) ‘there’ is to ompe ‘id.,’ ket is the apocopated variant of the more original kete. TchB kete reflects a putative PIE *kwo-tos, with the adverbial *-tos added to the ordinary relative/interrogative stem *kwo- (for which, see also kuse). As examples of *-tos added to nouns, pronouns, or locatives we may cite Sanskrit itáḥ ‘from here,’ tátaḥ ‘from there,’ mukhatáḥ ‘from the mouth,’ Avestan xvatō ‘from oneself,’ Greek entós ‘inside,’ ektós ‘outside,’ Latin funditus ‘from the bottom, completely,’ intus ‘inside, from/to within,’ or Old Irish acht ‘outside.’ This PIE *kwotos is parallel in some respects to the *kwo-ihxo- seen in Latin cūjus ‘whose,’ TchA ke ‘id.,’ and perhaps B kaiyye, q.v. (For the explanation of Latin cūjus and A ke, see Hilmarsson [1989a:28] who improves on a suggestion of VW [1969:490, 1976:246].) An original genitive *kweso (= Gothic hwis) would have given Proto-Tocharian *śäse (> A **tsa, B **ṣe--cf. the history of hand, A tsar, B ṣar, from PIE *ǵhesor-), a form that was phonologically distant from the nominative and the accusative. If *kwe- had been replaced by *kwu- as in the nominative and accusative (see kuse), the genitive would have been identical with the nominative (both *kwäse). Thus the speakers of Proto-Tocharian had to cast their net further afield. See also kos, kuse, and possibly kaiyye.


keta1 (or kete?) (n.) ‘± damage’
[keta, -, -//] keta mā [kärsnātär] (DAM-507a11 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). ∎Presumably to be related to TchA kat which occurs in the set locution kat yām- ‘destroy’ (lit. ‘make destruction’). See VW, 1988:96. It may be that we need to assume a late transfer of a Pre-TchB kete to ketā- to account for the lack of -umlaut of the -e-. It is also possible that the one instance is a miswriting for kete, or that kete was actually written but that damage to the manuscript at that point has effaced the e-diacritic. In any case, it seems likely that we should associate PTch *kete with Lithuanian pã-gadas ‘loss, ruin’ Čop, apud VW) from PIE *gwedh- ‘push, destroy’ [: Sanskrit gandh- (attested only by the grammarians) ‘push, pierce, destroy,’ Lithuanian gendù (gésti) ‘spoil, decay’ (cf. P:466-467)]. Alternatively we might connect this Tocharian group, following Hilmarsson (H:138-139) with hieroglyphic Luvian kati- ‘harm, damage,’ Hittite kattawatar ‘cause of, grounds for, object of vengence,’ Cuneiform Luvian kattawatnalli- ‘plaintiff,’ Old Irish cath ‘fight,’ Russian kotora ‘quarrel’ from a PIE *ket- (for the Anatolian words, see Melchert, 1987:189, though he reconstructs *katu-). See also keto.


keta2* (n.) ‘± seed-field’ or ‘± estate’
[-, ketāntse, keta//] ynaimyāṣṣi ketasa cāneṃ kamānte yältse-piś-känte tāy sank[r]āmiññai ketāntse kom-pirkomeṃ armokiññe cake sim... ‘the [inhabitants] of Ynaimya for the seed-field have received 1,500 cānes. Of this seed-field [pertaining to] the monastery, on the east the boundary [is] the Armoki river’ (Otani 19.1.2/3 [Pinault, 1998]). ‣The meaning is not certain from this its only context. Pinault suggests the translation ‘estate’ but the price, given in cānes (where cāne is cognate with modern Mandarin qián), would seem to suggest a smaller parcel of land. ∎A possible etymological connection with kät- ‘scatter (to some purpose), sow’ would give the mean ng ‘seed-field’ or the like. One might compare Greek spórima ‘brain-field’ from speírō ‘sow.’ Since the word does not show the effect of -umlaut (whereby it would have been *kāta), this word is presumably a late creation (cf. weta ‘struggle’) within Tocharian B (Adams, 1998).


kete See ket.


keto (adj.) ‘± harmed, destroyed’ or (n.) ‘± damage’ (?)
[m: keto, -, -//] khadiräṣṣe ṣat twerene tsanapale kete ñemtsa yāmäṃ su keto mäsketär ‘a sliver of acacia [is] to be stuck in the door; in whosoever name one does [this], he becomes keto’ (M-2a2). ∎The meaning is predicated on the assumption that there is some etymological connection with keta1, q.v.


ketwe* (n.) ‘± ornament, jewel’
[//ketwi, -, ketweṃ] /// spharir [tsrer]m[e]nne ysaṣṣeṃ ñkäñci po ketwi ñk[äñceṃne] (571a1), [po ke]twi tākaṃ tsrermenne ‘all the jewels will be in the ditch’ (571a2). ∎TchA katu and B ketwe reflect PTch *ketwe, a nominal derivative of *kät- ‘spread’ (VW:190). Otherwise H:139.


keṃ (nf.) ‘earth, ground’
[keṃ -, keṃ//] l[kāṣṣäṃ] | ṣalesa stmau ramt tākaṃ kentsa [stmo]ṣäṃ ‘he sees, as if he were standing on a mountain [those] standing on the earth’ [kentsa = BHS bhūmi-] (12a7), ñi ka yarke yāmyeṃ ṣek mā=lyekepi keṃ ramoṃ ‘they always did only me honor, they didn't bow [to] the ground for another’ (33b4), keṃ miwäṃ räskre ‘the earth shakes roughly’ (113a4), keṃtsa eprerne [sic] wat = BHS avanau ga[g]ane vā (195a4), Jambu-dvipäṣṣai ortstsai [lege: aurtstsai] tā kentsa yaṃ ‘he goes over that broad land of India’ (345b2), saryat[e] ... kenne witskaṃ ‘he planted the roots in the ground’ (388a1/2), kenmeṃ oko ysāre kälwāwa ‘I got fruit and grain from the earth’ (476a2). -- kenaṣṣe ‘prtng to earth or ground’ (214b5);
kenätstse ‘earthly, terrestrial’: k[e]nättse = BHS -b[h]auma- (251b2). ∎TchA tkaṃ and B keṃ reflect PTch *tken from PIE *dh(e)ǵhom- ‘earth, ground’ [: Sanskrit kṣāḥ (f.) (stem kṣam-), Avestan zå (f.) (stem zəm-), Greek khthōn (f.) (stem khthon-), khamaí ‘to the ground,’ Albanian dhe (m.) (pl. dhera), Latin humus (< *homus), Old Irish dú (gen. don), Lithuanian žẽmė (f.), OCS zemlja (f.), Hittite tēkan (gen. taknas), etc. (P:414-415), Cuneiform Luvian tiyammi-, Hieroglyphic Luvian takami ‘to/in the country’] (Meillet, 1914:19, VW:506-7, MA:174). As in Hittite and Greek the word-final *-m of the nom. sg. *dh(e)hōm gave *-n and was then extended throughout the paradigm. Subsequently in Tocharian the acc. sg. (*dh(e)homṃ [analogical for phonetically expected *dh(e)hōm] > *tkemä(n) > *tkenä(n) [by extension of *-n]) was extended to the nominative. See also keñiye.


keni* (n.[dual]) ‘knees’
[/-, -, keni/] lyam=Ānande kenisa ‘A. sat on [his] knees’ (5b4), antapi kenīsa keṃ teksa ‘with both knees he touched the ground’ (H-149.X.4a5 [Couvreur, 1978:43]). -- kenineṣṣe ‘prtng to the knees’ (K-T). ∎TchA dual kanweṃ and B keni reflect PTch *kenwäi or the like (the exact form of the dual of u-stem nouns in PTch is not as clear as it might be). The loss of *-w- after a resonant in an intervocalic consonant cluster in B appears to be regular (cf. ṣmare ‘fat’ [< *smerwo-). PTch *kenw- is from PIE *ǵonu ‘knee’ [: Sanskrit jānu (nt.) ‘knee’ (dual jānunī), Armenian cunr, Greek gónu (nt.), Latin genū (nt.), Gothic kniu (nt.), Old English knēo (nt.), Hittite genu (nt.), etc. (P:380-381; MA:336)] (Meillet, 1911:147, VW:187). See also possibly keñinta.


kene* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± melody’ or ‘tune’
[-, -, kene//] wättänt kenene ‘in the wättänt melody’ (514a4). ‣The meaning is discussed by Winter (1962, fn. 45). ∎TchA kaṃ and B kene probably reflect PTch *kene from PIE *hwono- [: OCS zvonъ ‘sound,’ Albanian zë ‘sound, voice,’ Armenian jain (< *hwonyo- or *hwṇyo-?) (P:490-491; MA:534)] (VW, 1962a:180, 1976:186). The PIE root vowel *-o- makes a connection with PIE *kan- ‘sing’ (VW, 1941:25; H:129) much less likely.


kene ̇e (nf.) ‘?’
[kene ̇e, -, -//] ///le kene ̇e sonopälya (W-30b5). ‣This word appears in a very broken context. A line or so before refers to the head being rubbed and it is probable that in kene ̇e we have another body part.


kenek (n.[m.sg.]) ‘linen’
[kenek, -, kenek//] alyekepi käryorttante śana sruka tāu erkenmasa ṣalāre kenek śār aipar-ne ‘the wife of a merchant dies; they put her in the cemetery and wrapped a linen all over her’ (560a2/3), srukausai klaiṃtsa aipoṣ kenek kamā[t]e ‘he took for himself the linen covering the dead woman’ (560a5). -- kenekäññe ‘prtng to linen’ (P-2a2). ∎Etymology unknown. For a suggestion, see VW:213-214.


kenottär* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kenottär//] /// kenottärsa sätkāñecci (531a4).


Kentarśke (n.) ‘Kentarśke’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kentarśke, -, -//] (490a-III-6).


[kenmer] (n.) ‘excrement’
‣Only attested in PK-7-Mb6 in the phrase ysāra pitkenmer which Schmidt (1980:490) takes to be ysāra pit=kenmer but in reality is more likely to be ysāra pitke-enmer, qq.v. with H:130.


kentse (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± rust’
[kentse, -, -//] eñcuwañe kentse onkolmaññe ānkär te ṣeme yarm ‘iron-rust and elephant tusk, the same measure’ (W-31b1/2). ‣Since eñcuwañe kentse appears to be the equivalent of English ‘rust,’ kentse by itself must have a somewhat more general meaning, though its exact limits cannot be specified (H:130, refers to a pilkeṣṣe kentse ‘copper rust, [i.e.] verdigris’). ∎From PTch *ken(ä)se, reflecting a PIE *konis-o-, a thematicization of the PIE word for ‘dust, ashes, oxidation product’ seen in the kónis (f.) ‘dust, ashes’ of Greek and the cinis/cineris (m./f.) ‘ashes’ of Latin. The Latin and Greek words are normally taken as the reflexes of a neuter *kónis with gender reassigned on the basis of the shape of the nominative singular. I see no a priori reason, however, why we could not have had a feminine acrostatic *kónis, genitive *kénis(o)s, the latter's vocalism having been generalized in Latin. See also possibly kānts-.


kepec(e)* (n.) ‘± hem, edge of garment’
[-, -, kepec//] mā wä[s]tsitse kepec ette lankaskemane yanmaṣṣälle ‘[he is] not to enter [a house] dangling the hem of [his] clothes’ (322a3/4). ∎Probably (with VW:214) a derivative of some sort of PIE *kop- ‘cut’ [: Greek kóptō ‘knock, smite, cut off,’ Albanian kep ‘chisel, chip off,’ Lithuanian kapiù ‘tailor’ (all < *kopye/o-, cf. P:931-032)]. Less likely is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:131) of a PIE *kobh- hand on the basis of Lithuanian kabėti ‘hang.’


Kemārcune (n.) ‘Kṣemārjuna’ (PN of a king)
[Kemārcune, -, -//] [pi]ṣ [sic] kṣuntsa Kemārcune [oroccepi lānte] (486a1). The Tocharian initial k- indicates a borrowing from some Prakrit source where Sanskrit kṣ- had given kh-.


keme* (nm.) ‘tooth’
[//kemi, -, kemeṃ] śtwer śkänmaṣṣ=āstreṃ keme[ntsa yaitoṣ] kointsa ‘with [thy] mouth decorated with four decades of pure teeth’ (248b2/3), srukalyñeṣṣe koyn kakāyau tekiṣṣeṃ kemeṃtsa po treṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣe ‘gaping open [his] mouth with teeth of death, he eats the whole world’ (282b4). -- kemeṣṣe* ‘prtng to a tooth; ivory (adj.)’: [ta]ñ kemeṣṣepi se[r]k[entse] = BHS tvaddantapankty- (H-ADD.149.79b5 [Couvreur, 1966:178]), se ṣamāne ayāṣṣe kemeṣṣe sucīkar yamastär ‘whatever monk should make himself a needlecase out of bone or ivory’ (H-149.X.3b4 [Couvreur, 1954b:49]). ∎TchA kam and B keme reflect PTch *keme from PIE *ǵómbho- ‘tooth’ [: Sanskrit jámbha- (m.) ‘tooth,’ jambhya- (m.) ‘molar tooth,’ Greek gómphos (m.) ‘tooth; bolt, dowel,’ gomphíos (m.) ‘molartooth,’ Albanian dhëmb (m.) ‘tooth,’ dhëmballë (f.) ‘molartooth,’ OCS zǫbъ (m.) ‘tooth,’ Latvian zùobs ‘tooth,’ Lithuanian žam̃bas (m.) ‘edge, brim,’ OHG kamm ‘comb,’ etc.; Sanskrit jámbhate/jábhate ‘crush, destroy,’ Albanian dhëmb ‘it hurts, aches’ Lithuanian žembiù ‘cut,’ OCS zębǫ ‘tear up, rip to pieces’ (P:369; MA:594)] (Schulze, 1923, VW:186).


kera* (n.) some sort of musical instrument (?)
[//-, keraṃts, -] māka kerunta wrakaiṃ keraṃts ploriyaṃts newe klyauṣträ ‘the noise of many drums, conchs, keraṃts, and flutes is heard’ (PK-NS.772+AS-17Ka3/4 [Pinault, 1993-94:189]). ‣Not with Pinault do we have a word ‘laughter’ here.


kerū* (nm.) ‘drum’
[-, -, kerū//-, -, kerunta] pelaikneṣṣe kerusa piś-cmelaṣṣeṃ kakātai riśc nervānṣai ‘by the drum of righteousness thou hast invited those of the five births to the nirvana-city’ (221a2). ∎Possibly VW (216) is right in relating this word with an Indo-European group meaning ‘cauldron, kettle’ [: Sanskrit carú- (m.) ‘kettle, pot, pan,’ Old Irish coire (m.) ‘kettle,’ Welsh pair ‘id.,’ Cornish pêr ‘id.’ Old Norse hverr (m.) ‘kettle,’ OHG (h)wer ‘id.’ Old English hwer (m.) ‘pot, bowel, kettle, cauldron’ (P:642; MA:443)]. VW suggests *kworu- as the putative PIE antecedent of keru but the lack of rounding of the stem-vowel (cf. or ‘wood’ < *doru) and the retention of -u militate against such a hypothesis. Perhaps we have *kworwṇt- or, if as is surely possible, the plural is analogical, perhaps we have a thematic *kwórwom. However, TchA karel ‘drum’ (Pinault, 1990:174-9) is clearly related and looks to be in form a deverbative adjective. Pinault takes this etymon to be from 1ker- (P:571), 2gher- (P:439), or ǵar- (P:352), all of which express noise of some sort or another. He further relates these words for ‘drum’ to kery- ‘laugh’ (so too H:135) but that seems semantically very difficult.


kerekauna (n.[m.sg.]) ‘flood’
[kerekauna, -, kerekauna//] ceu kerekauna wnolme mā melyan-ne ‘such a being the flood does not crush’ [kerekauna = BHS ogha] (12b7), kerekauna k[a]tkatsi ‘to cross the flood’ (355b4). ∎Etymology unknown. For a suggestion, see VW:214 (*(s)koro- ‘rapid’ + hounā- ‘pouring’ from *heu- ‘pour’). For another, see H:132-133 (a derivative of *gwer(h3)- ‘swallow’).


Kereptaññe (n.) ‘Kereptaññe’ (PN in caravan pass)
[kereptaññe, -, -//] (LP-3a2).


kerke* (n.) ‘fetters’ (??)
[//-, -, kerkeṃ] (PK-16-5b3) (H:134). See also kerketstse*.


kerketstse* (nm.) ‘fetters’
[//-, -, kerketstseṃ] kuse po tārkaṃ enkalñanta [lege: -enta] po päst rintär wäntarwa pontäṃ krāstäṃ [sic] kerketseṃ ‘whoever looses all entanglements, renounces all affairs, and cuts off all fetters’ (33a3). ∎A derivative of 2kärk-. One should compare TchA kärkṣiṃ ‘fetter,’ also an adjectival derivative (A -ṣi = B -ṣṣe) from kärk- (Normier, 1980:264-265). See also perhaps kerke*.


kercapo* (n.) ‘ass, donkey’
[kercapo, -, kercapai//kercapañ, -, ] twe ñī yaitkorsa maṃt pyām [] kuce kaṣake Puttamitre parra yaṃ [] caumpa śāmna ikäṃ [] kercapaṃ trey [] yakwe ṣe ‘so do by this my command that the Kashgarian P. goes through; with him, 20 men, 3 asses, one horse’ (LP-1a1/4). -- kercapaññe ‘prtng to an ass’: yäkweñña kolyi lykaśke wawaltsausa kercapaññe yasarsa ṣpärkaṣle ‘horse's hoof, finely ground, [is] to be dissolved in ass's blood’ (M-1b4/5). ∎Reflecting a PTch *kercäpā- which, except for the stem class, is the exact equivalent of Sanskrit gardabhá- (m.) ‘donkey, ass’ (< *gordebho-) with the same *-bho- which appears in other Indo-European designations of animals (e.g. Greek elaphós ‘red-deer’ or Sanskrit vṛṣabhá- ‘bull’)--Pisani, 1942-1943a:25, VW:214, MA:33-34. If, as has so often been suggested (see VW for a review of the previous literature), kercapo is a borrowing from Indic gardabhá-, the borrowing must be very early, before the merger of the non-high vowels in Indo-Iranian (otherwise we would expect *kertepo or the like with the first and second vowels alike and no palatalization). Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985b:134) suggests the possibility of an Iranian intermediary while Anreiter (ibid.) suggests that the Indic and Tocharian words are both borrowed from some third (and unknown) language. See also Kercapiśke and Kercaṃpey.


Kercapiśke (n.) ‘Kercapiśke’ (PN in grafitto)
[Kercapiśke, -, -//] (G-Su-35). ∎Literally a diminutive of kercapo, q.v.


Kercaṃpey (n.) ‘Kercampey’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kercampey, -, -//] (491a5). ∎Presumably related in some fashion to kercapo ‘donkey,’ q.v.


kerciṣe See keryiṣe.


kerccī (n.[pl. tantum masc.]) ‘palace’
[//kerccī, -, kerccīyeṃ] tane plaktu[kä]ñña brāhmaṇeṃ lyelyakormeṃ kercīyenn[e] yopsa śle yärke lāntaś weṣṣäṃ ‘now the gate-keeper, having seen the brahmans, entered into the palace and speaks respectfully to the king’ (81b3/4). -- kercciyeṃṣṣe ‘prtng to the palace’: kercciyeṃṣṣe yaknesa yaitoṣ rānkne ‘on a stage gotten up like a palace’ (520b4). ∎Etymology uncertain. It is possible (with VW:215) that we have a putative PIE *ghortiyo- related to Greek khórtos (m.) ‘enclosed place, feeding place,’ Latin hortus (m.) ‘garden,’ Old Irish gort ‘standing crop,’ Latin cohors ‘enclosure, yard,’ possibly English garden (cf. P:442-443; MA:199). However, there seems to be no reason on phonological grounds to reject a putative PIE *ghordhiyo- (as suggested by both Meillet, in Hoernle [1916:379] and Lidén [1916:21-2]) and thus a relationship with OCS gradъ (m.) ‘city,’ Sanskrit gṛhá- (m.) ‘house, habitation, home,’ Gothic gards (m.) ‘house,’ Old Norse garδr (m.) ‘fence, hedge, court,’ Old English geard (m.) ‘enclosure, yard,’ Lithuanian gar̃das (m.) ‘fold, pen,’ Phrygian -gordum ‘city,’ and Górdion ‘Gordium’ (P:444; MA:199). Except that Tocharian kerccī is plural it would match Phrygian Górdium exactly. In any case PIE *ghort- and *ghordh- are likely to be phonologically conditioned variants of what was originally a single paradigm with a nominative singular *ghórts (with automatic devoicing) and a non-nominative stem *ghordh-. In a variation of this proposal, Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985b:150) suggests that we have here a borrowing from a Middle Iranian *gardiya-).


Kertik (n.) ‘Pleiades’
Kertik näkṣātärne (M-1b4). ∎From BHS kṛttikā- (Filliozat, not in M-W or Edgerton).


kertte (n.[f.pl.]) ‘sword’
[kertte, -, kertte//-, -, kertteṃ] onolmi kameṃ yeweṃ kertte en[k]oṣ ‘beings came having taken up knives and sword’ (347a5), wes rano ñake kerteṃ yamamtär ścirona ṣñārä ‘each of us will now make sharp swords for ourselves’ (404b8). ∎Etymology uncertain. Perhaps inherited and a derivative of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (see the large list of cognates assembled by P:938ff.; MA:336). Particularly we should point out, both for the lack of s-mobile and the addition of a dental suffix, Sanskrit kartana- ‘cutting,’ kṛtí- ‘a sort of knife or dagger,’ Avestan karəta- ‘knife,’ Modern Persian kārd ‘id.,’ Ossetic kard ‘id.’ One should also mention Gothic hairus ‘sword,’ Old Norse hjǫrr, ‘id.,’ Old English heoru ‘id.,’ and TchA kāre ‘id.’ Alternatively the TchB word may be borrowed from some Iranian source (so VW:215, K. T. Schmidt, 1983:763, H:134-135).


Kerdipole (n.) ‘Kerdipole’ (PN in grafitto)
[Kerdipole, -, -//] (G-Su-35).


ker(y)- (vi.) G ‘laugh’; K ‘make laugh’
G Ps. II /kery'ä/e-/ [A // -, -, ker(i)yeṃ; MPPart. keriyemane]; PP /kekeru-/ /// [ke]ry[eṃ] kāñmeṃ spänteṃnträ onwaññe śaul ‘they laugh, they play, they trust [that] life [is] eternal’ (2b2). ∎TchA kar(y)- and B ker(y)- reflect PTch *ker(y)- (as if) from PIE *hor(ye/o)- [: Sanskrit háryati ‘find pleasure in, desire,’ Greek khaírō ‘rejoice,’ Umbrian heriest ‘volet,’ Latin horior ‘exhort, incite,’ OHG gerōn ‘want, desire, long for,’ Old English giernan ‘yearn,’ etc. (P:440-441; MA:158)] (VW:188). See also possibly kartse and keru.


keryiṣe (adj.) ‘?’
[m: keryiṣe, -, -//] wlaśkeṃ pūwarsa päkṣalle āśce sonopälya keryiṣe pāre ra matsi mäsketär ‘[it is] to be cooked over a slow fire and the head [is] to be smeared; the hair becomes like a keryiṣe pāre’ (W-33b3/4). ‣The reading is uncertain. Filliozat reads keryipe; Sieg has kerciṣe.


kele (n.[m.sg.]) ‘navel; center’
[kele, -, kele//] korne kelen=ārañcäś paine täṅtsi ‘in the throat, in the navel, to the heart, unto the feet’ (41b3/4), kätkre wartse kele ‘a deep, broad navel’ (73b2), rīntse kelesa ‘by the center of the city’ (244b4). ∎From PIE *kwolo-, a derivative of *kwel- ‘turn, revolve’ [: OCS kolo (gen. kolese) ‘wagon’ (< *kwoles-), Old Irish cul ‘wagon’ (< *kwolō dual), Greek -pólos in aipólos ‘goatherd,’ or amphípolos ‘servant’ (see other formally more distant cognates P:639-640; MA:6-6-607)] (Couvreur, 1950:130, also Normier, 1980:253, and K. T. Schmidt, 1980:403). The original meaning was possibly ‘nave (of a wheel)’ (i.e. ‘that which turns’) and subsequently metaphorically transferred to the human navel. Not with VW (626) a borrowing from some northeast Asiatic language. See also kokale and probably käl-1 and käl-2.


keleyak (n.) ‘Berberis asiatica Roxb. ex DC’ (a medical ingredient)
[keleyak, -, //] (W-8b3). ∎From BHS kālīyakā-.


kewiye (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘prtng to a cow or to cows’; (b) ‘butter’
[m: kewiye, -, kewiye//] yṣiñe cokiś ṣalywe masa ṣank ywārtsa kewye ‘a pound of oil for the night lamp comes and a half [pound] of butter’ (451a2), tot kewiye tot kuñcitäṣṣe aṣiye malkwersa ‘as much with cow's milk as with goat's milk’ (W-41b1). ∎A derivative of keu, q.v.


kewe(-) ‘?’
/// [y]ś[e]lme śīl kete prākre manta kewe/// (145b1).


keś (n.) ‘number’
[keś, -, keś//] po cmelṣana astäṃtsa winaskau-c ṣpä snai yarm keś ‘I honor thee with the heads of all births, without measure or number’ (241b3), caturḍasaṣṣeṃ kuśāneṃ utpatä po ṣe keśne (490-aI-5), tuntse keś nauṣameṃ ste ‘de cela la somme est avant’ (DAM-507a8 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). -- keś āk- (vt.) ‘pay attention to’: lo lmau tākoy mā keś wāyoy pāyalyñe ‘he must sit afar and not pay attention to the singing’ (PK-15D-b2 [Couvreur, 1954c:88]);
keś tā- (vt.) ‘judge, consider, weigh’: keś tä[ttārmeṃ] = BHS niśāmya (12b8), mant ṣañ śāmna keś ptes twe ‘thus judge thy own people!’ (46a7), empreṃ keś tä[ttārmeṃ] ‘having pondered truth’ (288b3);
keś yām- (vt.) ‘count’: ṣkas piś ñu wat no ṣaṃṣtär mā po solme ... kos satāṣṣäṃ| menki tumeṃ satāṣlñe keś yāmastär [sic] ‘six, five, or nine, not all complete; as many times as he exhales he counts less [as] exhalation’ (41b1);
keś we- ‘recite in order’: Dharmatrāteṃtse winai ṣak [= ṣpak ?] keś weṣiyeṃ no ‘and they recite, then, the vinaya of Dh.’ (G-Su12);
snai-keś ‘countless’: snai ke[ś] y[äl]tsenma tmanenma Aranemiṃmpa lateṃ ostmeṃ wnolmi ‘countless thousands and tens of thousands of beings became monks with A.’ (3b2/3), snai keś = BHS aneka (30a3). ∎TchA kaś and B keś reflect PTch *keśä but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. Perhaps with Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:158) we have a putative PIE *kwoḱi- from *kweḱ- ‘appear, see, show’ [: Sanskrit kāśate ‘appears, shines,’ caṣṭe ‘appears,’ Avestan čašte/čašaite ‘teach,’ OCS kazati (with voiced root-final consonant) ‘show’ (P:638)]. Semantic parallels are assembled by Buck (1949:917-918). Less plausible phonologically is VW's suggestion (1971c:158-9, 1976:190) of *ḱons-ti- from *ḱens- ‘speak solemnly’ [: Sanskrit śáṃsati ‘recites, praises,’ Avestan sah- ‘pronounce,’ Latin cēnseō ‘estimate, form an opinion,’ etc. (P:566; MA:536)]. From such a form as VW proposes one would expect **keśc (cf. āśce ‘head’). Somewhat similarly Hilmarsson (H:137) takes it to reflect a PIE *ḱos-ti- and compares Greek -kás and Sanskrit -śás ‘in a continuous sequence with, following upon’ but the meaning seems distant and the Gk -a- is unexplained.


keśik* a meter of 4 X 17 syllables (rhythm: 6/6/5)
[-, -, keśik//] (400a3).


keścye (adj.) ‘hungry’
[keścye, -, -//keści, keścyeṃts, -] keṣcye [sic] r[ur]u wär ñäṣträ ‘the hungry deer seeks water’ (139b4), keścyeṃts śwāts[i] ‘food for the hungry’ (239a3). ∎A derivative of kest, q.v.


keṣe* (n.) ‘fathom’
[-, -, keṣe//-, -, keṣeṃ] /// piś-känte keṣeṃ wartstse ‘... 500 fathoms wide’ (111b7), [tām]p[a] keṣe keṃ enenkāmeṃ stāmaṃ ‘[if] he stands within a fathom of ground from [= of] her, pāyti’ (328b3). -- keṣe-yärm ‘the measure of a fathom’: keṣe-yärm lkāṣṣi ‘he saw a fathom's distance’ (517b1). ∎TchA kaṣ and B keṣe reflect PTch *keṣe but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. At various times VW has suggested that we have an inherited word related to Sanskrit ghasta- ‘hand’ or a borrowing from a Uralic source such as seen in Finnish käsi- ~ käte- ‘hand’ (see VW:625). Hilmarsson (H:137-138) suggests a PIE *ḱos-yo- and a relationship with keś, q.v.


kes- See käs-.


kesār* (n.) ‘filament (of the lotus), stamen’
[/-, -, kesarne/] ñ[ä]kcy[e] padūmne ywārcka kesārne ‘on the divine lotus, between the (two) stamens’ (73b1=75a2). ∎From BHS kesara-.


kest (n.[m.sg.]) ‘hunger’
[kest, kestantse, kest//] kessa wn[o]lm[i sru]kenträ ‘out of hunger beings die’ (3a1/2), ot ceu kestsa mätstsentär ‘then because of this hunger they starve’ (590a7), kestantse = BHS kṣudh- (Y-3b3). -- kestaṣṣe ‘prtng to hunger’: kālp kestaṣṣe ‘the period of hunger’ (590a7);
kestatstse ‘having hunger’: ot no k[e]statse prekeṣai ‘thus it was the time of hunger’ (H-149.X.5a2/3 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]);
kest-yokaiṣṣe ‘prtng to hunger and thirst’ (284a2). ∎TchA kaṣt and B kest reflect PTch *kest from PIE *Kost also seen in Hittite kast ‘hunger,’ kistanziya- ‘starve’ (< *kestént-ye/o-) and kist(u)want- ‘hungry’ (< *kestwént-) (H:136-137; MA:284). The voicing and aspiration of the initial consonant cannot be determined on the basis of the Hittite and Tocharian evidence. If Hieroglyphic Luvian astar is ‘from/by hunger,’ then the we would have evidence for a voiced initial (Melchert, 1987:185-186). We might also include Sanskrit jásuri- ‘hungry (of a wolf)’ and possibly Sanskrit kṣudh- (f.) ‘hunger’, Av šuδ (m.) ‘hunger’ if from *ǵs-udh-. See Friedrich (1925:122, also VW:189). It is possible that all these are further related to Hittite kist- ‘be extinguished’ (more s.v. käs-). See aslo keścye and possibly käs-.


kaice* (n.) ‘± trough, tub; body of a lute’
[-, -, kaice//] kaice = BHS droṇiṃ (529b1). ∎Etymology uncertain. Perhaps to be connected with OCS cevьnica ‘lyre, pipe,’ Polish cewa ‘tube, pipe,’ Lithuanian šeivà ~ šaivà, Latvian saiva ‘spool.’ The Baltic represents a satem-dvelopment of *-, the Slavic a centum-development, from *ḱoiw-i-/ *ḱoiw-eha-, a derivative of *sḱei- ‘cut, split’ (P:919-922; MA:96). Tocharian kaice might be from *koi-Ten-, *koiwe-Ten- or perhaps even *koiwi-Ten-.


kaiyye (relative pronoun?) ‘whose’ (??) or ‘permission, opportunity’ (??)
[m: -, -, kaiyye//] /// [pre]kṣītär kaiyye wek ṣäp tärkänoy ‘[if] he were asked, whose voice would he release?’ [?] or ‘he would ask permission for himself; he would emit a voice’ (129b6). ∎If the meaning given first has been correctly identified, we have here the expected TchB equivalent of A ke ‘whose.’ More s.v. ket(e). However, Pinault, 1991:190-191, suggests a connection instead with TchA ke which occurs in the compound sne-ke ‘without fortune,’ ‘without favor’ which he takes to be from PIE *kwei(hx)- ‘pay attention to.’ Similarly Hilmarsson [H:59-60] suggests a meaning ‘permission, opportunity,’ again with a connection to TchA (sne)-ke, translating the latter as ‘without permission,’ ‘without opportunity’ and a connection with ON heiti ‘promise, word’ from PIE *koidyo-. All is speculative.


ko ‘?’
/// ñäkte ko ytāri yaṃ/// (381b1), /// [caka]nma śwāra tom ko - (465a1).


kok* (nf.) ‘?’
[-, -, kok//] tommeṃ no pokkāka ṣotarnma tā kokne se saṃnipātik kärsanalle ‘announce therefrom the signs on the kok; this [is] known [as] the saṃni-pātika’ (P-2a1). The context suggests that this may be the designation of a body part or perhaps a more general "countenance" or "appearance." If the latter, one thinks of a possible connection with Old Irish cucht or Old Norse háttr (more s.v. kektseñe).


kokale (nm.) ‘cart, wagon, chariot’
[kokale, kokalentse ~ koklentse, kokale//kokalyi, -, kokaleṃ (~ kokleṃ)] ṣem kautāte koklentse waiptār pwenta käskānte ‘the wagon's axle broke and the spokes were hurled apart’ (5a2), kokalyi = BHS rathāḥ (5a8). -- kokaleṣṣe ‘prtng to a wagon’ (5a7);
kokaletstse ‘provided with a wagon; wagon-traveler’: kokaletstse īyoy sū Prasenacī walo ot ‘then this king P. went traveling provided with a wagon’ [kokaletstse = BHS śākaṭika-] (5a2). ∎TchA kukäl and B kokale reflect PTch *kuk(ä)le from PIE *kwukwlo- from *kwekwlo-. This *kwukwlo- apparently matches Greek kúklos ‘circle, wheel.’ (The semantic development ‘wheel’ > ‘wagon, chariot’ is paralleled by OCS kolo ‘wheel; wagon’ from *kwolo-.) The Tocharian and Greek forms are closely related to, but phonologically distinct from, the *kwekwló- that lies behind Sanskrit cakrá- ‘circle, wheel,’ Old English hwēol ‘wheel,’ Lithuanian kãklas ‘neck’ (< *‘turner’), etc. Both *kwekwlo- and *kwekwló- are reduplicated derivatives of *kwel- ‘revolve’ (P:639-640; MA:640). See Feist, 1913:221, VW:239-40, and Hilmarsson, 1986a:60-61. See also kokalpänta, kokalyiśke*, kele, klutk-, and possibly käl-1 and käl-2.


kokalpänta (n.) ‘± wagon-master’
[kokalpänta, kokalpäntantse, kokalpäntai//] /// kokalpänta weṣṣäṃ (609a4). ∎A compound of kokale, q.v. (in its combining form kokälä-) and -päntā- ‘± he of the way’ from a putative PIE *pṇth2-eha- (cf. *póntōh2s ‘way, path’). More on -pänta s.v. amakṣpänta.


kokalyiśke* ‘small wagon, cart’
[//-, -, kokalyiśkaṃ] kokalyiśkaṃ yäkwaṣkaṃ ‘little waggons and little horses’ (352a2). ∎Diminutive of kokale, q.v.


kokīl (n.) ‘Indian cuckoo’
[kokīl, -, -//] (575b2). ∎From BHS kokila-.


koṭ ~ kor* (n.) ‘ten million’
[//koṭanma ~ koranma, -, koṭanma ~ koranma] maiwa [keṃ ta]r[y]äl[ts]e po śaiṣṣenne kodyänmā sumerntā naittāre ‘the earth shook and three billion Sumerus in all worlds crashed’ (274b6). ∎From BHS koṭī- (cf. Winter, 1991:129).


koṭiśvare* (nm.) ‘millionaire’
[//-, -, koṭiśvareṃ] (567a4). ∎From BHS koṭīśvara-.


kot (adverbial relative pronoun) ‘as many, much as’ [= kos]
[list of medical ingredients]: kos toṃ po kot sātkenta wasto tot (W-9b1). ∎A byform of kos, found only in the Weber MS, rebuilt on the model of tot, qq.v.


Kotile (n.) ‘Kotila’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kotile, -, -//] (491b-I-1).


kotuka ‘?’
/// p[i]ś kotuka entwemeṃ mñcuṣke ne/// (111b4).


koto* (nf.) ‘± crevice, hole in the ground, pit’ [weṃṣyetstsa koto = ‘± sewer, latrine’]
[-, -, kotai//] kuse yikne-ritañ sosoyoṣ weṃṣyetsai ramt kotaisa yarkesa wikṣeñcañ ‘whoever [are] seekers of [the right] way and are satiated and keep themselves away from a sewer and from flattery’ (31a2/3), ///nma ṣpä kotaiñ mäskenträ [kotaiñ = BHS śvabhra-] (K-8b4). ∎Probably derivative of kaut- ‘split off, strike, crush’ (so VW, 1941:44, 1976:232). The vowel of the first syllable results from an earlier (PTch) *-āu- rounded by the nom. sg. ending -o (one might compare ṣñor ‘sinew’ from earlier *ṣñewur [< *snēwṛ or possibly oko ‘fruit’ [if < *haeugōn]). Hilmarsson (H:170) suggests starting from a zero-grade *khaud(h)-ōn. There is no reason to assume a borrowing from an unattested TchA **kot as does VW. Less likely to my mind, because it would then be isolated in Tocharian, is Hilmarsson's suggestion (1986a:38; also H:170) that koto is from a PIE *ghudōn [: Old Saxon gota ‘canalis,’ Icelandic gjóta ‘fissure, hole in the ground,’ gota ‘opening between two breakers’]. See also kaut-.


kottär* (n.) ‘clan, family’
[-, kottarntse, -//kottarwa, -, -] (152a4). -- kottartstse* ‘having a family’: kottarcce pelaik[n]e ‘the law of succession’ (108b9), tu kottartsana = BHS tadanvayāni (530a5);
kotruññe ‘prtng to family’: /// [ṣa]ñ katruññe [lege: kotruññe] teri ṣpyārta /// (373a2). ∎From BHS gotra-.


kotrik (n.) ‘?’
[kotrik, -, -//] A medical ingredient (W-36a5).


kotruññe See kottär.


kodyänma See koṭ.


kontac(e)* (n.) a kind of foodstuff, ‘nut’ (?)
[-, -, kontac//] /// jñānakāmi kontac oko ysāre kälwāwa [lege: kälpāwa] (477a2). ∎In kontac oko ysāre we appear to have a list of foodstuffs. If the word means ‘nut,’ then we might think of a putative PIE *kund-uTen- where the *kund- is related by methathesis to Proto-Germanic *hnut- ‘nut’ [: Old English hnutu, OHG (h)nuz, Old Norse hnot] and a bit more distantly to Latin nux (< *knu-k-), and Old Irish cnú, gen. cnó (< *knūs, *knuwos). See P:558. But the meaning, and hence the etymology, is most speculative.


Konmaikankauśke (n.) ‘Konmaikankauśke’ (PN in graffito)
[Konmaikankauśke, -, -//] (G-Qa1.2). ‣See Pinault's discussion, 1986: 163-164.


kontso* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kontsai//] klyiye ṣamānentse asāṃ nātkaṃ āmapi kontsaisa wat ‘[if] a woman pushes a monk's seat with either an āmapi or a kontsai’ (325a1).


komt (adv.) ‘daily’
śaumo ks=allek [k]omt tsonkaik tsankoy ‘may another person arise daily at dawn’ (19b6). ∎A derivative of kauṃ, q.v.


komtak in the phrase cau kaumtak ‘today, this very day’
cau kaumtak Cina [ya]p wāltsa tarya taum ‘today C. ground thirty pounds of grain’ (459a4). ∎A derivative of kauṃ, q.v.


kompaino (nm.) ‘?’
[//kompaiñ, -, -] [winamā]ññi pyapyaicci wawakāṣ po kompaino ayato eśnaisäñ ‘the pleasurable, beflowered, blooming kompaiṃ [with "movable-o" and final -n for -], fitting for [thine] eyes’ (588a1). ‣The context suggests that kompo (the probable nominative singular) the name of some tree or plant.


koyñi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± open wound’
[koyñi, -, -//] s[n]ai-oläntse [reading uncertain] koyñi ra ṣkas yälloñ pīle nätkau ra takälñe (PK-NS-53-b5 [Pinault, 1988:101]). ∎The meaning is that suggested by Pinault who further suggests an etymological connection with koyn ‘mouth,’ q.v., a suggestion further explored by Hilmarsson (H:172-173).


koyn* (nnt.) ‘mouth’
[-, -, koyn//-, -, koynuwa] ko[yne] = BHS mukhe (16a5), śtwer śkänmaṣṣ= āstreṃ keme[ntsa yaitoṣ] kointsa ‘with [thy] mouth decorated with four decades of pure teeth’ (248b2/3), srukalyñeṣṣe koyn kakāyau tekiṣṣeṃ kemeṃtsa po treṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣe ‘gaping open [his] mouth with teeth of death, he eats the whole world’ (282b4), waiyke reki mantanta läññi-ñ [k]oynm[eṃ] ‘may never a lying word emerge from my mouth!’ (S-3a6/b1). ∎Etymology uncertain. TchA koy- (cf. the loc. sg. koyaṃ ‘in the mouth’) and B koyn are obviously cognate in some way but the exact mechanism is not altogether clear. Excepting the final -n of TchB, I take the PTch antecedent of A koy- and B koyn to be *koy which has developed normally in A. (The TchA nominative ko which is usually adduced is, as Hilmarsson shows [H:171] probably non-existent. It occurs but once at A 63a4: orpanksaṃ wotār ārkyant wätsyās śāwaṃ cankär swāñceṃ ko/// which should probably be translated as ‘they placed great white parasols on the tribunes and hindered the rays of the sun,’ where ko/// stands for ko[nis] ‘of the sun.’) In B the original *koy was further derived by (in PIE terms) *-nu- (pl. *-nweha). The PTch *koy may represent a putative PIE *hoh1y-u- (nt.) ‘a gaping,’ a derivative of *heh1(i)- ‘yawn, gape’ (see kāy-). PIE *hoh1y-u- is formally comparable with Greek põü (nt.) ‘herd’ from *poha(i)- (a derivative of *peha-) ‘feed, nurture’ [: the animate in Sanskrit pāyú- (m.) and Avestan pāyu- (m.) ‘protector’]. Under this analysis the relatively common koyn kakāyau would be a figura etymologica (the root connection goes back to Duchesne- Guillemin, 1941:154, VW:227). Differing details in H:171-172, where he rejects an earlier explanation (1986a:14-15) which would make koyn a doublet of kor ‘throat,’ q.v. by starting from a PIE *hāwr/n-. VW (227) takes the Tocharian word to be ultimately from *ǵhawos (or *ǵhhawos > Greek kháos) + -i-, some sort of derivative of i- ‘go.’ For VW the B word would be borrowed from TchA, with the addition of -in- another derivative of i- ‘go.’ VW's hypothesis might be revised to start from a *ǵhuhayom, metathesized from *ǵhhauyom (MA:96). Not with Ivanov (1985:411) should we take it to be a loanword from Tibetan kha ‘mouth’ since such an origin does not explain the Tocharian form. See also kāy- and perhaps koyñi.


koylle* (adj.) ‘± diligent, attentive’ (?)
[f: koylya, -, -//] koylya māñya yulyaiñña waimen=āñu källātsi ‘a diligent maid [is] rare [and as] difficult to find [as] peace’ (127b5). ∎Formally it would appear that we have a gerund to an otherwise unattested verb *koy- which, if the meaning assigned is more or less correct, might reflect PIE *(s)keu(hx)- ‘pay attention, take care’ [: Greek koéō ‘mark, perceive, hear,’ Latin caveō ‘be on one's guard,’ Sanskrit ā-kúvate ‘pay attention to,’ Old English hāwian ‘show,’ OCS čujǫ ‘feel, mark’ (< *keuhxye/o-), and other more distant cognates (P:587-8)]. Tocharian *koy- might reflect a PIE *kuhx-ye/o-.


Koysaṃ (n.) ‘Koysaṃ’ (PN in monastic records)
[Koysaṃ -, -//] (466a1).


kor* (n.) ‘throat [both internal and external]’
[-, -, kor//] yaṃ su yente | korne kelen=āräñcäś paine täṅtsi ‘the wind goes into the throat, into the navel, to the heart, even to the feet’ (41b3), [tau]r āṣtsa ktā[n]te po korsa ‘they threw dust on [their] head[s] and all over [their] throat[s]’ (PK-NS-36A-a5 [Couvreur, 1964:247]), korne = BHS kaṇṭha- (Y-2a4). ∎Etymology uncertain. I think it is most likely to reflect a PIE *ḱuhx ‘hole, opening’ [: Greek kúar (nt.) ‘eye of the needle; opening of the ear,’ Avestan sūra- ‘hole, gap,’ Armenian sor ‘hole’ (< *ḱouhxero-?), Sanskrit śūna- ‘lack,’ śūnyá- ‘empty, hollow’ (Frisk, 1970:38; MA:96)]. The development of PIE *-- to TchB -o- would appear to be regular (cf. no ‘however’ from *nū). Also possible would be a development from a PIE *gwor(h3)u (nt.), a derivative of *gwer(h3)-‘swallow, devour’ [: Sanskrit giráti] ‘swallows, devour,’ Avestan jaraiti ‘swallows, gulps,’ Greek bibrōskō ‘consume, eat up,’ Latin vorō ‘swallow, devour,’ Lithuanian geriù ‘drink,’ etc., particularly (for the meaning) Avestan garəδan- ‘throat, neck,’ Modern Persian gulū ‘throat,’ Sanskrit galá- (m.) ‘throat,’ Armenian kokord ‘id.,’ Russian Church Slavonic grъlo ‘id.’ (P:474-476)] (Krause, 1951:203, VW:230). However, the exact form needed to produce B kor is not found elsewhere in this etymon. Also not paralleled elsewhere is the *hehawṛ assumed by Winter and Hilmarsson (see Hilmarsson's discussion, 1986a:12-14, and H:167).


koro* (n.) ‘herd-animal; moveable chattel’ (??)
[//koraiṃ (< koraiñ), -, koraiṃ] ///ne ṣameṃ tu postäṃ ka koraiṃ/// ‘they sit on ..., but after that ... the koraiṃ’ (577b2), kuce ñake [] muśnaśinta [] śāmna korai parra yaneṃ [] śtwer ceynaṃts ok[s]aiṃ wi /// [pt]ār[k]a ‘[my command] that now the muśnaśinta, men and korai, go through, let four of them and two oxen ...’ (LP-16a3/5). ∎The formulaic structure of the caravan-passes makes it clear that korai, like śāmna must be nominatives, presumably jointly in opposition to muśnaśinta. Since a nominative singular korai would be otherwise unparalleled, I take it to be a miswriting of koraiṃ, a variant of the expected nominative plural koraiñ. Together śāmna ‘men’ and koraiṃ must compose the company of muśnaśinta. Like śāmna, the koraiṃ must be animate and mobile because they both ‘walk through’ (parra yaneṃ). On the assumption that this is a deverbative noun from kār- ‘gather’ (the only possible Tocharian verb it could be from), one might hazard a meaning such as ‘herd-animal,’ or ‘moveable chattels.’


korośāna (n.) ‘bright yellow orpiment prepared from the bile of cattle’ (a medical ingredient)
[korośāna, -, -//] (W-15a4). ∎From BHS gorocanā-.


korśo See cāro-korśai.


korṣe* ‘?’
korṣ=enku (PK-15-Ea5), mā teki korṣai (PK-NS-229a3) (H:168).


Kolite (n.) ‘Kolita’ (PN)
[Kolite, -, -//] (110b6).


kolmo* (n.) ‘boat’
[-, -, kolmai//-, -, kolmaiṃ] nauntaiṃ kolmaiṃ uppā[ln]t[a] /// (234a3), /// karpa mäkte kolmaine cänke wä/// ‘he himself descended into the boat ...’ [?] (389b8). ∎TchA koläm and B kolmo relect PTch *kelmā(i)- with the vowel of the first syllable rounded by the the -o of the nominative singular (whence it spread throughout the paradigm). One should compare the identical development in koto, q.v. This *kelmā- is closely related to OHG scalm (m.) ‘boat’ (< *skolmo-), both being derivatives of the richly attested *(s)kel- ‘cut’ (see the words collected by P:923ff; MA:74). The exact semantic agreement of OHG and Tocharian is striking. See VW, 1961b:383, n. 2, 1976:228-229 (though there is no reason to assume with him that A koläm is borrowed from B). Blažek (1991b) suggests a *kolh3mōn and compares Slavic čьlnъ ‘boat’ from *kḷh3no- < *kḷ3mno-, all from *kelh3- ‘protrude, lift.’ The PIE root is rather *kelh1- (see käly- ‘stand’) but that would not invalidate the possible comparison.


kolyi (nf.) ‘± hoof, paw’ (?)
[kolyi, -, -//] Kertik näkṣātärne yäkweñña kolyi lykaśke wawaltsausa kercapaññe yasarsa ṣpärkaṣle ‘in kṛttikā a horse's hoof finely ground [is] to be dissolved in ass's blood’ (M-1b4/5), ṣat kolyi ‘a sliver of hoof’ (M-3b1). ‣Traditionally translated as ‘tail’ on the basis of the TchA equivalent kolye which appears as a hapax legomenon at A12b4, part of a short poetic passage where the author is describing a recumbent simulacrum of a lion: kliso pāccās poṣṣā to lap śālyiṃ kolyeyac ‘lying on its right side, its head on the left toward (or on) the kolye.’ It seems grammatically most natural to take śālyiṃ to be adjectival, modifying kolyeyac but if so kolye cannot mean ‘tail’ which, in any case, seems difficult anatomically. It would be better to see the lion's head as curled up on one of its paws. The two instances in B are also better translated similarly, as ‘hoof’ or the like, since ‘tail’ is neither pre-eminently grindable nor sliverable. Whether both A and B words meant ‘± clawed paw, hoof’ or the TchA word meant only ‘clawed paw’ while B meant ‘hoof’ is not to be decided. ∎Etymologically, it is possible that we have a putative PIE *golu-h1en-, a derivative of *golu-. If so, it would be cognate with Germanic *klawō-/ klēwō- (f.) [: Old English clawu ‘claw, hoof’; or OHG klāwo ‘claw’]. One might wonder if Proto-Germanic *klawō- might not be from *kalwō- by metathesis. To do so would disassociate the Tocharian and Germanic words from PIE *gleu- ‘be curved’ (cf. P:361-363) but given the heterogeneous collection, both morphological and semantic, subsumed under that lemma, such a disassociation would not be too costly. (See Adams, 1987a:1-3 for semantic identification and etymology.) Hilmarsson suggests (H:164-166) that there is a relationship of the Tocharian words with OCS golěnь ‘leg.’ The Slavic might reflect *gol-oi-n- while the Tocharian might reflect *gol-y-en- or the like. This is an attractive hypothesis but seems semantically more difficult than the equation of the Tocharian words with the Germanic ones for ‘claw.’


kośa ‘?’
kośa lykäśke pälsko waikesse 1 ṣe /// (117a6).


kośagat ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘with the private parts concealed’
yonmasta ceṃ śpālmeṃ lakṣāṃ goś[a]g[a]t [lege: kośagat] (74a2). ∎From BHS kośagata-. Antonym of apākśai, q.v.


koṣkīye (nf.) ‘± hut’
[koṣkīye ~ koṣko, -, koṣkai//] pwārṣṣai koṣkain[e yaptsi] ‘to enter into a fiery hut’ (100a4), rājavṛkṣa-stamatse arwāmeṃ koṣkīye yamaṣlya ‘from the wood of an R-tree a hut [is] to be made’ (M-3a6). ∎A loanword from Iranian. One should compare Pahlevi kwšk ‘part of a building,’ Modern Persian kušk or kōšk and the Georgian k’ošk’i ‘tower,’ also a loanword from Iranian (VW:627).


Koṣṭhile (n.) ‘Koṣṭhila’ (PN)
[Koṣṭhile, -, -//] (26b8).


kos (correlative pronoun) ‘as long as, as much as, etc.’; (interrogative pronoun) ‘how much, how long, etc.’
[mäkte] kos tsaikaṃ lwaksātsaik aścemaṣṣeṃ [lege: lwaksātsaika= ścemaṣṣeṃ] bhājanta kautalñ=āke po toṃ ‘as the earthen vessels, as many as the potter makes, all of them [have their] end in destruction’ (3a2), kos saikaṃ ṣikont=e[r]k[e]nmaś | tot srūkalñe /// ‘as many steps one takes to the graveyard, [in] so much [one approaches] death’ (3b6), kos = BHS yāvat (22a3), kos cwi maiyy=aiśamñeṣṣa kos īndrinta tot lkāṣṣäṃ ‘as far as the power of his wisdom [reaches], as far as [his] senses, so far he sees’ (41b5), kos no cwi palskone tsmāntär krentauna | tot ṣpä po /// ‘as long as virtues increase in his spirit, so long ...’ (64a8), kos laukaññe ce wartton[e] /// ‘as far as [he is] in the forest’ (363a6), kos = BHS kiyāt (H-149.242a4 [Couvreur, 1966:169]). -- kossa ‘id.’: mā tot ... kossa ... mā ‘solange nicht, bis nicht’ [kossa = BHS yāvatā] (107b10), kossa wärñai māka weṣṣäṃ = BHS yāvatā bahu bhāṣate (305b4);
kosau(k) ‘id.’ (only in negative clauses?): kosauk srukalyñeṣṣ=īme ma taśi-ne tot ma mrauskāte ‘as long as the thought of death did not touch him, so long did he not grow weary of the world’ (K-11b2), kosau = BHS yāvan [BHS clause is negative] (U-17a2). ∎AB kos reflect PTch *kos which must reflect some form of the ubiquitous relative/ interrogative pronoun *kwo- but the exact preform is less clear than it might be. It may be *kwot + (adverbial) -s, similar in form to the Italic *kwuts that appears in Oscan puz ‘ut’ or, with the initial gone by misdivision, in Latin us-piam ‘anywhere,’ us-quam ‘anywhere, in any way, in any direction.’ (The suggestion of a PIE adverbial *-s in this word goes back, in embryo, to Duchesne-Guillemin [1941:170]). I assume that the final *-ts is simplified to *-s and then the *-s remains in a monosyllable (cf. Tocharian B wes ‘we,’ yes ‘you,’ and ṣkas ‘six’). If so, kos owes its vowel to tot, q.v.,--since *kwots should have given B **kes and A **kas. That this kind of influence is possible from demonstrative to correlative pronoun is seen in the rare Tocharian B variant of kos, namely kot where the final -t is obviously modeled on that of tot. We might also note Tocharian A kospreṃne, a variant of kosne, which owes its second syllable to its correlative demonstrative täpreṃne. Another possibility might be PIE *kwehawot-s similar in formation to the Greek hēos from *yehawots and Sanskrit yāvat, though the thorough-going nt-stem in Sanskrit versus the lack of an *-n- in Greek is not well-explained. (As more distant comparanda we might look at Greek tẽmos ‘then, thereupon’ or OCS tamo ‘there’ with *-mo- rather than *-wo-.) A PIE *kwehawots would have regularly given early PTch *kowots which, in turn, would give B kos (MA:457). (In TchA we might have expected **kawas. Again the vowel would be from tot). Similarly a *tehawot-u would have resulted in tot in both languages.
This connection is wrongly rejected by Van Windekens (1976:230-231) who takes kos to reflect a PIE *kwo-sou (where the latter portion is the same as Tocharian B sū) and its correlative demonstrative tot to be from *to-tou (where the second portion is the equivalent of Tocharian B tū). He also takes the Tocharian B forms as borrowings from Tocharian A--an impossible solution to my mind as, inter alia, there is no tot attested in Tocharian A. Hilmarsson (1986a:43, 1987a:41, H:168-169) rightly objects to the nominative *so + u appearing in this adverbial formation. His suggestion is *kwo-swō(s) with the same *swō(s) seen in the postpositive Homeric hōs (e.g. ísan órnithes hōs Γ 2). His solution is phonologically possible but does not explain kos's relationship with tot. He takes tot to be from what I think to be an impossible *to-dō. In any case his solution does not take into account the otherwise striking formal parallels that exist between relative pronouns and their correlative demonstratives in Tocharian (see further discussion at kuse). See also kot, ket(e), and kuse.


kosi* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cough’
[-, kosintse, kosi//] [r]aiwepi memīl[oṣe]pi ysārccepi kosintse ‘for a slow, damaging, bloody cough’ (497a4), in a list of maladies: kosi [] yäktāñmä [] - leñene (497a6). ∎(As if) from PIE *kwehas-u-en- (for the n-stem extension, see Adams, 1988d) and derived from PIE *kwehas- ‘cough’ [: Sanskrit kās- (f.) and kāsá- (m.) ‘cough,’ kāsate ‘he coughs,’ Albanian kollë ‘cough’ (< *kwehasleha-), Middle Irish cassacht, Welsh pas, Breton pas, Cornish paz, all ‘cough’ and all from *kwhas-t-, OHG huosto, Old English hwōsta, Old Norse hōsti, all ‘cough’ and all from *kwehas-t-on-, Lithuanian kósiu (Old Lithuanian kosmi) ‘cough,’ Latvian kāsẽju ‘id.,’ Lithuanian kosulýs, Latvian kãsulis and Russian Church Slavonic kašelь (< *kašьlь), all (noun) ‘cough’ (P:649; MA:133)]. The Balto-Slavic cognates provide the closest formal match to Tocharian, namely *kwehas-u-.


kotstse* (n.) a species of bird [‘owl’?]
[//-, kotstseṃts, -] keṃtsa t[ane ñiś lyakau] kotstseṃts [or: kautstseṃts] parwa tat[w]ānkau mā-ket-rāññe ‘then I lie on the ground wearing [?] the feathers of a kotstse belonging to no one’ (89a4). ∎Etymology unknown.


kau- (vt.) G ‘kill, strike down, destroy’; K ‘let someone kill’
G Ps. VIII /kaus'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kauṣäṃ// -, -, kauseṃ; MP -, -, kauṣtär// -, kauṣtär, -; APart. kauṣeñca; MPPart. kausemane; Ger. kauṣalle]; Ko. I /kow- ~ kāw-/ [A -, -, kowäṃ//; Inf. kautsi]; Pt. III /kāw(sā)-/ [A kauwa, -, kowsa ~ kausa// kawam, -, -]; PP /kākāwu-/;
K Pt. III /śauwā-/ [A śauwa, -, -//] māka wnolmeṃ kauseṃ ‘they kill many creatures’ (3a1), kauṣäṃ = BHS nudati (12a6), srukās entwe āṃtpi piś-känte cmelane kauṣträ ālyauce ‘you both died; in five hundred births you will kill one another’ (42a3=43b5), meleṃṣṣe indri cpi mā kauṣträ ‘his sense of smell is not destroyed’ (K-11a1), srukalñe kauṣeñca = BHS mṛtyuhantā (31a6), [aknātsaññe]ṣṣe orkamñe kauṣeñc[antse] = BHS ajñānatimiraghnasya (H-149.47b2 [Couvreur, 1966: 162]), kauṣeñca = BHS -ghna- (Y-2b1), kausem[ane] = BHS bhidyamānaḥ (36b1), aiśamñesa kauṣallona kleśanma = BHS jñānavaddhyā kleśā (200a4); [yoko kau]tisś etsuwai āśäṃ wnolmeṃ [kautsiś = BHS vadhāya] (11a8), kowän lwāsa ṣlyamñana ynamñana ‘[if] he kills flying or running animals [i.e. birds or animals]’ (29b8); kawam ṣañ ṣar[sa] /// ‘we killed with our own hand[s]’ (16b4), walo Māga[tṣe] yolaiṃ wāṣmots ṣeṣartu kausa pātär krent ‘the king of Magadha, incited by evil friends, killed [his] good father’ (TEB-64-12); kakawu po kleśa[nma pe]rn[e]rñe[sa] wīnas[k]au-[c] ‘having killed all kleśas I honor thee with splendor’ (203a3); mā walke kca epiṅte tsä[r]k[a]lyeṃ ka arañciṃ ceṃts ñiś śauwwa (266b1/2), passāmai ṣañ larenäṃ aswāre-ka śauwa-me ‘I flayed my loved ones and let them be killed untenderly’ (H-ADD.149.88b7 [Krause, 1952:187]). ‣The o-grade of kowäṃ and kowsa is an inner-Tocharian development of a new strong grade in -o- beside a "weak grade" in --. See further discussion s.v. ār-. -- kakāwormeṃ: tremeṃ kakāwo[rmeṃ] = BHS krodhaṃhatvā (U-13b3);
kāwälñe ‘killing’: kāwälñemeṃ päklautk[a] ‘turn from killing!’ (358b3). ∎TchA ko- and B kau- reflect PTch *kau- from PIE *kehaw- ‘hew, strike’ [: OHG houwan, Old English hēawan ‘beat, hew,’ Lithuanian káuju ‘beat, strike; forge,’ OCS kovǫ ‘forge,’ and, more distantly Latin cūdō ‘beat, pound, thresh; forge, strike (of metals)’ (where -- rather than -au- is probably abstracted from compounds), TchB kaut- ‘split off, chop (down)’ (the last two enlarged by the present-forming suffix *-d(h)e/o-) (P:535; MA:549)] (Fraenkel, 1932:222, VW:227-8). The Tocharian present, (as if) from PIE *kehau-se/o-, is rather nicely matched by Avestan kušaiti ‘kills’ which is, itself, (as if) from PIE *khau-se/o-. (One might also compare TchA koṣt- ‘strike, kill by striking’ which reflects a putative PIE *kehau-s-dhe/o-.) See also kauṣenta and, more distantly, kaut-.


kauke (n.) ‘± call’
[kauke, -, -//] wasaṃnpātäṣ [sic; lege: -äś?] kauke ‘± call to ordination’ (KVāc-24b4 [K. T. Schmidt, 1986:94). ∎If the meaning is substantially correct, (as if) from PIE *ḱouko- and a derivative of kuk-1, q.v. (cf. H:117).


kauko* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kauko//-, -, kaukoṃ (?)] Suwarti kauko käryām kuśāneṃtsa 700 ‘we bought S.'s kauko for 700 kuśānes’ (490-aII-2), Ṣolarki kaukoṃ/// [lege: kaukoṃ or kaukoṃta?] (490a-II-7). ∎If the meaning is something like ‘container’ we might compare this word to Latvian kaûss ‘ladle, scoop; skull,’ Lithuanian káušas ‘scoop; skull,’ and Sanskrit kóśa- (m.) ‘vessel, tub.’


kauc (adv.) ‘high, up, above’
kauc ka kaum [sic] [ṣai] pärkawo ‘the sun had risen high’ (5b3/4), kauc ette kluttankentär toṃ pwenta cākr ente spārtaṃ: kus=ette tākaṃ kauc toṃ kluttankentär kaucmeṃ nnok etteś ‘the spokes revolve up and down if the wheel turns; whichever are up, they revolve from up and again [revolve] downward’ (30b6/7), kauc bhavāgr [e]tt=āpiś ‘above [is] the highest existence, below [is] hell’ (45b4), mā kauc māka lkāskemane /// ‘[he is not to enter] with uplifted eyes’ (321a2), nauntaine klāya ... tumeṃ sāu śem kauc ersate-ne ‘she fell in the street; then she came and raised her up’ (H-149.X.5a4/5 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]), kauc yku[wermeṃ] = BHS utplutya (H-ADD.149.96b7 [Thomas, 1969:308]). -- kaucū-wär ‘upstream’: se ṣamāne ... olyine ṣamäṃ kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat ... pāyti ‘[if] a monk is seated in a boat and guides the boat upstream or downstream, [it is] pāyti’ (PK-AS-18B-b5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]);
kaucaṣṣe* ‘on high’: ñakt[i] kaucaṣy eṃṣke śāmnampa sak yāmtsi ke[ṃts]a ko[r]pyenträ ‘the gods on high descended unto the earth to work good fortune with men’ (PK-AS16.3b4 [Pinault, 1989:157]). ∎TchA koc and B kauc reflect PTch *keuc but extra-Tocharian connections are not altogether certain. Clearly PTch *keuc is related in some fashion to such words as Gothic hauhs ‘high’ (< *kou-ko-), Sanskrit kakúd- ‘summit, point,’ Latin cacūmen (nt.) ‘point, summit,’ Sanskrit kakúbh- (f.) ‘id.’ (already Lane, 1938:26, VW:228; cf. P:588ff. for a wide variety, in shape and meaning, of cognates or pseudocognates; MA:62). I think it possible that late PIE had an adverb *kou ‘± up, high’ from which various Indo-European groups made derivatives. In PTch *kew was combined with -c (identical with what was to be the allative ending in TchA). This *-c might be comparable Greek -then or the like. Hilmarsson suggests (H:116-117) a PIE *kou-ti-m. See also enkaucar.


Kauṇḍinye (n.) ‘Kauṇḍinya’ (PN of a Buddha)
[Kauṇḍinye, Kauṇḍinyentse, Kauṇḍinyeṃ//] (386a3, 400a3. Qumtura 34-g5 [Pinault, 1993-94:175]).


kaut- (vt.) ‘split off, break; chop up/down; crush’
Ps. VI /kautnā-/ [AImpf. // -, -, kautanoṃ]; Ko. V /kāutā-/ [A // -, -, kautaṃ; MP -, -, kautatär//; AOpt. -, -, kautoy//; Inf. kautatsi]; Pt. Ib /kāutā-/ [A -, kautāsta, kauta//; MP -, -, kautāte// -, -, kautānte]; PP /kākāutā-/ tsarkanoyeñ-c päkṣiyeñ-c āsta lykaśke kautanoñ-c ‘they tortured thee and cooked thee and chopped thy bones up fine’ (231a5); ṣañ ṣarsa kautoy ksa pat ceu ‘he would rather crush that stupa with his own hand’ (15b4=17b6), cey nke laitkeṃ kautaṃ pyapyaiṃ taṃtsäskeṃ ‘they will chop down lianas and scatter flowers’ (589a3), vaśirṣai kektseñ kautatsiśco ‘to split the diamond body’ (H-ADD.149.62b3 [Couvreur, 1966:165]); ṣem kautāte koklentse waiptār pwenta käskānte ‘the wagon's axle broke and the spokes scattered all over’ (5a2), kauta pr[a]tin[ta tätt]āw[a] nauṣ ‘he broke the decisions earlier made’ (63b6). -- kautalñe ‘breaking’: kautalñe = BHS bhedana (5a3), antsentso kautalñe = BHS skandhānāṃ nikṣepaṇaṃ (PK-NS-53-a4 [Pinault, 1988:100]). ∎TchA kot- and B kaut- reflect PTch *kaut- from PIE *kehau-d(h)e/o-, matched exactly by Latin cūdō ‘beat, pound, thresh; forge, strike (of metals)’ where the -- rather than *-au- is abstracted from compounds (Lane, 1938:26, VW:231-2; H:120-121). PIE *kehau-d(h)e/o- is *kehau- ‘strike’ extended by the present forming suffix *-d(h)e/o-. See further discussion s.v. kau-. See also akautatte, kautātstse, kau-, and probably koto.


kautātstste* (adj.) ‘± breakable, having a crack’
[f: -, -, kautātstsai//] sapulempa menāk ksa [lege: menāksa] karsoym kektseñ kautātstsai ‘may I know my breakable body [to be] like a pot’ (S-5a3). ∎An adjectival derivative of kaut-.


kauṃ (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘sun’; (b) ‘day’
[kauṃ, kaunantse ~ kauntse, kauṃ//kauñī, kaunaṃts, kaunäṃ ~ kauṃ] (a) kauc ka kaum [sic] [ṣai] pärkawo ‘the sun had risen high’ (5b3/4), samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte kaunts=osonträ ... [k]auṃ meñe ściri ‘the deep oceans in between are dried up by the sun ... sun, moon, and stars’ (45b7), kaunaṃtse ramt swa[ñcaiñ] ‘like the rays of the sun’ (74a3), kaunänts[e] pärkorne wawākauwa piltāsa ‘petals [that had] unfolded at sunrise’ (PK-NS-12K-b2 [Winter, 1988: 788]);
(b) kaunaṃts meñaṃts kätkorne ‘in the passing of days and months’ (3b5), walw alokälymi lyama ṣuk-kauṃ epiṅte ‘the king sat elsewhere [for] a period [of] a week’ (22a6), tam tot śwātsi star-ñ kauṃ ś[aitsiś] ‘this is sufficient food for me to live for a day’ (25a7). -- kaunaṣṣe* ‘prtng to a day’: ñake no śtarce kaunaṣṣepi kapilletse sātke weñau ‘now I will talk of the remedy for the fourth day fever’ (P-1b1/2);
kauṃ-kläsko ‘west’: kom-kläskomeṃ [sic] ‘from the west’ (Otani-19.1 [Winter, 1988:789]);
kauṃ-parki* ‘sunrise’ (90b5);
kauṃ-pirko* ‘east’ [cf. TchA kom-pirkānt ‘east’]: kälymiṃ läkāṣyeṃ cey kom-pirkomeṃ ipprerne ka ṣ lyakār-ne ‘they were looking [in all] directions; and then they saw him in the sky [coming] from the east’ [Winter, 1988:777] (108b5);
kauṃ-pirkoṣṣe* ‘eastern’: kauṃ-pirkoṣṣaine = BHS pūrvasyāṃ (527b3);
kauṃ-yaptsi ‘sunset’ (PK-AS-18B-a1 [Pinault, 1984b:376]);
kauṃ-yänmālle ‘id.’ (PK-NS-49b3 [Winter, 1988:788]);
kaun-yaṣi ‘[for] a day and a night; day and night’: oktace saṃvarne stmoṣ kaun-yaṣi ‘standing day and night in the eighth saṃvāra’ (15a6=17a7). ∎A koṃ and B kauṃ reflect PTch *kāun from a putative PIE verbal abstract *kauni- (*kehauni-) ‘± burning heat (as of the sun)’ or perhaps the homophonous adjective ‘burning (one)’ (the fact that the Tocharian word would appear to be masculine might argue that it was a nominalized adjective rather than an abstract in origin). In either case we would have a derivative of *kehau- ‘burn’ [: Greek kaíō ‘burn’ (< *kawyō), aorist ékēa (< *ékēwa < *ékāwa), kaûma ‘burning heat (of the sun),’ Lithuanian kū̃lės] ‘ergot, smut’ (‘Brandpilze, Staubbrand des Getreides’), kūlėti ‘become blighted’ (‘brandig werden’) (P:595; MA:88, though both should show unpalatalized initial k-)]. The nom. sg. *kaunis, nom. pl. *kauneyes, and acc. pl. *kaunins would give kauṃ, kauñi, and kau(nä)ṃ respectively since a (PIE) *-i- was retracted before an *-s- and thus caused no palatalization (Adams, 1988c:15). The acc. sg. kauṃ is analogical. This etymology goes back, in nuce, to Smith (1910:10) and was revived in 1963 by Winter (cf. VW:627), though the morphological details are very different. So also with a different morphological explanation is H:118-119.
Not with Pedersen (1944:11, also VW:626-7) a borrowing from Turkish gün ‘sun.’ To have given both A koṃ and B kauṃ, the borrowing would have had to have been of PTch in date. So early a date might itself rule out the Turks on geographical grounds. In any case there is no reason *gün would have given anything but PTch **kin or **kun. Winter's suggestion of a borrowing in the opposite direction is no more plausible. See also kauṃ-ñäkte, komt, and ynkauṃ.


kauṃ-ñäkte (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sun, sun-god’
[kauṃ-ñäkte, -, -/kauṃ-ñäktene, kauṃ-ñäktenaisäñ, -/kauṃ-ñäkti, kauṃ-ñäkteṃts, -] kaum-ñäkte [] kom-ñiktene [sic] [] ko[m-ñäkti] = BHS vibhrāṭ [] vibhrājau [] vibhrāja (550a3), poyś[i]ññeṃ kauñäktentso pärkālñe ‘the rising of the Buddha-suns’ (S-6b6), [in Manichean script] kvm///ktynz/// (Winter/Gabain:10). ∎A compound of kauṃ + ñäkte, qq.v.


kaumiye (nf.) ‘pool, pond’
[kaumiye, kaumaintse, kaumai//kaumaiñ, -, -] wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño ... kaunts=osonträ ‘great rivers and pools are dried up by the sun’ (45b7), kaumaintse petwesa ‘on the bank of the pool’ (623b6). ∎Etymology unknown. At various times VW suggested connections with kaut- ‘split’ and PIE *heu- ‘pour’ but neither is very satisfying semantically (see VW:190). Hillmarsson diffidently suggests (H:118) a derivation from PIE *hehau- ‘open wide’ as in Gk kháos ‘chaos.’


kaume* (n.) ‘(fresh) shoot’
[//-, -, kaumeṃ] /// [mā] snai keumeṃ ñyäkcyāna [sic] ramt stāna Nandaṃ wärttone (275a1), kaumeṃtsa rera[ko]ṣäṃ ‘covered with fresh shoots’ (563b8). ∎TchA kom and B kaume reflect PTch *keume (as if) from PIE *koudmo-, a derivative of *(s)keud- ‘shoot, throw’ [: Sanskrit códati ‘drives, hastens,’ Albanian hedh ‘throw’ (< *skeudō), Old Norse skjōta ‘shoot, shove,’ Old English scēotan ‘shoot, throw; dash forward,’ OHG sciozan ‘throw, shoot, move quickly,’ Middle High German hossen ‘run quickly,’ etc. (P:956; MA:581)]. Particularly compelling semantically are such deverbal nouns in Germanic as English shoot (VW:229).


Kauravye (n.) ‘Kauravya’ (PN of a king)
[Kauravye, -, -//] (3a7).


kauurṣe* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘bull’
[-, -, *kauurṣ (cf. infra) (voc. kauurṣu)//-, kauurṣäṃts, -] täñ ce rṣākäññeṣṣu kaurṣu = BHS tavevam [lege: tavedam] ṛṣ[ipungava] (251b6), kaurṣäṃts lānte ‘of the king of bulls’ (256a4). -- kauurṣa-pkai ‘having a chowrie [bull's tail]’: saiwaisa no Mahiśvare märkwactsa tañ kauurṣa-pkai ‘on thy left thigh the chowried M.’ (74b5). ∎Tch kayurṣ and B kauurṣe reflect PTch *keuwärṣän- (in A -ayu- is regular from *-awu- by dissimilation of glide and vowel [Normier, 1980:266] just as -awi- is regular from *-ayi- in the optative skawiṣ from ske- ‘try’) from PIE *gwou-wṛsen- ‘cow-male’ just as in Sanskrit go-vṛṣa- ‘bull’ (so Schneider, 1940:195-6, VW:191, with differing details). See also keu.


kauśikäññe (adj.) ‘prtng to the Kauśika family’
[kauśikäññe, -, -//] (350b3). ∎An adjective derived from *Kauśike ‘member of the Kauśika family’ which, in turn, is from BHS kauśika-.


kauṣenta (n.) ‘murderer’
[kauṣenta, -, kauṣentai//kauṣentañ, kauṣentaṃts, -] kauṣentañ krui onolmi māka ‘if many creatures [are] murderers’ (K-8a6), kauṣentai ra sanaṃne ‘murderer and enemy’ (S-4b3). ∎A nomen agentis from the present stem of kau-, q.v.


Kausal* (n.) ‘Kosala’ (PN of a city and country)
[-, -, Kausal//] (22a6). -- Kausalṣe (adj.) ‘prtng to Kosala’ (18b7); (n.) ‘inhabitant of Kosala’ (21a7).


kca (indefinite pronominal adjective) ‘some, any’ [oblique of ksa, q.v]
mā ñiś kc=ālyek cot [lege: tot] nrai lkāsko [lege: lkāskau] wrocce ‘I see no other hell so great’ (17a6), mā tañ kc=āyor aille nesau ‘I am not to give thee any gift’ (23b5), [mā] ñiś caukamai kca mā ra walāmai kca mā ttsa yāmṣamai ‘I did not hide anything, nor did I uncover anything, I did nothing at all’ (27b8), ce compä kca ṣarmtsa ‘on account of this or that’ (31b2), [a]lanmeṃ kca ‘from wherever’ (50a7), kuce [k]ca yāmäṃ ‘whatever he should do’ (63b7), oṣle pākre klainämpa kca treṅsate ‘midnight and noon he hung on some woman or other’ (69a2), kuce kca klyauṣi tuk klyeñci ‘whatever he would hear, he would doubt it’ (A-4a6). ∎Acc. of ksa, q.v.


ktakät (n.) ‘(contemptuous) finger gesture’
[kuse ṣa]m[ā]n[e] ṣamāneṃ ktakät yamaṣäṃ ‘whatever monk makes a finger gesture to another monk’ (H-149.311a1 [H:186]). ∎Etymology unknown.


ktumñcik See kutumñcik.


knents (it would appear to be the genitive plural of a noun *kane) ‘?’
[po]staññe knents [s]aim [m]ā tākaṃ-ne (326a1).


knerwanta (n.? [f. pl.]) ‘?’
knerwanta atstsenta (K-8b5).


kmut* (n.) ‘white water lily’ [Nymphea esculenta]
[//kmutänta, -, -] [u]ppālntasa tseññana kmutäntas=ārkwina (588a3). ∎From BHS kumuda-.


kraketstse See krāke.


kranko (n.) ‘chicken’
[kranko, -, -//] kranko = BHS kukkuṭa [in the calendrical animal cycle] (549a5). -- kränka(i)ññe ‘prtng to a chicken’: kränkañe weṃṣiye ‘chicken excrement’ (P-1b3). ∎Kranko presupposes a PTch *kränkān- ~ *kränkā-i̯än- a derivative of PIE *krenk- ‘± make a loud noise’ [: Old English hringan ‘ring, sound, clash,’ Modern English ring, Old Nornse hrang ‘noise, clash,’ Lithuanian krankiù ‘croak, caw,’ Russian krjáchat' ‘groan, moan, crash, roar’ (P:568-569; MA:267)] (VW, 1941:45, 1976: 232-233). This *krenk- is a nasalized variant of *krek- (cf. Sanskrit kṛkara-, krakara- ‘a kind of partridge,’ Latin crōcīre ~ crōcāre ‘croak, caw,’ etc. [P:568]). A similar semantic development, *‘noise-maker’ > ‘cock’ is of course seen in German Hahn ‘cock,’ related to Latin canere ‘sing.’ Khotanese kṛnga- ~ krriṃga- ‘cock’ must reflect a borrowing from Tocharian B.


krāke (nnt.) ‘dirt, filth (e.g. semen)’
[krāke, -, krākesa//-, -, krakenta] kuse sw aśāw=omte yare krāke wat kärweñi ‘that which is rough here [is] gravel, dirt, or stones’ (7a7), krāk=añmantse = BHS malam ātmanaḥ (7b2), kwipe-ike keuwco kaltärr-ne tu maśne enkastär nuskaṣṣäṃn-ne ... krāke län-ne sanghā-trän[k]ä kätänkäṃ ‘[if] his shame-place [= penis] stand high and he takes it in [his] fist and squeezes it and filth emerges, [then] he commits a sanghā-sin’ (334a3-5), klaiññe krāke ‘menstrual discharge’ (522a4). -- kraketstse ‘dirty, filthy’: śokagārne yopsa krakacce wassi au[su] ‘he entered into the bedroom wearing dirty clothing’ (99a1). ∎AB krāke reflect PTch *krāke, probably (with VW:627) a borrowing from Khotanese khārgga- ‘id.’ with metathesis. Less likely on phonological grounds is Pisani's suggestion (1942-43a:26) of a connection with Greek kópros, Sanskrit śákṛt, etc. Also unlikely is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:173) of a relationship with Middle Irish gráin ‘disgust’ and Welsh graen ‘anxiety, disgust’ See also kärkkālle.


krāñi (n.) ‘(nape of the) neck’
[krāñi, -, krāñi (?)//] /// k[r]āñine [?] (44b7), meleṃne laklese muka panku krāñi wicūkaine pokaine āśne eśanane korne klautsaine sark alāskemane [panku krāñi ‘a stiff neck’ = BHS manyā-] (Y-2a3/4). ‣The meaning is that given by Sieg (1954); see also Adams, 1983b. ∎Tocharian B krāñi is phonologically the exact equivalent of Greek krāníon ‘(top of the) head,’ both reflect a PIE *ḱrh2sníyom. In Tocharian the laryngeal is vocalized to *-a- when following a resonant and preceding two or more consonants (as in kroriya ‘horn,’ q.v., but unlike the case with karse ‘deer,’ q.v., where the laryngeal was followed by but one consonant) and the *-s- subsequently disappears when before a resonant (again as in kroriya and also in the enclitic third person plural pronoun [TchB] -me from PIE *-ṇsmó and *-usmó; cf. Adams, 1988c:38). PIE *ḱrh2sníyom is a derivative of *ḱrh2sn-, the base of the weak cases of the word for ‘head’ (cf. Sanskrit śīrṣ(a)n- and Greek krā(h)at-). Semantically Tocharian shows a development ‘top of the head’ > ‘occiput’ > ‘nape (of the neck).’ The exact equivalence of the Greek and Tocharian words would seem to exclude the hypothesis that the case *ḱṛh2s-n- was independently created in post Indo-European times (as Nussbaum, 1986, would have it). For the etymology, see Adams, 1991b:7-9; MA:260. With differing details H:175.


krāt- (vt.) ‘± challenge’ (?)
PP /kākrātäṣṣu-/ Tiṣyentse kakrātäṣu Māṭhare pä.y.yä./// ‘M., challenged by T.’ (110a8). ∎If correctly identified as to meaning, krāt- reflects a PIE *ghrōd-, seen elsewhere only in Germanic [: Old English grētan ‘greet, salute, accost, challenge’ (< Proto-Germanic *grōtyan-), OHG gruozen ‘id.’ Old Norse grȫta ‘make weep’ (P:439)] (VW:234). The resemblance between Tocharian and Germanic in this case is remarkable. This *ghrēd- is an élargissement of *gher- whose derivatives denote various kinds of noises (P:439).


krānt* ~ granth (n.[m.sg.]) ‘artificial arrangement of words, text, work, śloka
[krānt, -, krānt//] (200b2). ∎From BHS grantha-.


krāmär (n.[m.sg.]) ‘weight, heaviness’
[krāmär, -, krāmär//] po kektseñiṣṣe [sic] krāmärsa ‘with the whole weight of the body’ (332.1b3). -- kramartstse* ‘heavy, weighty’: kektseñe krarma[rtsa] [sic] ‘a heavy body’ (78b4), kramarcce yolaiṃ y[ā]m[o]r ‘the heavy, evil deed’ (424b4);
kramartsäññe ‘heaviness, difficulty’: kramart[säñ]ñ[e] ostmeṃ lalyñeṣ[ṣe] ‘the difficulty of leaving the house [i.e. becoming a monk]’ (34b6), kramartsäṃññe = BHS gurutva- (Y-3a4). ∎TchA *krāmär (whose former existence at least is attested in the derived adjective krāmärts [= B kramartse]) and B krāmär reflect PTch *krāmär from a (putative) PIE *gwréha-mṛ ‘heaviness,’ an abstract noun derived from *gwrha-u- ‘heavy’ [: Sanskrit gurú-, Avestan gouru-, Greek barú-, Latin gravis, all ‘heavy’ (P:476; MA:264)]. In formation this putative *gwreha-mṛ is similar to that seen in Sanskrit garimán- (m.) ‘heaviness, weight’ (< *gworha-mén-). See Meillet and Lévi, 1911:149, VW:233-234, H:173-174, though the details differ.


krās- (vt.) ‘torment’
G "Intensive" Pt. /krāṣiyā-/ [MPImpf. -, -, kraṣīyate//] (HMR3 [K]); Pt. Ib /krāsā-/ [A -, -, krāsa//];
K Ps. IXb /krāsäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, krāsäṣṣäṃ//; MP -, -, krasäṣṣītär] retke ṣālla Kauṣalets räskre krāsa tu Pra[saṃ]nakeṃ /// ‘he threw down the army of the Kausalans; it vexed P. very much’ (21a7), krasā-ñ klaiññe camel ‘the female birth [= birth as a female] vexed me’ (400b1/2); mā cew yoko krāsäṣṣäṃ ṣekä ‘thirst does not always torment him’ (K-10b2), tusa krasäṣṣīträ mantañīträ ‘thus he tormented him and became evil’ (H-149.200b3 [Thomas, 1972b:456]). ∎AB krās- reflect PTch *krās- probably (with VW, 1941:45, 1976:234) a lengthened grade intensive (or possibly a PIE o-grade intensive with *o > by -umlaut from the next syllable and the resultant generalized throughout the paradigm) from PIE *ghres- ‘± threaten, torment’ otherwise seen only in Baltic [: Lithuanian gresiù ‘threaten, menace,’ gristù ‘be disgusted with,’ grasà ‘threat,’ grasinù ‘threaten,’ Latvian grasāt ‘threaten’ (P:445, with some other very dubious cognates; MA:577)]. The Latvian grasāt might be the exact equivalent of the putative *krāsā- that lies behind the attested Tocharian paradigm. Also possible is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:176-177) that this Tocharian word reflects a PIE *krohxs- otherwise seen in Old Norse hro/ra ‘move, stir; touch,’ Old English hrēran ‘id.,’ OHG hruoren ‘id.’ but the semantic equation is less compelling. See also krāso.


krāso (n.) ‘± vexation, torment’
[krāso, -, -//-, -, krasonta] /// kalṣäṃ krāso anaiktai ‘he endures an unknown torment’ (386b4), [te]ki mentsi krasonta proskai /// ‘sickness, grief, torments, fear’ (512b1). ∎A nominal derivative of krās-. The identical TchA krāso must be a borrowing from B (VW:234).


krätayuk only attested in the compound krätayuk-preścīyo ‘kṛtayuga-time’
(PK-AS16.2b2 [Pinault, 1989:155]). ∎Like TchA krätayuk in the compound krätayuk-praṣt from BHS *kṛtayuga- (not in M-W or Edgerton).


krätaññe (adj.) ‘± active, beneficial’ (?)
[m: krätaññe, -, -//] ///śśiyu prākkre krätaññe ṣañ arañce bodhisatveṃts kartse waṣamo (600b4). ∎The semantic identification is predicated on this being an adjectival derivative of a Tocharian borrowing of BHS kṛta- (nt.) ‘deed, action, benefit.’


krätatñe ‘?’
/// [yo]lo=pe waṃt [sic] yamor krätatñe su /// (555a5).


krätājñeṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to Kṛtajña’ (previous incarnation of the Buddha)
[m: //krätājñeṣṣi, -, -] (H-149.240b1 [Couvreur, 1964:243]). ∎An adjective derived from an unattested *Krätājñe ‘Kṛtajña.’


krämp- (vi./vt.) G ‘be disturbed’; K ‘disturb; check, put a stop to’
G Ps. III /krämpe-/ [MP -, -, krämpetär//; MPImpf. -, -, krämpitär//]; Ko. V /krämpā-/ (see abstract); Pt. Ia /krämpā-/ [A -, krämpāsta, -//]; PP /krämpo-/;
K Ps. VIIIb /krämps'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kram(p)ṣäṃ//]; Ko. II /kräm'ä/e-/ [Inf. kramtsi]; Pt. III /kremp(s)ā-/ [A // -, -, krempär] yolo pkwalle yolaiṃmeṃ ṣek mā twe krämpetär ‘evil [is] always to be expected from evil, do not be disturbed’ (23b8), mā twe ceṃne krämpitär mā ra palsko kulyitär-ś ‘thou wert never disturbed about them nor did thy spirit fail’ (231a5); cai sklokacci krämpoṣ cewne pkänte-pilko mäskentär ‘they were doubtful, disturbed and looked askance at him’ (17b5); /// cwi kramṣäṃ tsirauñe ‘he puts a stop to his energy’ (15b7), kramṣäṃ sū wnolmets makāts pälskonta ‘he disturbs the thoughts of many beings’ (17b2); ot rano yā[taṃ] kramtsy./// ‘[if] then he can put a stop to [it]’ (35b5); [a]marṣsa Jaṃbudvipṣeṃ lantäṃts po krempär warkṣäl ‘they checked, out of resentment, all the energy of the J. kings’ (PK-13E-b8 [Couvreur, 1954c:87-88]). -- krämpālñe ‘± disturbance’ (94a2);
krämpālñeṣṣe ‘prtng to disturbance’: [krä]mpālñeṣṣe abhiprāy[s]a ‘with a disturbing opinion’ (329b3);
-krämpālñetstse ‘± having a disturbance’: snai-krämpālyñetse = BHS anapagraham (251b2). ∎VW (1941:44, 1976:234) points to a nice semantic equation with Old English hremman ‘hinder, cumber’ but hremman, and Old Norse hremma ‘take, squeeze’ (cf. P: 623), must be from Proto-Germanic *hramya- and such a form does not explain the -p- of Tocharian. Hilmarsson's comparison (H:174) with Old Norse kreppa ‘contract, tighten, check’ and OHG krimpfan ‘contract, shrink,’ English crimp is much better phonologically. From (dialectal) PIE *gremb-.


kritāṃ* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘amusement, sport’ (?)
[-, -, kritāṃ//] ceu kritāntsa ñake ṣṣe[k] kärstā s[n]ai /// (250a3). ∎If from BHS krīḍana- (VW:1978a:160). Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985b:134), however, would see in this word a Middle Iranian borrowing (< *kirtan < *kṛtanai ‘work, do’).


kriyālakṣaṃ (n.) ‘mark of working’
[kriyālakṣaṃ -, -//] (197b6). ∎From BHS kriyālakṣaṇa-.


kre ̇e (n.) ‘permission, leave’
plāksatai-me kre ̇e ‘didst thou ask them [scil. thy parents] permission [to become a monk]?’ (KVāc.-19b4 [K. T. Schmidt, apud H:179]).


krentauna (n.[f. pl. tant.]) ‘virtues’
[//krentauna, krentaunaṃts, krentauna] pälskoṣṣana krentauna ‘spiritual virtues’ (15a8=17b2), yolomeṃ āltsiś krentauna[ne rittässiś] ‘in order to turn [them] away from evil and to make them embrace virtues’ (21a1), krentaunasa ācce = BHS kalyāṇakalilam (251b6), krentaunaṃtso = BHS guṇānām (H-149.47a3 [Couvreur, 1966:162]), Winter/Gabain:13 ([in Manichean script] kryntvmn’z’). -- krentaunaṣṣe ‘prtng to virtues’: [kakraupa]rmeṃ krentaunaṣṣana pya[ppy]aiṃ = BHS pracīya guṇapuṣpāṇi (PK-NS-414b2 [Couvreur, 1966:170]);
krentaunatstse ‘virtuous, having virtues’ (19a5). ∎A nominal derivative of krent- ‘good.’ See kartse.


krepaste* (nm.) ‘± (small) ball, lump’
[//-, -, krepasteṃ] iñcuwaññeṃ krepaste[ntsa] [krepastentsa = BHS guḍābhi] (529b5), eñcuwañeṃ pälkoṣäṃ krepastaṃ [lege: -eṃ] ‘glowing iron balls’ (KVāc.-15b3 [K. T. Schmidt, 1986:79, 132]). ∎Etymology unknown.


kremīya (n.) a plant part
[kremīya, -, -//] erkäntse yasoñña kremīya tsänkanta pyāpyo ‘the sap of the arka-plant, the kremīya, shoots, and flower’ (W-5a6).


kremot* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kremot//] kremotsa āśne yamaṣälle ‘with a kremot [it is] to be put on the head’ (W-37a3). ‣A compound kre-mot whose second member is mot ‘alcohol’ (cf. W-3a3 motstsa āśne yamaṣṣälle)?


kretswe* (n.) ‘± rag’
[-, -, kretswe//] ṣamānentse yśel[mi pä]lskone tsankaṃ kwipe-ike keuwco kaltärr-ne [sic] tu kretswesa yaṣtär ‘[if] sexual desires should arise to a monk and his "shame-place" stand tall and he should stimulate it with a rag’ (334b2/3). ∎TchA kratsu and B kretswe reflect PTch *kretswe but extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. VW:233 suggests a connection with PIE *ker-t- ‘cut’; H:180-181 a PIE preform *krodhiwo- and compares Sanskrit kṛdhú- ‘stumped, shortened’ (comparative kradhīyas-), where *(s)kredh- is presumably an élargissement of *(s)ker- ‘cut.’


kro(n)kśe* (n.) ‘bee’
[-, -, kro(n)kś//-, kro(n)kśäṃts, -] krokśäṃts weśeñña māka ‘the sound of many bees’ (571b4), mäkte kroṅśaṃts cäñcarñe pyāpyai warssi ‘as [it is] the pleasure of bees to smell a flower’ (S-5a2). ∎Though obviously related to TchA kronkśe ‘id.,’ probably because the A word has been borrowed from B, the etymology is otherwise uncertain. There seems to be no phonologically easy way (*ḱṛh2snukuken-?) to derive this word from the same source as its traditional congeners, Latin crābrō, English hornet, etc., namely *ḱrh2sro-on- (cf. Schrader/Nehring, 1929: 654). Neither is it phonologically likely that we have a borrowing from some language similar to Tibetan sbrang ‘bee,’ Khmer srăng ‘wasp’ (VW:628). Hilmarsson (1986a:35-37, H:181-182; MA:271) suggests a connection with Proto-Germanic *huna(n)ga- ‘honey’ [: Old Norse, hunang, OHG honang, Old Danish honning, Middle Dutch honinch] ~ *hunaga- [: OHG honag ~ honig, Old English hunig, Old Danish honnig, Middle Dutch honich, and the Germanic loanword in Finnish hunnaja-] and Sanskrit kāñcaná- ‘gold(en),’ Greek knēkós (Doric knākós) ‘yellowish,’ Latin canicae ‘a kind of bran,’ and Old Prussian cucan ‘brown’ (all < *knhankó-, cf. P:564-565). Hilmarsson's pre-Tocharian *knhaonkōn, however, requires the second *-n- which otherwise only appears sporadically in Germanic, as well as some very complicated phonological change in Tocharian. His suggestion is ingenious but uncertain.


Krodhavārg* (n.) ‘Krodhavarga’ (a section of the Udānavarga)
[-, -, Krodhavārg//] (313b1).


krorīya* (n.) ‘horn’
[-, -, krorīyai//] tarnene krorīyai śuk[ly]ā/// ‘the bright horn on the top of the head’ (580b4). ∎TchA kror, only attested in the meaning ‘crescent [i.e. horn] of the moon’ and B krorīya reflect a PTch *kror. B krorīya has been subject to further derivation (cf. the relationship between A ytār ‘way, path’ and B ytārye). PTch *kror is a derivative of PIE *ḱṛh2s-r- ‘horn’ [: Mycenean (masculine) -karaor ‘-horned,’ in seremo-karaor (whose first element is obscure) and ono-karaor (= oino-krāhōr) ‘one-horned’ and its alphabetic Greek analog (where only the feminine is attested), -kraira ‘-horned’ representing PIE *-ḱṛh2sor- and *-ḱṛh2sriha- (Nussbaum 1986:222-34)]. Outside of Greek there are a number of words for ‘hornet’ that appear to presuppose a related (late) PIE *ḱṛh2sr-ó- ‘horned’ [: Latin crābrō (< *ḱṛh2sro-on-), Lithuanian širšlỹs (< *ḱṛsh2ro- with dissimilation to *ḱṛsh2lo-), Germanic *hur(z)nut-/ hur(z)nat- with -n- from *hurna- ‘horn,’ Lithuanian širšuõ, OCS sьršenь (again < *ḱṛh2sro-on- with dissimilatory loss of the second -r-), etc. (Nussbaum, 1986:248-60)]. This (neuter) *ḱṛh2sṛ ‘horn,’ extended by the *-u which is apparently routinely added to neuter r-stems in pre-Tocharian (cf. tarkar ‘cloud,’ plural tärkarwa, which must reflect an old verbal abstract in *-), is reflected in TchA kror (i.e. *ḱṛh2sru > *krasru > *kraru (s disappears between vowel and resonant; cf. krāñi) > *kroru (by u-umlaut) > kror). For the etymology, see Adams, 1991b:5-7; MA:272. Alternatively, Hilmarsson (H:182, with references to his previous work) connects the Tocharian words with Armenian eɫjiwr ‘horn,’ taking both the Tocharian and Armenian to reflect a PIE *ghreh1wṛ.


kroś* (n.) ‘kos’ (an Indian linear measure of about two miles)
[-, -, kroś//] steyasaṃ yaṃ pāyti [] ywārtstsa krośne duṣkär ‘[if] he goes with a thief, pāyti; [if he goes with him] under half a kos, duṣkar’ (330a5/b1). ∎From BHS krośa-.


krośce (adj.) ‘cold’
[m: krośce, -, kroścäṃ//krości (?), -, -] [f: // kroścana, -, -] kroścana toṃ nrainta skente okt ‘there are eight cold hells’ (18b5), kroścaṃ warś ceu yolmene yänmaskeṃ ‘they enter into the pond with cold water’ (29a6), krośce war snai-märkarcce = BHS śītatoyam anāvilam (H-149.112 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:493]). ∎TchA (acc. sg.) krośśäṃ and B krośce (acc. sg. kroścäṃ) reflect PTch (nom. sg.) *krośce, acc. sg. kroścänä, (as if) from PIE hysterokinetic *krustēn, krusténṃ. The vowel -o- is generalized from the nom. sg. *krústōn or *kréustō where PIE *-u- or *-eu- would regularly give -o- by back vowel umlaut (subsequently the descendant of *-ēn displaced the reflex of *-ōn). Its nearest relative is Greek krustaínomai ‘am congealed with cold, freeze’ (cf. also krustállos ‘ice; numbness; crystal,’ krūmós ‘icy cold, frost’ (< *krusmó-), krúos (nt.) ‘id.’ (< *krúsos-) (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:155; VW:236). Outside of Greek we have Latin crusta ‘crust,’ Latvian kruvesis ‘frozen mud,’ OHG hroso ‘ice, crust’ (P:621-622; MA:112-113). If the PIE root was *kwrus- (and pre-Greek *kwru- would have given kru- rather than *pru-), it is possible that the difficult nom. sg. kuraś in TchA belongs here too. A PTch *kwrośce would, with loss of final vowels, have given *kwrośc. Being word initial in a monosyllable the *kwr- was retained and subsequently the *-o- was dissimilated to -a-, just as in kuryar when compared to B karyor. See also kroścaññe and krostaññe.


kroścaññe (n.) ‘cold(ness)’
[kroścaññe, -, -//] arkwiññe krośśaññe = BHS śvetatvaśītatva- (Y-3a4). ∎A nominal derivative of krośce, q.v.


krośśeññe ‘?’
/// krośśeññe auṣap etsuwai o/// (196a1). ∎Is this a variant of kroścaññe?


krostaññe (n.) ‘cold(ness)’
[krostaññe, -, -//] pwārmeṃ laṃññi krostaṃñe ‘[even if] cold should emerge from the fire’ (100b2). -- krostañaṣṣe ‘prtng to the cold, cold’ (197b5). ∎A nominal derivative of krośce, q.v.


kraup- (vt.) G ‘gather, amass; herd’; K ‘gather, accumulate’
G (1)Ps. II /kreup'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, krauptär; MPImpf. // -, -, kraupiyentär; MPPart. kraupemane]; (2)Ps. VI /krāupnā-/ [A -, -, kraupnaṃ//; MP -, -, kraupnatär// -, -, kraupnantär; Ger. kraupanalle]; Ko. II (= 1Ps.) [MP -, -, krauptär// -, -, kraupentär]; Ko. V /krāupā-/ [MP // -, -, kraupantär; MPOpt. -, -, kraupoytär//; Inf. kraupatsi; Ger. kraupalle]; Pt. Ib /krāupā-/ [MP -, kraupātai, kraupāte// -, -, kraupānte]; PP /kākrāupā-/;
K Pt. IV /kraupäṣṣā-/ [A -, -, kraupäṣṣa// -, -, kraupäṣṣare] lyakäṃ kr[au]pträ snai-pewaṃ wi-pewaṃ śtwer-pewaṃ makā-pewaṃ ‘he gathers up thieves, the footless, the two-footed, the four-footed, and the many-footed’ (H-149-ADD.8b3 [Hilmarsson, 1989a:93]), ṣaḍvarginta patraiṃ māka kraupiyenträ ‘the ṣaḍvargikas were gathering many alms-bowls’ (337b4), [kre]wpemane (304a4); [a]lyaik no kraupnanträ śānta kewaṃ [sic] śaitsisa ‘others, however, herd sheep or cattle in order to live’ (H-149- ADD.28a5 [Thomas, 1954:756]), tusa tarya pelaiknenta po spelkesa kraupanallona wnolments= aiśmopi ‘thus the three laws [are] to be gathered by a wise being’ (23b2/3); kwri sū krauptär waipeccenta wrocce lupṣtär nākimpa ‘if he accumulates possessions, he is smeared with great reproach’ (33a6/7); alāläcc[e pa]lsko[sa] ... p[o]nta kraupoytär ‘with untiring spirit may he gather all things’ (PK-17.1a5 [Couvreur, 1954c:86]); pernerñenta kraupāt[ai] ‘thou hast amassed glories’ (249a1); āke kakraupaṣä = BHS nicayāḥ (304a5), kakraupau = BHS uparjitaṃ (H-ADD.149.153 [Couvreur, 1966: 181]); sān[k kr]aupäṣṣa ‘he assembled the community’ (PK-AS-18B-a2 [Pinault, 1984b:376]), mäskelye yakene ente maitare aklaṣlyeṃ po eṣe kraupäṣṣare ‘if they go to that place where they should be, let them gather all the disciples together’ (108a3). -- kakrauparmeṃ: ekañiñenta kakrau[parmeṃ] [kakrauparmeṃ = BHS samudānīya] (H-149.329 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:486]), [kakraupa]rmeṃ krentaunaṣṣana pya[ppy]aiṃ = BHS pracīya guṇapuṣpāṇi (PK-NS-414b2 [Couvreur, 1966:170]);
kraupalñe ‘gathering, amassing’: empr[eṃ] pälskontse kraupalñe ‘the amassing of true spirit’ (155a2);
kraupalñetstse ‘corpulent, obese’: kraupalñettse = BHS sanghāta- (Y-3a5). ∎TchA krop- and B kraup- reflect PTch *kreup- from PIE *kr(e)u-bh- seen otherwise in Greek krúptō ‘hide’ (MA:217). With another élargissement, we have PIE *kr(e)u-hx- in Baltic kráuju ‘pile up,’ krūvà ‘pile,’ OCS kryjǫ ‘cover, hide’ krovъ ‘roof’ (VW, 1941:45, 1976:235, with differing details). PTch *kreup- might reflect either an -grade or and o-grade intensive present in PIE terms. The PTch *kreup-nā (found in both A and B) is presumably analogical to the subjunctive *kreup-ā-. See also kraupe and akraupatte.


kraupe* (nm.) ‘group; section’
[-, kraupentse, kraupe//kraupi, -, kraupeṃ] yokaiṣṣe ce kraupe weña [yokaiṣṣe kraupe = BHS tṛṣṇāvarga-] (8a7), kraupene cene kausem[ane ku]s[e] ‘wenn die [Gemeinde-]Schar such in Bezug auf diesen schlägt’ [kraupene = BHS saṃgha-] (36b1), mā cämpyare cai śämtsi kraupeścä ‘these could not come to the group’ (388a7), [mā nke]lñene yaneṃ [k]r[aupi] = BHS na kṣayaṃyānti cākarāḥ (PK-NS-414a1 [Couvreur, 1966:170]). -- kraupeṣṣe ‘prtng to a group or section’ (291b3). ∎A nominal derivative of kraup-.


krauśśeññe (adj.) ‘?’
/// dhātusa krauśśeññe /// (196a3). ‣A variant of krośśeññe?


klampärya* (n.) a meter (4 X 18 syllables; rhythm 7/7/4)
[-, -, klampäryai//] (359b2). ‣Cf. TchA klumpri ‘id.’


-klawissu See ñem-klawissu.


-klasko*, only in the compound koṃ-klasko ‘west’ [-, -, koṃ-kläsko//] kom-kläskomeṃ ‘from the west’ (Otani 19.1.4 [Pinault, nomen actionis from *kläsk- ‘set [of the sun].’ See More s.v. kläskālyñe.


klānk- (vi.) ‘ride, go by wagon’
Pt. Ib /klānkā-/ [A klankāwa, -, klānka//] [pre]ścyaine śerītsi klānka ‘at that time he rode off to hunt’ (363a3). ∎AB klānk- is a denominative verb (as if PTch *klenk-ā-) from klenke, q.v.


klāp- See klep-.


klāy- (vi.) ‘fall’
Ps. IV /kloyo-/ [MP kloyomar, -, kloyotär// -, -, kloyontär; MPPart. kloyomane]; Ko. V /klāyā-/ [A -, klāyat, klāyaṃ//; MP -, -, klāyatär//; MPImpf. // -, - klāyoyeṃ]; Pt. Ib /klāyā-/ [A klayāwa, -, klāya// -, -, klayāre]; PP /kāklāyā-/ /// tetemwa ka kloyonträ /// ‘scarcely grown [scil. the fruit], they fall’ (1a6), [ne]mc[e]k kloyoträ kätkr[e] s[u] ‘certainly he falls deeply’ (47a2), ciṣṣe saimäś kloyomar ‘I fall to thy refuge’ (TEB-64-11), painemeṃ ette kloyomane ‘falling down from [his] feet’ (88a2); [la]lāloṣ [] yäkte-skeyeṃ ka ṣp sañi klāyaṃ ‘tired and with little zeal the enemies will fall’ (21b6), sn[ai] parwā lestaimeṃ tsānkaṃ su kl[ā]y[aṃ] n[o] k[eṃ]tsa ‘without feathers he will rise from the nest but will fall to the ground’ (282b1); pit maiwāte-ne k[eṃ]tsa klāya ‘his gall shook [i.e. he fainted] and he fell to the ground’ (85b5), tumeṃ leswi eṅsat[e]-ne yaka ynemane nauntaine klāya ‘then waves of weakness seized her and, still walking along the street, she fell’ (TEB-66-35). -- klāyalñe ‘falling’ (543a7);
klāyalñe-āke ‘± falling end’: [klāya]lñe-āke = BHS patanāntāḥ (H-149.329b1 [Thomas, 1967:24]). ∎While clearly related to TchA klā(w)- ‘id.’ extra-Tocharian cognates are very uncertain. While the relationship itself with A klā(w)- is clear, the details of that relationship are anything but obvious. In TchA we find a very irregular paradigm with a present stem klawa-, a subjunctive and preterite stem klā- and an optative klāwi-. The data from both Tocharian A and B can be accounted for if we start from a PTch present *klāye- and a subjunctive/ (optative/)preterite stem *klāyā-. In TchA the sequence *-āyā- regularly underwent contraction to -- (cf. Winter, 1965b, who takes the contraction to have been from *-āwā-), hence the attested subjunctive and preterite. In the optative the form immediately behind the attested klāwi- must have been *klāyi- which has undergone the same dissimilation we see in the optative skawi- to ske- ‘strive’ (B skai-) or in kayurṣ ‘bull’ from *kawurṣ (cf. B kauurṣe). The present *klāye- would regularly have given later PTch *kloyo- by Mutual Rounding (Adams, 1988c:21) and later *kloo- with regular loss of *-y- between *-o-'s (cf. Adams, 1988d). In B the -y- was restored on the basis of the rest of the paradigm whereas in A -w- was inserted as a hiatus breaker, perhaps reinforced by the -w- of the optative.
At various times *klāy- has been connected with Sanskrit glā- ‘be tired, languish,’ Lithuanian guliù ‘am lying down,’ Greek bállō ‘throw,’ Sanskrit cárati ‘moves,’ etc. (see VW:217 for previous literature; his own solution, following Meillet [in Hoernle, 1916:379], is a connection with Sanskrit glā-). But in under none of these hypotheses is either the semantic or the formal equation particularly strong. All of them assume that the *-y- represents ye/o-present generalized throughout the verb. If the *-y- is part of the root, we might consider a relationship with PIE *ḱlei- ‘lean’ (‘lean over [so as to fall]’?, ‘decline very much’ > ‘fall’?) with an -grade intensive present *ḱlōy-ó-. Phonologically and semantically less likely is Hilmarsson's connection (H:147-148) of a connection kliūti ‘to land accidentally in a situation; to stick; to be left behind.’ See also possibly kläsk- and klin-.


klāw- (vt.) G ‘be called, named’; K ‘announce, make known’
G Ps. IV /kl(y)owo-/ [MP -, -, klowotär ~ klyowotär// -, -, klowontär ~ klyowontär]; Pt. Ib /klāwā-/ [A -, -, klāwa//]; PP /kāklāwā-/;
K Ps. IXb /klāwäsk'ä/e-/ [APart. klāwäṣṣeñca]; Ko. IXb [= Ps] [Inf. klāwäs(t)si]; Pt. Ib /klāwā-/ [A -, -, klāwa//] [ñe]m [e]rsna kl[y]owoträ (158b5), kuse ersnāssoñc ñakti klowonträ ‘whatever the beautiful gods are called’ (K-2a2), tumeṃ oṃṣap no ñakti klyowonträ snai ersna ‘besides, the gods are called "formless"’ (K-2a3); se kṣatriyenmeṃ ompostäṃ [brā]hmañe camel klāwa ‘that race following the kshatriyas was called the brahmans’ (PK-AS16.3b1 [Pinault, 1989:157]); kaklāwau = BHS śrutaḥ (H-ADD.149.80a5 [Couvreur, 1966:179]); /// palsko klāwässi lālyi wrotstsai (104a2); Rājarṣi ṣey Gaye ñem om mäskeñca cwi ñemtsa wartto klāwa ‘there was a Rājarṣi, Gaya [by] name there and [the Buddha] called the forest by his name’ (108b2). ‣Note the formal identity of the causative and non-causative preterite. ∎AB klāw- reflects PTch *klāw- wherein we may have either a denominative *klāw-ā- from the same PIE *ḱlōweha- seen in OCS slava (f.) ‘fame’ or an -grade intensive present *ḱlōw-eha- (like Greek pōtáomai ‘fly here and there’) or *ḱlōw-o- (like Latin rōdere ‘gnaw’). In any case we have a derivative of PIE *ḱleu- ‘hear’ (VW, 1951:112-4, 1976:218). Further s.v. klyaus-. See also klāwi and, more distantly, klyaus-, klautso, and ñem-kälywe.


klāwi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘fame’
[klāwi, -, klāwi//] [ṣamāne]ntse yāṣṣu śawāñcaññe yan-ne se klāwi ‘this fame of eating alms of a monk will go to him’ (H-149.39a3 [Couvreur, 1954c:85]), s[nai] lyīprä kärsau te-mänt empreṃtsā källaṃ klāwi śaiṣṣene ‘known without remainder, thus he will achieve fame for truth in the world’ (PK 12C-a5 [ibid.]). ∎A nominal derivative of klāw-. See also ñem-klawissu.


kläky- ‘?’
/// ̇ṣpä enkärstātte kläky ̇/// (136b5).


klänk- (vt.) ‘doubt’
Ps. I /klyenk-/ [MP -, -, klyenktär//; AImpf. -, -, klyeñci//]; Ko. I /klänk-/ [Inf. klanktsi] [pä]lsko ṣek [k]lyenträ [sic] ‘the spirit is ever doubtful’ (254a3), pälsko [ṣek] kleñkträ [sic] (255a4/5), kuce kca klyauṣi tuk klyeñci ‘whatever he would hear, he would doubt it’ (A-4a6); caināts [lege: cainats] welñ[e] kl[a]nkts[i] ‘to doubt their word’ (197a1). -- klankälyñe ‘± doubt’: ///meṃ pūdñäkte ślok wñā-neś mā klankälyñe/// (A-4b3). ∎AB klänk- reflect PTch *klänk- from PIE *kleng- ‘bend, turn’ [: Latin clingō ‘cingō’ or ‘clūdō,’ Old Norse hlekkr ‘loop of chain,’ Old English hlinc ‘ridge’ Old French (< Germanic) flenchir ‘turn aside, flinch,’ etc. (P:603; MA:62)]. In Tocharian we have the same ‘turn aside, recoil’ of the mental sphere we see on Old French in the physical sphere. See also klänkarṣke and klenke.


klänkarṣke* (adj.) ‘doubtful’
[f: // klänkarṣkana] eśn=āṃtpi ... wätkāltsana ... mā rano klänkarṣkana ‘both eyes resolute and not doubtful/wavering’ (H-149-ADD.166b3 [H:141]). ∎An adjectival derivative of klänk-.


klänts- (vi.) ‘sleep’
Ps. XII /kläntsäññ'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kläntsaṃ// -, kläntsañcer, -; AImpf. -, -, kläntsaññi// -, -, kläntsaññ(i)yeṃ]; Ko. V /kläntsā-/ [AOpt. -, -, klantsoy//]; Pt. I /klyäntsā-/ [A -, -, klyantsa//] lkäntsan-n[e] [lege: kläntsan-ne] [kläntsan = BHS svapati] (14b3), tneka preksau-me kā snai meṃtsi kläṃtsañcer ‘here I ask you; why do you sleep without [a] care?’ (G-Su1-d), prākre kläntsaññi ‘he slept soundly’ (109b5); skwassu no klantsoi ostne tsäksemane /// ‘fortunate [he would be] however [if] he slept in a burning house’ (K-12b1); klyantsa (K-T). -- klantsalñe ‘sleepiness, numbness’: klantsalñe = BHS suptatā- (Y-3b4). ∎TchA klis- and B klänts- reflect PTch *kläns- from PIE *klmhx-s- whose root is otherwise seen only certainly in Sanskrit klām(y)ati ‘be(come) weary, fatigued,’ klānta- ‘fatigued’ (VW: 218-219, though he wrongly separates A klis-; MA:588). Hilmarsson suggests (H:142-143) as an alternative to the above etymology one that connects this word with the family of PIE *ḱlei- ‘bend, lean,’ more particularly *ḱli-n-s-. Semantically acceptable, the addition of *-s- to a root already enlarged by *-n- is not otherwise well-established. See also kläntsauñe*.


kläntsauñe* (n.) ‘± sleepiness, numbness’
[-, -, kläntsauñe//] kläntsauñesa ṣpakaiṃ yamaṣlona ‘in [a case of] sleepiness poultices [are] to be made’ (W-9a3). ∎A nominal derivative of klänts-.


kläskālyñe* (n.) ‘setting (as of the sun)’
[-, -, kälskālyñe//] ailskālyñ[e] [lege: kälskālyñe] yaneṃ tsnamñenta = BHS astaṃ gacchanti hāsravā (305b3), kläskālñe (517.1a1). ∎In form an abstract built on the subjunctive stem kläskā- from an unattested *kläsk-. The latter would be from a putative PIE *ḱli-sḱe/o-, a derivative of PIE *ḱlei- ‘bend, lean’ [: Sanskrit śráyati ‘lean against, lay on,’ Greek klīnō ‘lean (against); wane [of the day],’ Latin clīnō ‘lean, incline,’ OHG hlinēn ‘lean (intr.),’ etc. (P:601-602; MA:348). PIE *-i- regularly fails to palatalize when retracted in the environment of an *-s- (Adams, 1988c:15). For the semantic development from ‘lean, incline’ > ‘set [of sun]’ one should compare Greek tò êmar klínetai ‘the day wanes.’ Not with Hilmarsson (H:143) from PIE *ḱli-n-sḱe/o-, nor with VW (201) from PIE *ḱel- ‘hide.’ See also klin- and kälymiye, -klasko, and possibly klāy-.


klin- (vi.) ‘be necessary’ [impersonal and followed by an infinitive]
Ps. Xa /klinäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, kl(y)inaṣṣäṃ//]; Ko. I /klin-/ [A -, -, kl(y)in(ä)ṃ//; AOpt. -, -, kl(y)iñi// -, -, kl(y)iñ(i)yeṃ]; Pt. III /klein(s)ā-/ [A -, -, klaintsa//]. /// klinaṣṣäṃ ṣañ śāmna rintsi ‘it is necessary to renounce one's own people’ (8a2), omte tañ klyinaṣäṃ-ś sak lakle ritatsi ‘there it is necessary for thee to seek good fortune or suffering’ (TEB-74-6); waike waṣe ṣpä käskor wat wentsi klyin-ne ‘[if] it is necessary for him to speak lies and idle gossip’ (31b4), [yo]lo oko warpatsi mā ṣ ñī klyīñī ‘and it was not necessary for me to enjoy an evil fruit’ (268a3), saṃsārne kliñi-ñ walka [lege: walke] spārtatsi ‘it was necessary for me to turn for a long time in the saṃsāra’ (249b1), [nrai]ṣṣ[a]na wat kliñeṃ lkātsi krui läklenta ‘or if it was necessary to see hellish sufferings’ (220b5). ∎AB klin- reflect PTch *kläin- with analogical zero-grade (see Adams, 1978), a derivative of PIE *ḱlei- ‘bend, lean, incline’ [: Sanskrit śráyati ‘lean (tr.), lay on,’ Avestan sray- ~ srinu- ~ srinav- ‘lean,’ Armenian linim ‘be, become,’ Greek klīnō ‘lean (tr.), make to slope or slant,’ Latin clīnāre ‘bend, bow, incline,’ OHG hlinēn ‘lean (intr.),’ Lithuanian šliejù ‘lean against,’ etc. (P:601-602; MA:348)] (VW:220, with differing details, also H:150-151). The Tocharian reflects *ḱlinu(sḱe/o)-, as in Avestan. Semantically we must have a development ‘it leans against’ > ‘it depends on’ > ‘it must.’ See also kläskālyñe*.


klīye (nf.) ‘woman’
[klīye, klaiñantse (?), klaiñ ~ klaiṃ ~ klai//klaina, klainaṃts, klaina] oṣle pākre klainämpa kca treṅsate ‘midnight and noon he was hanging about some woman’ (69a2), [anti]ṣ-puräṣṣana klainampa ‘with the harem women’ (109a6), ṣamāne ṣañ āymesa [sic] klaiñ[antse]/// (330a1), enkwaññe ṣotri ne[ksa]te-ñ ... piś-känte cmelane klyiye ta[kāwa] ‘my male sign was destroyed; for five hundred births I was a woman’ (400a2), klai (570a4), klaiñ mā lyakār[e] ‘they didn't see the woman’ (570b2). -- klaiññe ‘female, prtng to a woman’: klaiñ=eṅwaññe ṣotrūnimeṃ ‘from the signs of female and male’ (8a6), klaiñe teki [K. T. Schmidt's reading, 1975] = BHS strīroga (505a3), klaiññe krāke ‘menstrual discharge’ (522a4), klaiñe teki = BHS asṛgdara- (Y-1a1). ∎TchA kuli (acc. kule) and B klīye (acc. klai) reflect PTch *kwliye (acc. *kwlai). Following and elaborating on a suggestion of K. T. Schmidt's (1980) and Kortlandt (1988) (also H:157-159) we may take the PTch form to reflect PIE *gwneha-h1en-, a "definitizing" derivative of the ordinary word for ‘woman,’ *gwen(e)ha- that appears in TchB as śana ‘wife,’ q.v. (MA:648). The nom. sg. *gwneha-h1ēn should have given PTch *kwlāi̯ē(n) by dissimilation of the two n's. This *kwlāi̯ē(n) should have given *kwloyo by mutual rounding (Adams, 1988c:21) but this form was analogically replaced by *kwlaye on the basis of the acc. sg. *kwlai and the sequence *-aye in *kwlaye evidently gave *-iye regularly (Adams, 1988d). The PIE acc. sg. *gwneha-h1enṃ gave PTch *kwlāi̯ä (with the loss of *-nä in the accusative singulars of nouns not referring to male rational beings) > *kwlai. In both languages the plural of this noun is analogical. The TchA plural kulewāñ is analogical after *sewāñ ‘sons’ while the B plural klaina is that appropriate to nouns denoting female rational beings (cf. aśiyana ‘nuns’). Beside the acc. sg. klai in B there are both klaiṃ and klaiñ. Klaiṃ is a historically later form of klaiñ resulting from the general tendency to change final - to -n, reinforced in this particular case as final -n is the regular marker of the acc. sg. of nouns denoting male rational beings (e.g. enkweṃ, the acc. sg. of enkwe ‘man’). In PIE terms klaiñ must reflect a *gwn(e)ha-h1en-iham, a motionsfeminum built to an n-stem. Not with Pedersen (1925:26, also VW:241) is this word to be related to the otherwise isolated Modern Irish caile ‘country woman, maiden, girl,’ Breton pl-ac’h ‘girl.’


kliṣṭ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± afflicted’ (?)
(175b1, 189b1). ∎From BHS kliṣṭa-.


klu* (n.) ‘rice’ (Oryza sativa Linn.)
[-, -, klu//] tane klu pete ~ tane smaññe pete ‘then give rice! then give broth!’ (H-149.X.5b6 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). -- kluṣṣe ‘prtng to rice’: kluṣṣa ṣwīye ‘rice gruel’ (497a8). ∎The equivalent of TchA klu. An early borrowing from Old Chinese *gləwʔ ‘rice, rice-paddy’ (in New Chinese dào; cf. Schuessler, 1987:116). For other suggestions, see VW:222 (a connection with Sanskrit śáru- ‘lance, arrow’) or Hilmarsson (H:152--a connection with the Germanic group represented by English hull) .


klutk- (vi./vt.) G ‘turn’ (intr.); K ‘make, change, turn [someone/something] into; augment, intensify’
G Ps. VII /kluttänk'ä/e-/ [MP // -, -, kluttankentär]; PP /klutko-/;
K Ps. IXb /klutkäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, klutkäṣṣäṃ// -, -, klutkäskeṃ; AImpf. // -, -, klutkäṣṣiyeṃ; APart. klutkäṣṣeñca; MPPart. klutkäskemane]; Ko. IXb [= Ps.] [Inf. klutkästsi]; Pt. II /klyāutkā-/ [A -, klyautkasta, klyautka//; MP -, -, klyautkāte// klyautkāmte, -, -]; PP /keklyutku-/ kauc ette kluttankentär toṃ pwenta cākr ente spārtaṃ kus=ette tākaṃ kauc toṃ kluttankentär kaucmeṃ nnok etteś ‘up and down the spokes turn when the wheel revolves; whatever will be down, up they turn from high again to down’ (30b6/7); wī pwārine kl[utk]au [ra]mt wsaṣṣäṃ lklessu ‘as [if he had] been between two fires, the suffering one dwells’ (9a7); | war yokaiṣṣe witskaṃ waiwäṣṣäṃ-ne nnok ñwecce klutkäṣṣä[n-n]e ‘the water of thirst wets its roots and makes it become new again’ (11b3); wāya ci lauke tsyāra ñiś wetke lykautka-ñ [lege: klyautka-ñ] pāke po läklentas [sic] ‘he has led thee afar and separated me [from thee] and made me share all sufferings’ (496a6/7), wismai klyautkasta brāhmaññai wertsyai ‘thou hast made astonished the brahmanical assembly’ (TEB-58-23); pilycalñeccu wroccu rṣāka purwar wesmeṃ | śaṣkäs lykwarwa keklyutkusai onkorñai tā ‘zealous and great seer! enjoy from me this sixteen times intensified porridge!’ [śa]ṣkäs lykwarwa keklyutkusai = BHS ṣodaśaguṇitam] (107b7). -- keklyutkormeṃ: pratiharintasa ceyna takar[ṣk]aṃ kekl[yu]tkormeṃ ‘by these wonders having made them believers’ (108b9). ∎TchA lutk- ‘id.’ and B klutk- are obviously to be related but exactly how is a question. It is usually assumed that A lutk- results from dissimilatory loss from *klutk- (retained in B) but the loss of a highly salient initial consonant in such a fashion is unlikely. More probable to my mind is to assume an original *klutk- that that became *tlutk- in pre-TchA by dissimilation and subsequently lutk- by regular loss of *t- before *-l- (much like *glakt- ‘milk’ > *dlakt- > lact- in Latin). Semantically PTch *klutk- would appear to belong to the widespread PIE *kwel- ‘turn, revolve, sojourn, dwell’ [: Sanskrit cárati ‘revolve,’ Avestan čaraiti ‘versatur,’ Greek pélomai ‘am in motion, go; come, rise’ (with Aeolic p-), télos ‘end’ (< *‘turning point’), telé(i)ō ‘finish,’ pólos ‘pivot, axis’ [= B kele, q.v.], poléō (intr.) ‘go around, range, haunt,’ (tr.) ‘turn up the soil’ (of a plow), Latin colō (< *kwelō) ‘cultivate, tend, dwell,’ Albanian sjell (< *kwelō) ‘bring, fetch,’ qel (< *kwoleyō) ‘come (late),’ and nominal derivatives in Celtic, Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic (P:639-640)]. PTch *klutk- presupposes a PIE *kwl-eu-T-(sḱe/o-), probably to be seen again in Albanian qeshë ‘I was’ (in pre-Modern Albanian kleshë) if from *kwleuT-sṃ (the -o- of the Albanian optative qofsha may reflect *kwlēuT-). Exactly the same series of élargissements is to be seen in B mlutk- ‘crush’ from PIE *mel- (MA:607). VW (267), following Pedersen, suggests the same root origin but is wrong in seeing a particular relationship with Greek teleutáō ‘finish, achieve.’ Hilmarsson, on the other hand, relates them (H:144-145) to ON hljóta ‘be allotted, attain’ but the semantic connection seems unilluminating. See also klautke, klautk-, and, more distantly, \X0\käl-1\x, käl-2, kokale, and kele.


klup- (vt.) ‘± squeeze’
Ps. VI /klupnā-/ [MP -, -, klupnātär//] ṣamāneṃntse yśelmi pälskone tsankaṃ kwipe-ike keuwco kalltärr-ne [sic] mälyuwiñcä epinkte kluṣnātärr-ne [lege: klupnātär-ne] tune swāralyñe yamastär krāke läṃn-ne ‘[if] sexual desires should arise in the mind of a monk and his shame-place [i.e. penis] stands tall and he squeezes [it] between [his] thighs, and makes therein pleasure for himself and filth [i.e. semen] emerges from him’ (334b6-8). ‣Though traditionally read kluṣnātär such a form cannot be right since there is no source for the palatalization of *-s-. Instead we have here a sloppy writing of -p-. ∎Extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. It may be related to Lithuanian glaũbti ‘to press to the breast,’ Old English clyppan ‘embrace, enclose; surround; grip,’ Old Norse klȳpa ‘include, comprise; squeeze, pinch’ all from a PIE *gleub- ‘± embrace, squeeze’ (cf. P:362). In any event the -u- represents PTch *-äu- and an analogical zero-grade (Adams, 1978).


kluṣ- See klup-.


Klenkarako (n.) ‘Klenkarako’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Klenkarako, -, -//] (LP-4a1).


klenkarññaññe ‘?’
kektseñtsa sanāpalle kartse māka klenkarññaññe (W-41b2). ∎An adjectival derivative of some sort from klenkarya ~ klenkaryo?


klenkarya ~ klenkaryo (n.) ‘Vanda roxburghii R. Br.’ (a medical ingredient)
[klenkaryo ~ klenkarya, -, -//] klenkaryo = BHS rāsnā- (Y-2b3/4). ∎Etymology unknown.


klenke* (nm.) ‘vehicle (of arriving at knowledge)’
[-, -, klenke//-, -, klenkeṃ] [causa] klenkesa = BHS tena yānena (306b3), kselläññeṣṣe sak śpālmeṃ trai klenkentsa källoyeṃ po saṃsārṣṣi ‘through the three vehicles may all those in the saṃsāra achieve the good fortune of extinction!’ (S-6a6). ∎(As if) from PIE *klongo- a nominal derivative of the tómos type from PIE *kleng- ‘bend, turn’ [: Latin clingō ‘cingō’ or ‘clūdō,’ TchB klänk- ‘be doubtful,’ Old Norse hlekkr ‘loop of chain,’ Old English hlinc ‘ridge’ Old French (< Germanic) flenchir ‘turn aside, flinch,’ etc. (P:603; MA:62)]. For the semantics one might note NHG lenken ‘guide, conduct’ (VW:217, though he does not connect klänk-). See also klānk- and, more distantly, klänk-.


klene* (n.) ‘± noise, sound’
[-, -, klene//] /// snai klena [lege: klene?] ‘without noise’ (389a1), snai klene (PK-17-8b2 [H:149]). ∎A nominal derivative of käln-, q.v. On the basis of the derived adjective klene-u ‘resounding’ it would appear that klena is an innovation or simply a mistake for *klene. See also käln- and kleneu*.


kleneu* (adj.) ‘resounding’
[m: kleneu, -, -//] [f: -, -, klenauntsai//] [spä]ntaiytsñeṣṣai wrākai pāyāsta klenauntsai ‘thou didst blow on the resounding conch of trustfulness’ (214b4). ∎An adjective derived from klene, q.v.


klep- (vt.) ‘± touch (with the hands), investigate, test’
Ps. I /klyep-/ [MP -, -, klyeptär//]; Pt. I /klāpā-/ [MP -, -, klapāte ~ klawāte//] klyepträ = BHS saṃmṛśati (VW, 1976: 223); pudñäktentse kektseño klawāte-ne lyawā-ne ‘he touched the Buddha's body and rubbed it’ (5b5). -- kaklāparmeṃ: /// kaklāparmeṃ = BHS vimṛśya (532b2);
klāpalñe ‘± touch’: /// yakne klapālñ[e e]nka/// (156a2). ∎From PIE *klep- ‘± lay hand to’ (Adams, 1989b; MA:595). Further discussion of cognates s.v. kälp-. TchB klyep'ä/e- is a thematic verb with lengthened-grade of the root (probably originally iterative-intensive in meaning). Cf. klyaus- ‘hear’ (where the vocalism of the present has spread throughout the paradigm), tänk- ‘check, hinder’ (3rd. pl. cenkeṃ), täk- ‘touch’ (3rd. sg. ceśäṃ), śauk- ‘call’ (3rd. sg. śauśäṃ), and Class III ("deponents"), nu- ‘shout, threaten’ (3rd. sg. ñewetär), or lu- ‘send’ (3rd. sg. lyewetär). Outside of Tocharian we can compare Latin cēdere ‘go, proceed’ or Greek mēdomai ‘devise, counsel, advise; plot’ beside médomai ‘give heed to, attend.’ The preterite and subjunctive of *klēpe/o- seem to have been built to an old o-grade (intensive?) present *klop- (for o-grade-presents, see now Jasanoff, 1979) plus the ubiquitous -- of Tocharian preterites and subjunctives (i.e. *klop-ā-). See also kälp-, kälyp- and klepe*.


klepe* (n.) ‘± theft’
[-, -, klepe//] lyakäṃ kr[au]pträ | wi-pewaṃ | śtwer-pewaṃ | makā-pewaṃ | klepe mällasträ | weṣperke ṣparkäṣṣäṃ | lyakäṃ sompasträ ‘thieves he gathers; the footless, the two-footed, the four-footed, the many-footed; he suppresses theft, he removes weṣperke; he takes the thieves unto himself’ (H-149. ADD.8b3 [H:149-150]). ∎(As if) from PIE *ḱlopo-, a derivative of *ḱlep- ‘± lay hand to’ (MA:595). See also kälyp-, kälp-, and klep-.


kleś (n.[f.pl.]) ‘pain, affliction, distress, anguish’ [used of all passions, all of which were disapproved from the buddhist point of view]
[kleś, -, kleś//kleśanma, kleśanmaṃts, kleśanma] [po] kauṣeñca yokye kleś ontsoytñe tne tanmäṣṣäṃ krentaṃts wnolmeṃts ‘the all-killing affliction thirst/desire produces insatiability in good beings’ (11b2), aiśamñesa kauṣallona kleśanma = BHS jñānavaddhyā kleśā (200a4), [in Manichean script] klyš’nm’ (Winter/Gabain:12). -- kleśaṣṣe ‘prtng to (an) affliction’: yūkoym weta kleśaṣṣai ‘may I triumph over the struggle with affliction!’ (S-6a1);
kleśanmaṣṣe ‘prtng to afflictions’ (226a2);
kleśatstse* ‘afflicted’: ma no mäkci kleśäcci po ṣärm aiskeṃ kleśänmats ‘all these afflicted with afflictions do not give origin to afflictions’ (255b6);
kleśanmatstse* ‘having afflictions’ (601a1);
kleś-yāmorṣṣe ‘prtng to affliction and deed’ (286a5). ∎From BHS kleśa-. See also klaiks-.


klese (n.) some sort of foodstuff, ‘± coarse meal’ (?) [often specified for the workers and contrasted with flour given to the artisans]
[klese, -, -//] kantiś yikṣye ok tom piś ṣankäṃ klese tau ‘for bread flour, one tau and five pounds, klese, one tau’ (433a4), kapyāres klese masa tarya tom wākte wi tom ‘for the workers klese went, three tau and wākte, two tau’ (434a5). ∎Etymology unknown.


klestetstse (adj.) ‘± shabby, sullied’
[m: klestetstse, -, -//] sa [lege: su] pañīkte-käṣṣīṃtse wastsi klestetse ṣai ‘the Buddha-teacher's clothing was shabby’ (or ‘sullied’) (560a3/4). ∎Etymology uncertain. Hilmarsson (H:150) suggests a possible connection in Old Norse klessa ‘spot of dirt.’ The Old Norse reflects PIE *gleds-teha-; the Tocharian a PIE *glods-to-. For another, perhaps related, suggestion, see VW:220.


klaiks- (vi.) ‘± languish, shrivel, wither’
Ps. IV /klaikso-/ [MP -, -, klaiksotär//]; Ko. V /klāiksā-/ [Inf. klaiksatsi]; PP /kāklāiksā-/ [tu]sa tw=Ānanda mā mäsketär [lege: mäsketar] läklessu mā ra klaiksotar ‘therefore, Ānanda, do not be unfortunate and do not languish’ (27a2); /// pwārane | saṃsārṣṣe stām laukaññe yokye kleś mā tärknan-ne klaiksatsi nta ‘the saṃsāra-tree [does not burn] long in the fires; the thirst-kleśa never allows [it] to wither’ (11b3); [spä]rkoṣ ere ce kaklaiksauwa särwana/// ‘the color gone and face shriveled’ (405b3). ∎TchA kleps- and B klaiks- reflect PTch *klaiks- or *klaips-. If the former, it surely reflects a PIE *k(w)leiḱ- [: Sanskrit kliś- (present kliśyáte) ‘suffer, be tormented,’ kleśa- ‘suffering, pain, torment,’ Parthian Sogdian nxrys- ‘blame, reproach’ (< *ni-xraisa-), Russian klestit' ‘press,’ Lithuanian klìšės ‘crabclaw’] (H:139-140; MA: 413; cf. Mayrhofer, 1986:419). This etymology is certainly to be preferred to VW's suggestion (1962b:342-3, 1976:219) of a connection with Greek skeliphrós ‘dry, parched, lean; dry or lean looking’ and sklēphrós ‘slender, light, thin.’


klaiññe See klīye.


klokaśce* (nf.) ‘pore, follicle’
[-, -, klokaśc//klokaści, -, klokastäṃ] somo somo klokaśne ltū wlaṃśke yok tañ kektsentsa ‘one by one [has] emerged a soft hair in [each] follicle over thy body’ (74a3), klokastäṃnmeṃ ok-tmane pletkar-c ysāra ‘from eight thousand pores thy blood overflowed’ (S-8a4). ∎Related to TchA klyokäśc ‘id.,’ whose palatalization is presumably due to distant assimilation with -śc-. Hilmarsson suggests (H:151) a further connection with Latin cloāca (~ cluāca, clovāca). The Latin would represent *ḱlow(hx)-ehak-eha- and the Tocharian *ḱlow(hx)-ehak-u-sten- (> *klewokuścän-, with rounding of *-- in the environment *-w...Cu- [cf. poko], > *klowokuścän- > *klokäścän-. Further related to the family of *ḱleu(hx)- ‘± clean’ (cf. P:607; MA:108).


klautk- (vi./vt.) G ‘turn, become’ (intr.); K ‘turn’ (tr.)
G Ps. IV /klautko-/ [MP klautkomar, -, klautkotär// -, -, klautkontär; Ger. klautkolle]; Ko. V /klāutkā-/ [A -, -, klautkaṃ//; MP -, -, klautkoytär//; AOpt. -, -, klautkoy// -, -, klautkoyeṃ; Inf. klautkatsi]; Ipv. I /päklāutkā-/ [Sg. (pä)klautka]; Pt. Ib /klāutkā-/ [A klautkāwa, -, klautka// -, -, klautkāre]; PP /kāklāutkā-/;
K Ps. IXb /klautkäsk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, klautkäṣṣäṃ//; Ger. klautkäṣṣälle]; Ko. IXb [= Ps.] [Inf. klautkäs(t)si]; Ipv. IV /päklautkäṣṣā-/ [Pl. päklautkäṣṣat] mäkte cake ṣliye /// [kl]autkot[rä] | mant kättankäṃ śaulanma mā ṣp wtentse klautkonträ ‘as a mountain stream ... turns; so lives pass and do not turn a second time’ (3a4), päst yaikormeṃ poyknesa päst kl[au]tkoträ lakle se nano nano [klautkoträ = BHS nivartate] (11a5), nāki lkāskau klautkomar yolaiñemeṃ ‘I see reproach, I turn from evil’ (TEB-64-04); mentsisa klautkoy śaul wtentse ket ra ‘should someone's life turn again through distress?’ (46b1), ṣañ läklenta warpatsi waśīr klautkoy-ñ arañce ‘may my heart turn into diamond to endure my own sufferings!’ (S-8b1), [p]añäktäññe pernemeṃ mā ṣ klautkoyem ‘and may we not turn from the Buddha-rank’ (184a3); kāwalñemeṃ päklautk[a] ‘turn from desire!’ (358b3), klyomai klautkā ñäke näpi [lege: mäpi] ‘o noble [one], turn yourself not away!’ (PK-12F-b4 ([Thomas, 1979:45]); tañ pernerñe saim yāmoṣ perneñc ka po klautkāre ‘having made [their] refuge thy glory, they all have turned glorious’ (204a3/4); tane se brāhmaṇe ... katkauñaisa īte ka[k]l[autkau] ‘then the brahman [was] filled with joy’ (AMB-a3), kaklau[tkau] = BHS nivṛttaḥ (U-18b5); ceṃ ṣamāneṃ klautkäs[ts]i[śc] śalna ‘in order to turn these monks [from] strife’ (36a8); päklautkäṣṣat päst pälskonta weṃṣyetsai ramt kotaimeṃ ‘turn [your] thoughts away as from a sewer’ (33b6/7). -- klautkalñe ‘turning, returning’: waiyke welyñemeṃ klautkalyñe ‘a turning from speaking lies’ (333a9), [k]lautk[a]lñe = BHS nivṛttaḥ [H-149-ADD.105a3 (Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:488]).
klautkäṣlyñe* ‘turning’: klautkäṣlñe = BHS vivartanā (41a7). ∎In form a denominative verb from klautke, in turn from klutk-, qq.v. See also klautke, anklautkatte and klutk-.


klautke* (nm.) ‘way, manner; behavior’
[-, -, klautke//-, -, klautkeṃ] śak-wi klautk[eṃ] = BHS dvādaśākāra (148a1), ce klautkesa śaul no ykāk mā nanautau ... kuce klautkesa aiśalyi ‘by this behavior life [is] not then lost ... by what behavior [are they] to be known?’ (K-7a4), yärpontaṣṣeṃ klautkeṃ ‘the ways of meritorious works’ (K-10a6). ∎A nominal derivative of the tómos type from klutk-, q.v.


klauṣo* (nf.) ‘?’
[-, -, klauṣai//] yweṃṣkai klauṣai (H-149.add.7a3 [H:144]). ‣Neither word is known.


klautso (nf.) ‘ear’
[klautso, -, klautsai/-, klautsnaisäñ, klauts(a)ne/] [kantwo=rṣ]āklaṃts ramt klautso ramt onkolmantse wāska ‘like the tongue of snakes, like an elephant's ear it moved’ (3b4), klautsne=naiśai pepīltso śau[l]mpa mā spänteträ ‘listen attentively! don't trust in life!’ (3b4/5), psaina kl[autsai] = BHS avadhatsva śrotraṃ (527a1), läksaña klautso ‘gill’ (P-2a6), klautsaine = BHS śravaṇa- (Y-2a4). -- klautsaiṣṣe ‘prtng to the ear(s)’: läksaiñai [klau]tsaiṣṣe [ṣpel] ‘a poultice of fish gills’ (FS-b1);
klautsaneṣṣe ‘prtng to the (two) ears’ (155a4);
klau(t)sa-pilṣi ‘± with ears attent’: se [= kuse] ṣamāne śilnāntaṃ we[tāntaṃ] ṣamāneṃts klausa-pilṣi kalträ pāyti ‘whatever monk stands ears attent to quarreling and fighting monks, pāyti’ [klausa-pilṣi = BHS upaśrutika-] (H-149.X.3a4 [Couvreur, 1954b:48]). ∎TchA klots and B klautso reflect PTch *kleutsā(i̯ä)n-. That this reflects some sort of derivative of PIE *ḱleu- ‘hear’ is universally recognized (Meillet and Lévi, 1911:150, Petersen, 1939:89, Pedersen, 1941:73-4, VW:221; MA:262). Hilmarsson (1989a: 102-103; H:145-146) takes the dual to be from PIE *ḱlouti-ih1 which would of course be the regular dual of an i-stem. The singular and plural would be from an n-stem extension, *ḱlouti-h1ōn-. Alternatively we might have a unified paradigm *ḱlouti-(e)ha- (one might compare the frequent interchange of verbal abstracts -sis and -sía in Greek) where the zero-grade dual *ḱlout-ha-ih1 is regular, as is the full-grade singular and plural *ḱlouti-eha- (with of course the very common n-stem extension in Tocharian of PIE eha-stems). See also klautsaiñe* and klyaus-.


klautsaiñe* (nm.) ‘± earring’
[//-, -, klautsaiñeṃ] /// ysāṣṣeṃ klautsaiñentsa /// ‘with golden earrings’ (368a3). ∎A derivative of klautso.


Klpāpātre [sic] (n.) ‘Kalpapātra’ (PN in graffitto)
[Klpāpātre, -, -//]. (G-Su21).


klyiye See klīye.


klyemo* ‘± standing, being in’
[m:// -, -, klyemoṃ] klyemoṃ warne lwasāts misampa mit panit wirot ‘honey and molasses with the flesh of animals living in water [is] an incompatibility’ (ST-a3/4). ∎An adjectival derivative of käly-, q.v.


klyoto* (n.) ‘Tribulus terrestris Linn.’ [aka T. lanuginosus] (a medical ingredient)
[//klyotañ, -, -] (501a5). -- klyotaiṣṣe* ‘prtng to Tribulus lanuginosus’: klyotaiṣṣana witsakaṃ ‘roots of Tribulus lanuginosus’ (P-1a5). ∎Etymology unknown. See also possibly Klyotiśka.


Klyotiśka (n.) ‘Klyotiśka’ (PN in monastic records)
[Klyotiśka, -, -//] (490a-I-2). ∎This would look to be etymologically a diminutive of klyoto*.


klyomo (adj.) ‘noble’
[m: klyomo, -, klyomoṃ ~ klyomont (voc. klyomai)//klyomoñ, klyomoṃts, klyomoṃ] [f: klyomña, -, klyomñai//klyomñana, -, -] t[w]e tākoyt [kts]aitsäññe kärpye-yakne mā klyomo ‘death, thou must be common and not noble!’ (5b8), kly[omo] lkālñesa kuse kekenu tākaṃ [klyomo = BHS ārya] ‘the noble [one] who is provided with insight’ (14a7), oktatsa klyomña ytārye klyomoṃts empreṃtsäññe ‘the noble, eightfold path [is] the truth of the noble [ones]’ (154a4). -- klyomo-yok ‘noble-like’: [twe nai la]re-yok snai-keś klomo-yok [sic] olyapotstse śpālmeṃ yä/// (237a2);
klyomñe ‘nobility’: klyomñe ṣärpseṃ ṣemi ksa aiśämñenta [alyai]ko ‘some other wise men explain nobility’ (255b1/2). ∎TchA klyom (acc. sg. klyomänt) and B klyomo reflect PTch *klyomo (acc. sg. *klyomäntä) from PIE *ḱleumōnt(s) (weak stem *ḱleumṇ-). This PIE *ḱleumṇ- provides the basis for the thematic *ḱleumṇt- seen in Sanskrit śrómata- (nt.) ‘fame, positive reputation,’ and OHG hliumunt (m.) (NHG Leumund) ‘reputation, character’ (Couvreur, 1947:16, VW:223; with differing details, H:159-160). *Ḱleumṇ- of course is a derivative of *ḱleu- ‘hear’ (cf. also Gothic hliuma (m.) ‘hearing,’ Old Norse hljómr ‘sound,’ and Avestan sraoman- ‘hearing’). In TchB the final -o proper to the nom. sg. has been extended throughout the paradigm and, except for the residual acc. sg. klyomont, the stem has been rebuilt as an n-stem throughout rather than a nt-stem (so too the TchA feminine klyomiṃ, etc.). See Further s.v. klyaus-.


klyauccamoṃ* (adj.) ‘?’
[-, -, klyauccamoṃ//] ///thitaṃ [] klyauccamoṃ [] tāmram [] (529b4). ‣As the beginning of the Sanskrit word that klyauccamoṃ glosses is lost, we cannot know its meaning. However, it would appear to be a verbal adjective to the same verb whose infinitive appears as the next entry.


klyauccasi* (n.) ‘electuary’
[-, -, klyauccasi//] kuñcitäṣṣe ṣalywe balämpa klyauccasi yamaṣle ‘sesame oil with balā [is] to be made into a paste’ (Y-2a6). ‣This looks to be an infinitive (defectively written for klyauccatsi) used as a noun. The preceding entry would appear to be the verbal adjective of the same verb. ∎Etymology uncertain. Hilmarsson (H:154-155) suggest that the Tocharian verb might reflect a PIE *glēud-sḱe/o- and be related to Old English clēot ‘clump,’ Middle Low German klōt ‘clump,’ Old English clott ‘clot, clump,’ and, without the *-d- extension, to Sanskrit glau- ‘ball, mass of something pressed into a ball,’ etc. (cf. P:361-362).


klyaus- (vt.) ‘hear, listen to’ [periphrastic causative klyauṣtsi ai- ‘give (someone) to hear’]
Ps. II /klyeus'ä/e-/ [A -, -, klyauṣäṃ// -, -, klyauseṃ; MP -, -, klyauṣär// -, -, klyausentär; AImpf. klyauṣim, -, klyauṣit// -, -, klyauṣ(i)yeṃ; MPPart. klausemane; Ger. klyauṣälle]; Ko. II [= Ps.] [A -, -, klyauṣäṃ//; AOpt. -, -, klyauṣi// -, -, klyauṣ(i)yeṃ; Inf. klyauṣ(t)si ~ klyaus(t)si]; Ipv. I /päklyauṣ/ [Sg. päklyauṣ Pl. päklyauṣ(t)so]; Pt. Ib /klyāuṣā-/ [A klyauṣawa, -, klyauṣa// -, klyauṣaso, klyauṣare; MP -, -, klyauṣate//]; PP /keklyeuṣ-/ lalaṃṣke ksā [sic] samp wek klyauṣträ ‘this soft voice is to be heard’ (89b6), klyeuṣtr[ä] (365a1); pelaik[n]e klyauṣtsi āyor aitsi ṣek añmassu ‘always zealous to hear the law and give the gift’ (23a7), lakaṃ klyauṣäṃ wat yark=alyekepi ‘[if] he sees or hears of the honor [given] to another’ (33b4), kuse pi ksa ayi-ne pelaikne klyauṣtsi ‘who will give him to hear the law?’ (99a4), ñäkcīyai [klau]tsaisa klyaussi ‘to hear with divine ear’ (PK-AS16.2b5 [Pinault, 1989:156]); sasāllaṣ palsko[sa] ... päklyauṣ cau jāta[käṣṣe me]ske ‘hear this jātaka with humble spirit!’ (77a4/5), tū ñke taṅsa päklyauṣso ‘hear now this with love!’ (8a7); tī[rteṃts we]lyñe klyauṣare ‘they heard the talk of the tīrthas’ (19a6), orotsa kwasalñeṣṣa weśeñña klyauṣate ‘the great sound of mourning was heard’ (589b6); tu wnolmi keklyauṣoṣ ṣeyeṃ ‘the creatures had heard it’ (30b2). -- keklyauṣor ‘that which has been heard, instruction, knowledge, tradition’: keklyauṣor = BHS śrutam (H-149.236b4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]), ṣe keklyauṣor ‘this thing once heard’ (S-2a6);
keklyauṣormeṃ;
klyauṣälñe ‘hearing’: ma [sic] klyauṣälñentasa = BHS nāśravai (311b4), kreñcepi pelaikneṃtse klyauṣälyñene ‘in the hearing of the good law’ [= BHS saddharmaśravaṇ] (H-149.315a5 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]). ∎TchA klyos- and B klyaus- reflect PTch *klyeus-, (as if) from PIE *ḱlēus- a lengthened grade iterative-intensive of *ḱl(e)us- which appears in several different ablaut grades [: Sanskrit śróṣti ‘hears, listens,’ OHG hlosēn ‘listen,’ OCS slyšati ~ slušati ‘hear,’ Lithuanian klausaũ ‘hear’ (P:606-607; MA:262)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:926, VW:224, H:155-156). Cf. klep- ‘touch, investigate’ (3rd sg. klyepträ), tänk- ‘check, hinder’ (3rd. pl. cenkeṃ), täk- ‘touch’ (3rd. sg. ceśäṃ), śauk- ‘call’ (3rd. sg. śauśäṃ), and Class III ("deponents"), nu- ‘shout, threaten’ (3rd. sg. ñewetär), or lu- ‘send’ (3rd. sg. lyewetär). Outside of Tocharian we can compare Latin cēdere ‘go, proceed’ or Greek mēdomai ‘devise, resolve; counsel; plot’ beside médomai ‘give heed to, attend.’ TchB klyaus- is somewhat unusual in that it has extended the lengthened grade to all forms of the paradigm; however, one might note that the preterite participle in A is kaklyuṣu, reflecting an old full-grade. Given the widely varying ablaut grades of PIE *ḱl(e)us- and the widespread productivity of -grade thematic formations in Tocharian, there is no need to see in klyaus- evidence that PIE *-eu- gave Tocharian -yeu- rather than -yu-. PIE *ḱl(e)us- is an élargissement of *ḱl(e)u- ‘id.’ [: Sanskrit śṛṇóti ‘hears,’ Avestan surunaoiti ‘id.’ Greek kléō ‘tell of, make famous, celebrate,’ Latin clueō ‘am known, am called,’ OCS slovǫ ‘am called, am famous,’ Albanian quhem ‘am called’ (< *ḱlu-sḱo-mai), etc. (P:605ff.; MA:262)]. See also enklyauṣätte and, somewhat more distantly, klautso, klyomo, klāw-, and ñem-kälywe.


kwants ‘firm,’ only attested in the compound kwäntsa-pälsko
ṣäle ramt [t]we kwäntsa-pälsko prākre täṅwä rinäcceṃ ra mā rinästār [sic] (245a4), kwäntsa- pälsko mā rīnä[tsts]e /// ‘a firm spirit [is] not to be renounced’ (245b5). -- kwäntsaññe ‘firm’: kwäntsaññe ja[ṭä] snai-ykorñeṣṣa po kektseñe ‘a firm braid, the whole body diligent’ (TEB- 59-27);
kwäntsäññeṣṣe ‘id.’: ompalskoññeṣṣi [snai keś] wärttonta pelaikneṣṣi prenki aurcci ... kārūnäṣṣe cintāmaṇi kwäntsaññeṣ[ṣe] Sumer rīye nervāṃṣṣa ‘forests without number of meditation, broad islands of righteousness, the jewel of mercy, firm Mt. Sumeru, and the nirvana-city’ (73b5/6). ∎This word is normally taken to be related to TchA kāsu ‘good’ and B kwāts ‘dearly, for much money’ (so VW:196 and Toporov, 1987). However, there seems to be no way phonologically these two words, lacking any -n-, can be connected (a PTch *kwānswo- or the like should have given A *kesu, cf. es ‘shoulder’ from *ānse [B āntse]) and, in any case, the semantic relationships are by no means compelling. It is also usual to take kwants to be from PIE *ḱwen- ‘holy’ [: Avestan spanah- ‘holiness,’ spanta- ‘holy,’ OCS svętъ ‘id.,’ Lithuanian šveñtas ‘id.,’ etc. (see Toporov, 1987)]. PIE *ḱwen- is itself a derivative of or at least related to *ḱeu(hx)- ‘swell, become full of power’ (P:592ff.). TchB kwants might reflect a PIE *ḱun-(e)s-o- ‘± having swollenness.’ For the s-stem one should compare Avestan spanah- and possibly Gothic hunsl ‘sacrifice’ Old English hūsel ‘sacrifice, the Eucharist’ if these reflect PIE *ḱuns-lo- and not *ḱunts-tlo- (in any case, if Toporov and others are correct in adding Gothic hansa ‘troup, cohort’ and OHG hansa ‘escort, company,’ Ol English hōs ‘id.,’ reflecting a PGmc *hansōn- ‘Opferbrüderschaft,’ then an old s-stem is clearly attested). Hilmarsson (H:202-203), following VW (1962:181), suggests an alternative possibility, namely that we have here a Tocharian reflex of PIE *gwhen- ‘swell, be filled to the brim’ [: Skt ghaná- ‘thick, compact,’ Lith ganà ‘enough,’ Grk euthenéō ‘flourish’]. See also kuntsaññe and possibly kwāts.


kwamo* (n.) only in the name of a meter śawaññe kwamo* (4 X 14 syllables; rhythm 7/7)
[-, -, kwama//] (PK-AS16.2a6 [Pinault, 1989]).


kwaräṣ(e)* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘evacuation, stool’
[-, -, kwaräṣ//] kwaräṣ raiweṃ sticce yamaṣṣäṃ ‘it makes the stool slow and sluggish’ (ST-a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. Possibly a derivative of kwär-, q.v., and a calque on Sanskrit jīrṇ- ‘digestion, digested foods, stool’ (H:204). Not with VW (247) a compound *gū- ‘feces’ (cf. Sanskrit gūtha- ‘id.’) + *wors- ‘impurity’ (cf. A wars ‘id.’).


kwareṃ ‘?’
/// ̇ts ̇ kwareṃ skre/// (H:204).


kwarm* (~ kurm ~ gurm) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘tumor’
[-, -, kwarm//] yenteṣṣepi gurmantse sāṃtke ‘the remedy for wind tumor’ (497b3), kwarmne = BHS gulma- (Y-1b3). ∎From BHS gulma-.


kwarsär (nnt.) ‘league’ [= BHS yojana- which by various calculations is anywhere from 2.5 to 18 miles]; ‘course, path’
[kwarsär, -, kwarsär//kwärsarwa, -, käwrsarwa] keṃ ñor ṣukt nrainta toṃ tmān[e] ñu[ltse] kwärsarw=enkwa keṃ ... wī tmāne kwä[r]s[arw=e]tteś ñor su ‘below the earth [are] seven hells surrounding the earth [for] nine thousand leagues ... two thousand leagues below [is] it’ (45b3), päst ykuwermeṃ māka kursarwa keṃ[tsa] ‘having gone many leagues over the earth’ (574a6). ∎TchA kursär and B kwarsär reflect PTch *kwärsär, (as if) from PIE *ḱṛs-r-u- ‘a [distance of] running,’ a verbal noun from *ḱers- ‘run’ [: Latin currō ‘run’ (< *ḱṛsō), currus ‘wagon’ (< *ḱṛso-), Old Irish, Welsh carr ‘vehicle’ (= currus, > English car), MHG hurren ‘hurry,’ and probably the family represented by English horse (< *ḱṛso-) (P:583-584; MA:491)] (VW, 1941:49, 1976:245, with differing details). The development of PIE *-- to pre-Tch *-ur-, whence -wä- ~ -u- rather than *-är- may have been influenced by the following *-u-. Hilmarsson (H:204-205), at the cost of taking the Celtic as borrowings from Latin carrus, reconstructs a PIE *kwers- for this etymon.


kwalñe See ku-.


kwaṣo* (nf.) ‘village’
[-, -, kwaṣai//kuṣaiñ, -, kuṣaiṃ] riṃne kuṣaiṃne ostwane ṣek yeyeṃ ‘always they went in cities, villages, and houses’ (31b6), se ṣamāne plākisa aśiyanampa ytāri yaṃ p[o]staññe rano kuṣaiymeṃ kwaṣai täṅtsi pāyti ‘[if] a monk should go [along] a road, by agreement, with nuns, even from village [to] village, pāyti’ (PK-AS-18B-b2/3 [Pinault, 1984b:377]). -- kuṣaiṣṣe ‘prtng to a village’ (540b5). ∎Etymology uncertain. TchA ṣukṣ- ‘id.’ would seem to be related in some fashion but just how is obscure. The TchB word must reflect a *kusyā- and it might be possible to see in such a form some sort of collective and compare it to the otherwise isolated Proto-Germanic *hūsa- (nt.) ‘house’ [: OHG, Old English, Old Norse hūs ‘house’]. The difference in length of the first vowel is, admittedly, a difficulty but Germanic has other examples of neo-lengthened grades of -ū- (cf. Old English hlūd ‘loud’ from PIE *ḱlutós). In any case, if the TchA form is related to the B word, it must be because TchA has some sort of prefix. Hilmarsson cogently suggests (H:197-198) the possibility of PIE *swe- ‘own’ as the prefix. (Not with VW [1941:126, 1976:464-465] are TchB kwaṣ- and A ṣukṣ- to be derived from a hypothetical *sekwus- from *sekw- ‘follow’; nor with Hilmarsson [H:197-198] are both to be derived from *swe-wiḱ-s-en- ‘own village,’ a proposal that is sound semantically but requires a great deal of phonological derring- do.)


kwā- (vt.) ‘call out to, invite’
Ps. V /kwā-/ [MP kwāmar, -, kwātär// -, -, kwāntär; MPImpf. -, -, kwoytär// -, -, kwoyentär; MPPart. kwāmane]; Ko. V /kākā-/ [MP -, -, kākatär//; MPOpt. kākoymar, -, -//; Inf. kākatsi]; Ipv. I /pokkākā-/ [Sg. pokkāka; Pl. pokkākaṣo; Pt. Ib /kākā-/ [A -, -, kāka//; MP -, kakātai, kakāte//]; PP /kākākā-/ kwām[a]r-c akālksa pk[w]alñemp=eṣe ‘I call out to thee out of desire and with trustfulness’ (TEB-64-07), pācer cwimp ... kwäsnāträ snai kärsto [] kwātär-ne taṅsa ‘his father laments [him] without ceasing and calls out to him in love’ (88b1), kwoytär-n=ai[w]e tallāw c.e [lege: twe] ‘they used to invite him [to] the shelter [with the words]: ‘thou [art] unfortunate’’ (49a8), /// weśeññaisa bodhisatveṃ kwāmane ‘calling on the bodhisatva with a ... voice’ (PK-12C-a4 [Thomas, 1986:121]); tanāpate ṣamāneṃ śwātsiś kākatär ‘[if] the benefactor invites the monk to eat’ (331b2); pelaikneṣṣe kerusa piś-cmelaṣṣeṃ kakātai riśc nervānṣai ‘with the drum of the law thou didst invite [those of] the five births to the nirvana-city’ (221a2), Śrāvasti s[p]e mäskīträ omp ceṃ kāka aka[lṣ]ly[eṃ] /// ‘he found himself near Ś.; there he called out to the disciples’ (8a8), ñaṣṣa śreṣṭakeṃ kakāte-ne akālkäś ‘he besought Ś. and invited him to [make] a wish’ (22a5). -- kākalñe ‘± invitation’ (543a1). ∎TchB kwā- must reflect a PIE *huhx-eha- ‘call up’ seen most clearly in Sanskrit hvātar- ‘invoker,’ Avestan zbātar- ‘id.,’ and the OCS infinitive zъvati ‘call up, call out.’ This *huhx-eha- is a derivative of *hau(hx)- ‘call up, call out’ [: Sanskrit hávate ‘calls,’ Avestan zavaiti ‘id.,’ OCS present zovǫ ‘id.,’ etc. (P:413-414; MA:89)] (VW:192, with differing details, and also Normier, 1980:269, K. T. Schmidt, 1982:365, Lindeman, 1987:300-301, and H:200-201 who start from unsuffixed *huhx-).
AB kāk-, on the evidence of the B imperative pokkāka and the A imperative pukāk, reflect PTch *kwāk- which must be related in some fashion to PTch kwā-. Presumably we have something on the order of *huhx-eha-k- with the same élargissement seen in tāk- (cf. the discussion in Normier, 1989:269ff., and, with differing details, H:201). See also perhaps ñakte, kāko and akākatte.


kwāts (or kwats?) (adv.) ‘dearly, for much money’
kuse ṣamāne karyor pito yamasträ olank kärnāsträ kwāts [it can also be read: kwats] plankṣäṃ pärkāwse pelkiṃ tu cwi päst [t]ärkanalle nisargi ‘whatever monk buys and sells for himself and [if] he buys cheaply and sells dearly for the sake of profit; it must be given up by him; nisargi’ (337b3). ∎Etymology unknown. Probably not related to kwants as is usually supposed.


kwäntsa See kwants.


kwär- (~ kur-) (vi.) ‘age, grow old’
Ps. II/III /kwär('ä/)e-]/ [MP -, -, kwrentär]; PP /kwäro-/ kwreṃtär lānte kokalyi [= BHS jīryanti rājarathāḥ ‘the wagons of the king were old’ (5a8); mā r[a] kuro o[sne yänmaṣṣälle mā ra ku]ro osn[e] ṣma[l]l[e] (321a7/b1). ∎AB kwär- reflect PTch *kwär- but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. Semantically it would be nice to see here a descendant of PIE *ǵerha- ‘age, ripen’ [: Sanskrit járati ‘make old, decrepit,’ jīryati ~ jūryati ‘grows old, becomes decrepit, decays,’ járant- ‘decrepit, old; old man,’ jarás- (f.) ~ jarā- ‘old age,’ jarimán- ‘id.,’ Armenian cer ‘old; old man’ (< *ǵer(ha)o-), Greek gérōn ‘old man,’ géras (nt.) ‘perquisite,’ geraiós ‘old,’ gẽras ‘old age,’ gēráskō ‘age, grow older,’ graũs ‘old woman,’ Albanian grua ‘id.,’ OCS zьrěti ‘ripen,’ zьrělъ ‘ripe,’ etc. (P:390-391; MA:248)] (Reuter, 1934:11, VW:244, though details differ). In particular Tocharian kw(ä)re- would reflect a putative PIE *ǵṛha-h1-ó- ‘get old’ parallel to the *ǵrha-eh1- seen in OCS zьrěti. We would ordinarily expect a PIE *-- to become PTch *-är-, not *-wär-. There are, however, a number of instances in various IE languages where *-- appears as *-uR- rather than the regular outcome of *-- would be (e.g. Sanskrit gīr ‘song of praise’ but gūrtí- ‘praise,’ Greek múllō ‘grind (grain),’ etc. It is particular noteworthy for this etymology to notice Sanskrit jūryati beside the expected jīryati ‘grows old.’ Perhaps instead of *ǵerha-, or crossed with it, we have PIE *g(h)werhx- seen otherwise only in Baltic [: Lithuanian gùrti (Ps. gùrstu, gųrù, or guraũ) ‘disintegrate, crumble, become loose, weak,’ Latvian gur̃t ‘become weak, diminish,’ Lithuanian gurlùs, Latvian gurls ‘tired, weak, frail,’ Latvian gaurs ‘loose,’ Lithuanian gvérti (Ps. gvęrù, gvérstu, or gvérau) ‘expand, break up’ (Fraenkel, 1962:179)] (cf. Normier, 1980:256). Phonologically less plausible is Hilmarsson's argument (1986a:254-257, H:203-204) that we have a descendant of PIE *dhgwher- ‘± melt away, perish’ [: Greek phtheírō ‘destroy,’ Albanian (v)djerr ‘lose,’ Sanskrit kṣarati ‘flows, melts away, perishes,’ Avestan ɣžaraiti ‘flows’]. See also possibly śrāñ.


kwäl- (~ kul-) (vi.) ‘fail’
Ps. III /kwäle-/ [MP -, -, kuletär//; MPImpf. -, -, kulyitär//]; Ko. V /kwälā-/ [MP -, -, kulātär//; MPOpt. -, -, kuloytär//; Inf. kulātsi]; Pt. Ia /kwälā-/ [A -, -, kula//] mā twe ceṃne krämpitär mā ra palsko kulyitär-ś ‘thou wert never vexed about them nor did thy spirit fail’ (231a5/b1), [ne]mcek nai trem[e]ṣṣana arṣaklaṃts kuletär maiyyo ‘surely the power of the angry snakes fails’ (278b2); [att]s[ai]k maiyyo kulātär-me ‘suddenly their power will fail’ (21b5), mā āk kuloytär-ñ ‘may my zeal never fail’ (S-4a3); mā no kulā-ñ palsko ‘but my spirit did not fail’ (78a1), mā kulā-c warkṣäl ‘thy energy didn't fail’ (104a1). ∎AB kwäl- (kul-) reflect PTch *kwäl- (*kul-) but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. Lane (1958:173, also VW:240) suggests a connection with Sanskrit glāyati ‘feel aversion to, be unwilling [to do something]; be languid, be exhausted’ (< *gw(e)lhx-). (In any case, there is no need to follow VW in seeing B kul- a borrowing from A.) Hilmarsson (1991a:65, H:201) would connect it with PIE *kwel(hx)- ‘turn.’ Jasanoff (1978:39-40), on the other hand, more probably suggests a connection with Lithuanian gul̃ti ‘lie down,’ gulėti ‘to lie, be prostrate,’ Latvian gulêt ‘lie, sleep,’ Lithuanian gvalščias (= gul̃ščias) ‘stretched out’ (< *gwel-), guõlis ‘resting place, couch, bed,’ Latvian guõl̨a ‘nest, bed,’ Greek gōleós ‘hole.’ Morphologically the PTch *kwälé- would be from PIE *gul-h1-ó- parallel to Baltic *gul-eh1-. Both VW and Jasanoff suggest further connections of their etyma with Greek bállō (act.) ‘throw, put,’ (middle) ‘put for oneself, lay down.’ For both etyma, the case for making a connection with bállō rests on an assumption that Indic or Baltic show the same stative, resultative meaning seen in Latin iacēre ‘lie, be situated, lie where thrown’ as opposed to the active, eventive meaning of iacere ‘throw, hurl.’ While widely assumed, this assumption is by no means self-evident. Frisk (1960:217), s.v. bállō, does not mention glāyati and is at best agnostic concerning gulėti. Mayrhofer (1956:354) is dubious about the equation from the Indic side and Fraenkel (1962:175-6) rejects it for Baltic (if for no other reason than the basic meaning in Baltic would appear to be ‘lie down’ and not the ‘be lying’ that this proposal would necessitate). Thus either Lane's or Jasanoff's suggestions will work phonologically, but neither is particularly compelling semantically.


kwäs- (vi.) ‘mourn, lament’
Ps. VI /kwäsnā-/ [MP -, -, kwäsnātär//; MPPart. kwäsnāmane]; Ko. V /kwāsā-/ pācer cwimp [ku]rār-lūwo tu-yäknes[a] kwäsnāträ snai kärsto ‘his father in the fashion of the kurār-animal lamented without ceasing’ (88b1), mälwāmane [lege: pälwāmane] kwasnāmane [sic] ‘wailing and mourning’ (431a3); kwāsoyeṃ (116.10) [[>] if this form belongs here, the long -- is very much unexpected] ‣It is possible that kusnontär (see s.v. kus-) belongs here as well. -- kwasalñe* ‘mourning, lamentation,’ only attested in the derived adjective: kwasalñeṣṣe ‘prtng to mourning’: orottsa kwasalñeṣṣa weśeñña ‘the great voice of mourning’ (85b5). ∎From PIE *ḱwes- ‘± breathe; sigh, groan’ [: Sanskrit śvásiti ~ śvásati ‘blow, hiss, pant, snort; breathe; sigh, groan,’ Latin queror ‘complain, lament,’ Old English hwōsan (originally a lengthened-grade intensive) ‘cough’ (P:631; MA:518)] (VW:248, though he wrongly denies any relationship with Sanskrit, H:205-206, with differing details). To this etymon also belong the Iranian words for ‘lungs,’ e.g. Avestan suši (dual), Zoroastrian Pahlevi suš, New Persian šuš, Khotanese suv̨ä-, all from Proto-Iranian *suš- < *ḱus- (Bailey, 1979:428). Hilmarsson also suggests (H:206) the possibility of a PIE *ḱwei-s- and a relationship with Old Norse hvískra ‘whisper’ and OCS svistati ‘to pipe’ but the semantic distance seems too great.


kwīpe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘shame; modesty’
[kwīpe, -, kwīpe//] [wsā]sta yase kwīpe alyenkäṃts ‘to others thou hast given shame and timidity’ (74a2), srukor aiśaumyepi olypo [ri]toyt[ä]r päst mā kwīpe rmoytär ‘by a wise man should rather death be sought [than that] shame should not be deflected’ (81a3/4), kwīpe lāre yamaṣṣeñca = BHS hrīniṣvi (306a1). -- kwipe-ike ‘shame-place, i.e. penis’: ṣamānentse yśelmi pälskone tsankaṃ kwipe-ike keuwco kalltärr-ne [sic] ‘[if] desires arise in the thought of a monk and his shame-place stands tall’ (334a3/4);
kwīpe-onmiṣṣe* ‘prtng to shame and regret’: kwīpe-onmiṣṣeṃ pwārasa ‘by the fires of shame and regret’ (TEB-64-10);
kwipeṣṣe ‘± prtng to shame’ (TEB-59-26);
kwipässu ‘modest’: śtwāra toṃ| ākli yamītär śrāddhe tākoy ślek [k]wipassu | āyor aiṣṣeñca ‘he must practice the four [laws], he must be faithful, and likewise modest and gift-giving’ (23a4);
kwipassorñe ‘modesty’: takarṣkñe taisāk kwipassorñe taisāk r=āyor ‘like belief, like modesty, and also giving’ [kwipassorñe = BHS hrī] (23a2/3). ∎TchA kip and B kwipe would appear to reflect a PTch *kwäipe with a rebuilt zero-grade *-äi- (Adams, 1978). (Note there seems to be no way in which we could have had PTch *-- from PIE *-- or *-ei- here because such an *-- would have palatalized the preceding consonant). That it has a rebuilt zero-grade strongly suggests that PTch *kwäipe was still paradigmatically derivable from a verb *kwäip- ‘feel shame.’ Such a verb may underlie kwipeññ- or the latter may be what it looks like, namely a denominative, that has replaced the basic verb. Extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. It has been suggested that PTch *kwäip- is a derivative of a PIE *gwheibh- seen otherwise in Germanic *wīva- (nt.) ‘woman.’ Germanic *wīva- (nt.) presupposes a PIE *gwheibhom and a semantic development ‘shame’ > ‘vulva’ > ‘woman’ (for the first change we have a partial parallel in B kwipe-ike). The lineaments, if not the exact details, of this etymology go back to a suggestion by K. H. Schmidt. However, such a form would almost certainly have give PTch *käip- and not *kwäip- (see also H:208-211 who starts from *gwhih1ebho-, though to my mind we would still have expected palatalization in such a form). Not with VW (216) do we have a relationship with Latin inquināre ‘to befoul, pollute, stain.’ See also kwipe-ññ- and onkipṣe.


kwipe-ññ- (vi.) ‘be ashamed’
Ps. XII /kwipeññ'ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kwipentär// -, -, kwipeññentär]; Pt. V /kwipeññā-/ [MP -, -, kwipeññate//] sū cew yāmorsa prāskaṃ māka kwipentär ‘he, by this deed, fears and is very much ashamed’ (K-3b5), cey cew yāmorsa mā parskaṃ mā ykāṃṣenträ mā kwipeññenträ mā onmiṃ yamaskenträ ‘they, by this deed, do not fear, feel no revulsion, are not ashamed and do not repent’ (K-2b6); lyāka Ānandeṃ kwipeññate tusa cek warñai ‘he saw A. and was ashamed over something’ (44b7). ∎A denominative verb derived from kwīpe.


Kwirapabhadra* (n.) ‘Vīrabhadra’ (PN of a gandharva)
[-, -, Kwirapabhadra//] (296b8).


kwentse ‘?’
The only word visible at W-20b2.


kwerse* (n.) ‘?’
[-, kwersentse, -//] ṣpakiye kwersentse ‘a pill for kwerse’ (W-31a6/b1). ‣The name of a disease or the name of a medical ingredient?


kwele (adj.) ‘black’ or ‘dark grey’
[m: kwele, -, -//-, -, kweleṃ] - yatästsy aunantär-ne ṣañ śāmna kektseñ kweleṃ erke/// ‘his own people began to decorate [his] body with grey and black ...’ (118b2), kwele = BHS kāḍaśyāma- (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [K. T. Schmidt, 1984:153]). Perhaps also in /// kärkalle kuwelesa /// if ‘in the dark pond’ (319b1). ∎Probably with Hilmarsson (H:207-208) from *ḱiwo-lo-, an extension of the *ḱiwo- seen in Germanic *hiwa- ‘color, esp. gray’ [: Old Norse hȳ ‘fine (esp. gray) hair,’ Old English hīw ‘color,’ Gothic hiwi ‘appearance’] and more distantly to Sanskrit śiti- ‘white,’ śyāva- ‘dark, blackish brown,’ Avestan syāva- ‘black,’ Lithuanian šyvas ‘grayish white,’ OCS sivъ ‘gray’ (P:540-541; MA:246).


kwrakar (n.) ‘upper room, apartment on top of the house’
/// [lā]ntänmpa wayaṃ kwra[kar su]mer ṣle mänt (572a2). ∎Like TchA kurekār, from BHS kūṭagāra-.


kwrarāk (n.) ‘Moringa oleifera Lam.’ = ‘M. pterygosperma Gaertn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[kwrarāk, -, -//] (ST-a5). ∎Etymology unknown.


kwrāṣe (nf.) ‘skeleton’
[kwrāṣe, -, kwrāṣ/kwrāṣ, -, -/-, -, kwrāṣäṃ] kete no āñme wī aulareṃ eweta tarkatsi śamñana wī kwrāṣ tainaisñä ñemtsa näsait yamaṣle ‘to whomever [is] the wish to set at odds two companions, two human skeletons, in the name of the two a spell [is] to be cast’ (M-3a7), kwri āñme tākaṃ-ne śāmña kwrāṣe weñi ‘[if] there is the wish: may a human skeleton speak!’ (M-3b5). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (248) suggests a compound wherein the kwr- is related to Greek gūrós ‘round’ and -āṣe is related to Tocharian ās- ‘dry out.’ More probably Isebaert (apud Thomas, 1985b:112) suggests a borrowing from Middle Iranian *gurāš ‘screen, defense, enclosure’ (< *vi-rāxša-) which developed semantically > ‘framing’ > ‘skeleton.’ One would feel better about the proposal if the Iranian were not all so hypothetical. Hilmarsson suggests (H:211) a PIE *kwerh2-es-en- ‘± form’ from *kwerh2- seen in Lithuanian kùrti ‘to build, construct,’ Greek téras ‘sign, omen’ (P:641-642; MA:362). This proposal seems much more satisfactory than the others.


kwri (~ krui) (conj.) ‘if, whenever’
kwri war tākaṃ yolmene wināññenträ omp lwāsa laksäṃ warñai ‘if there is water in the pool, the animals there will enjoy fish, etc.’ (11b4), ñśameṃ wätkoṣ krui lkācer ñī soṃśke | ptsārwaṣṣat-ne ñi ykene ‘if you see my son [who is] separated from me, encourage him for me’ (88b2/3), krui twe pärweṣṣa [lege: pärweṣṣe] lac ‘if thou hadst first gone out’ (224a2), lkoym-c krui ynemane ypauna kwṣainne ‘whenever I would see thee going about in countries and villages’ (246a1), kwri = BHS yadi (251a2), cmetär ka ksa krui nemcek postäṃ sruketrä ‘if someone is born, surely later he dies’ (284a2/3), mā kwri = BHS no cet (547a6), kwri tu rinträ ot kārsau-ne auspa ‘if he renounces it, then I will know him better’ (AMB-b2), pañäktentse procer Nānde ñem krui sāṅne yapi sklokacci ṣamāni ywārc mäskīyenträ ‘the Buddha's brother, Nānda [by] name, whenever he would enter the community, the monks were doubtful between [them] [i.e. which was the Buddha and which was Nānda]’ (H-149.X.4b2 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]), krui rāpoy = BHS sacet khanet (H-149.112a3 [Sieg, Siegling, 1939-32:493]), kwri āñme tākaṃ-ne śāmña kwrāṣe weñi ‘if there is the wish: may a human skeleton speak!’ (M-3b5). ∎TchA kupre ‘how’ (kuprene ‘if’) and B kwri reflect PTch *kwäpräi, in turn from the PIE interrogative/relative pronoun *kwu- (for a further discussion of which, see kuse) + *-bhroi for which one should compare Greek óphra ‘that, in order that; so long as, while’ (< *yo-bhra) and tóphra ‘up to that time, so long.’ One should note that Greek tóphra matches in essential points TchA täpreṃ ‘so much, to such a degree,’ (as if) from PIE *tu-bhroi + some particle, where we have *tu- rather than *to- on the model of *kwu-bhroi with which it was originally correlative (it has become the correlative of kospreṃ ‘as much, how much’). Cf. VW (243-244) though surprisingly he does not mention óphra and tóphra, and H:212.


kṣaṇak ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘momentary, transient’
(175b2). ∎From BHS kṣaṇaka-. See also kṣāṃ.


kṣatriññe* (n.) ‘quality of being a warrior’ (?)
[-, -, kṣatriññe//] kṣatriññempa āklu ñiś sakne aukṣu läkle[nta] /// (89a1). ∎If an abstract noun derived from kṣatriye*.


kṣatriye* (n.) ‘warrior’
[//kṣatri, kṣatriyeṃts, kṣatriyeṃ] wi-ppewänne kṣattaryi śpālmeṃ ‘the kshatriyas [are] the best of the two-footed [beings]’ (PK-AS16.2a1 [Pinault, 1989:154]). ∎From BHS kṣatriya-. See also kṣatriññe*.


kṣaṃ, kṣana-yärm See kṣāṃ.


kṣantiññe See kṣānti.


kṣayajñānaṃ (n.) ‘knowledge of perishability’
(591a6). ∎From BHS kṣayajñāna-.


kṣāṃ* (~ kṣaṃ*) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘instant’
[-, -, kṣaṃ//-, -, kṣananma] śak-piś kṣananm=epiṅte pīś āntsi dharmacākkär ñem ‘among the 15 instants [are] the five elements, Dharmacakra [by] name’ (30b6). -- kṣana-yärm* ‘the measure of an instant’: [yolone] palsko wīna mā källoy-ñ kṣana-yärmne ‘may my spirit find no pleasure in evil [even] for the measure of an instant’ (S-8b4). ∎From BHS kṣaṇa-. See also kṣaṇak.


kṣātre (~ kṣāttre) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘umbrella’
[kṣātre, -, kṣātre//] ton n[o] uppālnta kṣāttre [ra]mt āṣtsā pū[dñ]äkte[ntse ścma]re ‘these lotuses however stood over the head of the Buddha like an umbrella’ (365a2/3), su mäsketrä śaiṣṣentse kṣāttre tatākau ‘he has become an umbrella for the world’ (K-9a6). ∎From BHS *kṣattra-, a hyper-Sanskritism of the more usual chattra-.


kṣānti (n.) ‘forgiveness’
[kṣānti, -, kṣānti//] weña pudñikteśc kṣānti pyām ñi ‘he said to the Buddha: forgive me’ (K-3b1), ciṣṣe saimäś kloyomar nauyto-ñ [sic] yāmor kāntoytär-ñ k[ṣā]nt[i] tākoy-ñ ‘I fall to thy refuge; may my deed be destroyed, may I wash myself of it, may I have forgiveness!’ (TEB-64-11). -- kṣantiññe ‘forgiveness’: arṣāklo [ce]mpa som wer śconai tarkatsi kuṣantiññe ñśīträ ‘the snake sought with this one to release hate and enmity and [have] forgiveness’ (42a7). ∎From BHS kṣānti-.


kṣirakākoṭ ~ kṣīrakakori (n.) ‘Gymnena lactiferum’ (a medical ingredient)
[kṣīrakākoṭ, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS kṣīrakakolī-.


kṣīrabiḍāri ~ kṣīrapitari (n.) ‘Batatas paniculata Choisy’ (a medical ingredient)
[kṣīrabiḍāri ~ kṣīrapitari, -, -//] (W-7a5, W-39b2). ∎From BHS kṣīravidārī-.


kṣudrä ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘small, of little worth’
kṣudrä kuśāni wyai ta[kā]re 3067 ‘minderwertige kuśāne waren 3067 Ausgabe’ [Sieg, 1950:221] (490b-II-3). ∎From BHS kṣudra-.


kṣuṃ* (n.) ‘regnal period, reign’
[-, -, kṣuṃ//] ṣkas kṣuntsa Kṣemārjune lānti [lege: Kṣemārjuni lānte] yakwe-pikulne śkañce meṃne ‘in the sixth year of the reign of king K., in the tenth month’ (G-Su34.1), ikäṃ trai kṣuṃntsa śtarce meṃne ‘in the 23rd regnal year, in the fourth month’ (KLOST.37,22 [Couvreur, 1954c:86]). ∎Etymology uncertain. It is related in some fashion to Khotanese kṣuṇa- ‘period of time, regnal period’ and Tumšuquese xšana- ‘id.’ (for which one should consult Bailey, 1979:69). However, the lack of agreement between the two closely related northeastern Iranian languages and the difficulty of finding a convincing inner-Iranian etymology for kṣuṇa- and xšana- suggest that the Tocharian, Khotanese, and Tumšuquese words may all be borrowings from some other source.


kṣur* (n.) ‘knife’
[-, -, kṣur//-, -, kṣuranma] [kärsta] ṣpä paine kṣurs[a] ‘and he cut off [his] feet with a knife’ (21a5), kṣuranma kāṃtsāre kuśāneṃtsa 250 ‘they filed the knives for 250 kuśānes’ (490a-III-5). ∎From BHS kṣura-.


Kṣemankar(e) (n.) ‘Kṣemankara’ (PN)
[Kṣemankar(e), -, Kṣemankar(e)//] (74b2, 400b4, Qumtura 34-g-3 [Pinault, 1993-94:175]).


Kṣemate (n.) ‘Kṣemate’ (PN)
[Kṣemate, -, -//] (Lévi, 1913:312).


Kṣemateworśa* (n.) ‘Kṣemadevorśa’ (PN in caravan passes)
[-, Kṣemateworśantse, Kṣemateworśai//] (LP-5a1/2).


Kṣemawarme (n.) ‘Kṣemavarma’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kṣemawarme, Kṣemawarmentse, -//] (463a3).


Kṣemārjune* (n.) ‘Kṣemārjuna’ (PN of a king)
[-, Kṣemārjuni, -//] (G-Su34.1).


Kṣemika (n.) ‘Kṣemika’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kṣemika, -, //] (490a-I-3).


kṣai* (n.) ‘tuberculosis’
[-, -, kṣai//] (H-149.14b1). ∎From BHS kṣaya-.


ksa (indefinite pronominal adjective) ‘some, any’
[acc. = kca, gen. = ket ra, qq.v.] [ma]nt śāmn[aṃ]ts śaul tne kos śaiṃ ksa kaunaṃts meñaṃts kätkorne kärsnātr attsaik postäṃ ‘so [is] the life of men, as much as someone lives, in the passing of days and months it is later cut off’ (3b5), [mā] stemye ksa [ne]säṃ śaulantse ‘there is no permanence to life’ (3b7), ceṃ ksa yāmtär appamāt wrocce lupṣtär nraisa ‘[if] someone does badly by him, he will be thrown in a great hell’ (31b1), mā lipeträ ksa ... ma nta ksa campya srūkalñe taṅt[s]i ‘nothing remains; nothing at all could stop death’ (46b3), mantanta ksa ṣp nāge campi pältak swese swāsästsi ‘never could any nāga make a drop of rain to rain’ (350a3), käryorttau ksa lyakā-ne ‘a certain merchant saw him’ (593a4). ∎It is clear that ksa (acc. kca) must be closely related to the interrogative/relative kuse (acc. kuce). It would appear that ksa is the old feminine *kwu-seha. If so, the expected feminine acc. *kwu-teha(m) has been analogically replaced on the model of kuce (VW:237 and Adams, 1988c:157). It is, however, a little difficult to understand why the masculine should have been generalized to interrogative and relative functions while the feminine has been generalized to all indefinite functions. An alternative possibility is to see ksa and kca as kuse and kuce plus some sort of particle *- but I know of nothing in Tocharian or more widely in Indo-European that would fit the bill. (See also H:183-184.)


ktsaitstse (adj.) ‘old (of age)’
[m: ktsaitstse, -, -/ktsaitstsi, -, -/] [f: -, -, ktsaitsñai//] ksaise [sic] ṣamāne ‘an old monk’ (400b1), ktsaitsñai preścyaine ‘in the time of old-age’ (K-5a6), /// [or]otstse-pacere nesteñy antpī ktsaitsī eś-lmoṣ ‘my grandfathers are both old and blind’ (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [K. T. Schmidt, 1987:288]). -- ktsaitstsäññe ‘old-age’: tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srūka[lñe] śaul kältsenträ wnolmentso ‘thus old-age and death drive the life of beings’ [ktsaitsñe = BHS jarā] (3a3/4), cmelñe ṣärmameṃ ktsaitsäññe srūkalñe ‘from birth [come] old-age and death’ [= BHS jātipratyayaṃ jarāmaraṇm] (156a4);
ktsaitstsäññeṣṣe ‘prtng to old-age’ (613a3). ∎TchA ktsets ‘± finished, perfect, excellent’ and B ktsaitstse reflect PTch *ktsaitstse ‘± finished’ (the B use is probably originally metaphorical) but extra-Tocharian cognates are unknown. Because of the TchA word, VW (237-238) and Pinault (1990:179-181) are probably right to reject the traditional equation (whose evidence is best marshaled by Anreiter, 1987b:107-110) with Greek phthínō ‘perish’ and Sanskrit kṣiṇāti ‘destroys’ (Anreiter reconstructs *gwhþoi-tyo-). However, VW's own equation with Old Norse heyja ‘execute, accomplish’ and Old English hēgan ‘perform, achieve’ is not very convincing. As an alternative, Hilmarsson suggests (H:186-187) an adjectival derivative to an underlying *kätsō-, itself from a putative PIE *ǵh1i-tyon- from *ǵeh1i- ‘bud, blossom, ripen.’


khadīr (n.) ‘Acacia catechu Willd.’ (a medical ingredient)
[khadīr, -, -//] (W-18a3). -- khadiräṣṣe ‘prtng to Acacia catechu’ (M-2a2) ∎From BHS khadira-.


khare* (n.) ‘ass, donkey’
[-, -, khare//] (511a1). ∎From BHS khara-.


Gank See Gānk.


gangavāluk ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘like Ganges-sand’ [measuring innumerability]
pudñäkti gangavāluk nauṣaṃñi läktsau[ñ]ai[sa] ... lyaukar śaiṣṣeṃ ‘earlier buddhas, [numerous as] Ganges-sand, illuminated through [their] enlightenment the worlds’ (unpubl. Paris fragm. [Couvreur, 1954c:90]). ∎From BHS *gangā-vālukā- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See also Gānk.


gaṇt* (n.) ‘calculation, reckoning’
[//-, -, gaṇtänta] (36a7). ∎From BHS gaṇta-.


gaje (n.) ‘elephant’
[gaje, -, -//] (511a1). ∎From BHS gaja-.


gat* (n.) ‘motion’ (?), ‘event’ (?)
[-, -, gat//] ///murt wai ruṣ [lege: rup] mā gat yaik[u] tākaṃ-ne snai käṣṣiṃ cwi snai akṣalñe āryamārg ṣe twasastär (591b4). ∎If from BHS gata-.


gandha (n.) ‘perfume’
[gandha, -, -//] (W-36b4). ∎From BHS gandha-.


gandhakāri (n.) ‘Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad’ (a medical ingredient)
[gandhakāri, -, //] (501a5). ∎By a false etymological equation with gandha- for kaṇṭkāri (Maue, 1990).


gandharasopavicār* (n.) ‘neighborhood of odor and taste’
[//-, -, gandharasopavicāränta] (173a4). ∎From BHS *gandharasopavicāra- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


gandharve* (nm.) ‘heavenly being’
[//gandharvi, -, -] (73b5). ∎From BHS gandharva-.


Gayākāśyape (n.) ‘Gayākāśyapa’ (PN)
[Gayākāśyape, -, -//] (108a3).


Gayāśirṣ (n.) ‘Gayāśīrṣa’ (PN of a mountain)
[Gayāśirṣ, -, -//] (108b2).


Gaye (n.) ‘Gaya’ (PN)
[Gaye, -, -//] (108b2).


garurñaiṣṣe* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: -, -, garurñaiṣṣai//] garurñeṃṣṣai [lege: garurñaiṣṣai] ypai/// (362a8).


Gānk (nf.) ‘Ganges’ (PN of a river)
[Gānk, -, Gānk//] Gānkne kekmu mäkte yaiku nāki ṣesa reṣṣäṃ war [] samudrämpa ‘as the water [that has] come into the Ganges faultless flows together with the ocean’ (30a4), Gāṅ pelaikneṣṣai keṃtsa cärkāsta astaryai ‘thou didst release the righteous Ganges over the pure earth’ (TEB-59-31). ∎From BHS Gangā-. See also Kank and gangavāluk.


guṇanirdeśne ‘?’
/// guṇanirdeśne i/// (578b6).


guṇapadārth (n.) ‘?’
dravyimeṃ guṇapa[dārth] (191a4). ∎From BHS *guṇapadārtha- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton].


Guṇasaṃpade (n.) ‘Guṇsaṃpada’ (PN)
[Guṇsaṃpade, -, Guṇsaṃpadeṃ//] (103a6).


gu* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cave’ [as residence of monk]
[-, -, gu//gunma, -, -] śleye [sic] guṇ [lege: gune] co [lege: cau] = BHS śailaguhāyām (294a9), wane [lege: gune] (296a9). ∎From BHS guhā-.


Gunacaṃdre (n.) ‘Guṇacandra’ (PN in graffitto)
[Gunacaṃdre, -, -//] (G-Su3).


guruci See kuruci.


gurm See kwarm.


Gṛddhrakūl* (n.) ‘Gṛdhrakūṭ’ (‘Vulture Peak’ ) (PN of a mountain)
[-, -, Gṛddhrakūl//] (44b5).


gairik (n.) ‘yellow arsenic’ (a medical ingredient)
[gairik, -, -//] (P-2b4). -- gairikäṣṣe ‘prtng to yellow arsenic’ (P-2b3). ∎From BHS gairika-.


gairipcik ‘?’
/// [e]ṃṣke gairipcik [k]lāṅ/// (419a3).


gottär (n.[m.sg.]) ‘family, race, lineage, kin’
[gottär, -, gottär//] g[o]tt[arsa] = BHS gotreṇa (309a1), se gotträ klyomoṃts ‘this family of the noble [ones]’ (597a4). ∎From BHS gotra-. See also kottär.


govika (n.) ‘cowherder's wife, woman cowherder’ (?)
[govika, govikantse, govikai//] govikai śamñā (619b3), govikai lyelya[kormeṃ] (620a4). ∎The meaning is assigned on the basis of the word's presumed connection with BHS gopikā-.


gośagat See kośagat.


gautamñe (adj.) ‘prtng the Gautama Buddha’
[m: gautamñe, -, - (voc. gautamñu)//] gautamñe ṣamāne ste ‘he is Buddhist [lit. Gautaman] monk’ (115b4). ∎An adjective derived from *Gautam ‘Gautama’ from BHS Gautama-.


gautamī (adj.) ‘related to Gautama’ (?)
gautamī cmelṣṣā/// (344.2a).


gaurap ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘important’
yāmṣawa [] dipamāl orocce gaurap takarṣkñesa poyśi nessiś ñiś ‘I made the great, important row of lights in order by faith to become a Buddha’ (400a4/3). ∎From BHS gaurava-.


grakṣe* (adj.) ‘?’
[m: -, -, grakṣe//] /// [śau]l[a]sw entwe ce ṣalywesa grakṣe wakanma /// (428a5).


granth See krānt.


grahanma* (n.pl.) ‘planets’
[//-, -, grahanma] [ṣamāne]ntsa wawārp[au] grahanman[e] m[e]ñe ra ṣpäk tāsātai ‘and like the moon [amongst] the planets has thou set thyself surrounded by monks’ (221b1). ∎From BHS graha-.


graheṃ* (n.) ‘demoniacal possession’
[-, -, graheṃ//] (ST-b6). ∎From BHS grahaṇa-.


ṅke (conj.) ‘then’
toṃ mā tākoṃ śaiṣṣene mā ṅke tsaṅko[y] pudñäkte ‘[if] these [scil. sickness, old-age, and death] were not in the world, then the Buddha would not arise’ (5a6), [po spe]l[k]e pyāmtso warkṣältsa ñiś yesäṃ pānto | mā walke ṅke ñiś ksemar tu postäṃ onmiṃ tākaṃ-me ‘perform every zeal with energy [for] I [am] your help; [it is] not long then and I will go to extinction and after that you will have regret’ (29a8), cey ṅke laitkeṃ kautaṃ pyapyaiṃ taṃtsäskeṃ ‘they then cut the creepers and scatter the flowers’ (589a3), kuce te-mant wñāwa tu ṅke weñau anaiśai ‘what I have so said, that, then, will I now speak clearly’ (K-2a6), weñau ṅke pklyauṣso po āñmtsa ‘I will speak; then hear [it] with all [thy] soul’ (K-8a3). ∎A reduced form of ñake, q.v.


-c enclitic second person singular pronoun. See tuwe.


Cakule (n.) ‘Cakule’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cakule, Cakulentse, -//] (462a6).


cake (nnt.) ‘river’
[cake, ckentse, cake//ckenta, -, ckenta] cake = BHS nadī (3a4), wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte kaunts=osonträ ‘great rivers and pools between oceans are dried up by the sun’ (45b7), ckentse manarkaisa nyagrot stām ñor atiyaisa lyama ‘he sat on the grass beneath the nigrodha-tree on the bank of the river’ (107b5). ∎TchB cake reflects PTch *cäke from PIE *tekos or *tekont (nt.) ‘that which flows,’ a derivative of *tek- ‘run, flow’ [: Sanskrit tákti ‘hastens, rushes along,’ Avestan tačati ‘runs, hastens, flows,’ Albanian ndjek ‘follow,’ Old Irish techid ‘flees,’ Lithuanian tekù ‘rush, flow; rise (of the sun),’ and numerous nominal derivatives (P:1059-1060; MA:491)] (Lidén, 1916:35, VW:249). As VW points out TchB cake is very strong evidence that the PIE root was *tek- rather than *tekw- as has often been assumed. What appears to be evidence for the latter must be taken rather as indications of the widespread use of an enlarged *tek-w-.


cakkartse See cākkär.


Cakravār (n.) ‘Cakravāḍa’ (PN of a mountain)
[Cakravār, -, -//] Cakravār ṣale (525a4).


cakravārt (n.) ‘world-ruler’
[cakravārt, -, -//] (571a3). -- cakravārtñe ‘world rulership’ (78a2) ∎From BHS cakravartin-.


cakravārtti ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘prtng to the rulership of the world’
[cakravārtti, -, -//] (381b4). -- cakravārttiññe (adj.) ‘prtng to world-crulership’; (n.) ‘world-rulership’: käṣṣī-pañäkte cakravārtiññe rintsate ‘the Buddha-teacher renounced world-rulership’ (349a2), [cakravā]rttiṃñe cākkär ‘the wheel of world-rulership’ (419a4);
cakravartti-lantuññe* (n.) ‘world rulership’; (adj.) ‘prtng to world kingship’: cakravartti-lantuññe īke ṣpä kälpāṣṣäṃ näno näno ‘he achieves the place of a world-ruler again and again’ (K-9b1). ∎From BHS cakravartin-.


cakṣurvijñāṃ (n.) ‘knowledge gained by sight’
(194a7). ∎From BHS *cakṣur-vijñāna- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


cagala (n.) ‘wine’
[cagala, -, -//] (W-23b5). ∎From BHS jagala-.


canke (n.) ‘lap; bosom, breast, chest; [individual] breast’
[canke, -, canke/cankene, -, -/-, -, cankeṃ] cankene ṣlentse śtwer lāñ[c] ‘in the lap of the mountain [there were] four kings’ (76a3), /// [ca]nke sasainu osne ṣmalle ‘[he is] to sit in a house with arms akimbo’ (322a1), /// karpa mäkte kolmaine cänke wä/// (389b8), kränkaiñai maikisa kaucä cankesa kātso sonopalya śār kātsasa walanalle śanmäṣṣälle cankene nautse[ne] (or perhaps nauts[an]e or nauts[i]?) mäskeṃtär ‘high over the breast the stomach [is] to be anointed with chicken broth; over the stomach a covering [is] to be bound; the breasts become shining’ (W-14b1/3). ∎While obviously related in some fashion to TchA cwanke ‘id.’ the nature of that relationship is elusive. The difference in vowels and stem-formation, A cwanke presupposing a PTch *cw'enkāi- and B canke presupposing a PTch *cw'änke-, make it impossible to see these words as reflexes of a single PTch protoform. One should note that phonologically PTch *w'- gives A w- but B y- (cf. A want, B yente ‘wind’ from PTch *w'ente). A simplification of *cy- to c- in B presents no difficulty. Perhaps the pre-TchA form is a vṛddhied derivative of the unvṛddhied form reflected in TchB. The relationship between the two Tocharian words would be parallel but reversed to that seen in A śiśäk (unvṛddhied) and B ṣecake (vṛdhhied) ‘lion.’ Extra-Tocharian morphological parallels include Sanskrit pārśva- ‘region of the ribs’ beside parśu- ‘rib’ and Hittite hīla- ‘courtyard’ beside hāli- ‘fold, corral.’ It is not necessary to see a borrowing from one language to the other (both Winter, 1972:386, and VW:253 assume a borrowing from B to A). In his review of VW (1987), Winter later (1980[81]) suggests a relationship of this word with twānk-, q.v., assuming the latter to mean ‘± force in, confine.’ However, since twānk- probably means ‘± wear, put on’ or ‘take off,’ such a connection is not likely semantically.


cankramit (n.) ‘one who has walked about, promenaded’
[said, e.g. of the Buddha] (360b4). ∎From BHS cankramita-.


Cañca (n.) ‘Cañcā’ (PN of a woman)
[Cañca, -, Cañcai//] (18b6).


Caṇḍāyne ‘?’
/// [R]ājabhadre ṣpä Caṇḍāyne pūy ̇/// (507a3).


caṇḍāle* (n.) ‘outcast’
[-, caṇḍālentse, -//caṇḍāli, -, -] caṇḍālentse w[a]sts[i] ‘an outcast's clothes’ (118a5). ∎From BHS caṇḍāla-.


cat (n.) a kind of snake
[cat, -, -//] [arṣā]klo auk catä tsākaṃ tesa näsait y[amaṣle] ‘[if] a snake, viper, or cat bites, in such [a case] the spell [is] to be made’ (503a2). ∎Etymology unknown.


caturdāś* (n.) ‘the fourteenth day of a lunar fortnight’
[-, -, caturdāś//] (511b2). -- caturdasaṣṣe* [sic] ‘prtng to the fourteenth day of a lunar fortnight’ (490a-I-5). ∎From BHS caturdaśa-.


cantāṃ (n.) ‘sandalwood (tree)’ [Santalum album Linn.] (a medical ingredient)
[cantāṃ -, -//] (W pasim). -- candāṃ-were ‘smell of sandalwood’ (376a3). ∎From BHS candana-.


Candramukhe (n.) ‘Candramukha’ (PN of a king)
[Candramukhe, Candramukhi, -//] (88b6).


Candrāvasu (n.) ‘Candrāvasu’ (PN)
[Canmdrāvasu, -, Candrāvasuṃ//] (418a3).


Candre (n.) ‘Candra’ (PN of a monk)
[Candre, -, -//] (433a20).


capraṣṭo (n.) a medical ingredient
[capraṣṭo, -, -//] (W-26a4).


camel (nnt.) ‘birth, rebirth; birthform [i.e. form taken in a rebirth]’
[camel, cmelntse, camel//-, cmelaṃts, cmela] [pi]ś cmelane ‘in the five birthforms’ (11a2), alyek cmelne ṣpä ñäkcye cmetsi śaiṣṣene ‘and to be born in the divine world in another birth’ [alyek cmelne = BHS pretya] (14a6), snai keś cmela = BHS anekadhātu (30a3), mātri kātsane camel enka[lñeś] ‘in order to grasp birth in the womb of the mother’ (113a3), to to [lege: toṃ toṃ] cmelane = BHS tāsu tāsupapattiṣu (358a1), cmelane su mäsketrä śaiṣṣentse kṣāttre tatākau ‘he has become in [his re-]births an umbrella for the world’ (K-9a6). -- cmelṣe ‘prtng to a [re-]birth’: cmelṣe serkentse ‘of the cycle of birth’ (158b2), /// wnolmets piś cmelṣe[ts] ‘beings of the five births’ (347b2);
cmel(ä)tstse* ‘belonging to the family of, related’: = BHS jātīya- (533a2);
cmelaṣṣe ‘prtng to [re-]births’: cmelāṣṣe serke = BHS jātisaṃsāro (542b7). ∎TchA cmol and B camel reflect PTch *cämel, a nomen actionis from täm-, ‘be born,’ q.v. The rounding of PTch *-e- to -o- is regular after a bilabial in TchA.


campākäṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to Michelia campaka’ Linn.
(M-2a5). ∎An adjective built from an unattested *campāk from BHS campaka-.


cayane* (n.) ‘± distributer’ (?)
[//-, cayaneṃts, -] /// kuśāneṃ nmeṃ cayaneṃts kuśāneṃ wasam [some illegible number] ‘from the ... kuśanes we gave to the cayanes ... kuśānes’ (490b-I-2). ∎If from BHS cayana- (see Sieg, 1950:220).


Caracāte (n.) ‘Caracāte’ (PN in monastic records)
[Caracāte, -, -//] (464a5).


carit* (n.) ‘motion; behavior; proper observance’
[-, -, carit//] yāmṣa śalānta cari[t pernesa] ‘he created disputes concerning the proper observance’ (37a7). ∎From BHS carita-.


carke* (n.) ‘garland’
[//-, -, cärkenta] tusa tane cärkenta källā[skau] ‘thus I bring the garlands here’ (92a6). ∎A nominal derivative of 2tärk-.


calle (n.) ‘± burden, load’ or ‘impediment’ (?)
[calle, -, -//] /// pyāmtsar calle walke lyat (606a1), śūkentane trenkältsa perne peñyo muskī[ntär ] enkalñentse ṣarmtsa ywārc yärtoṣ lk[ā]ntär wertsyaṃne | calle ṣ wesäṃ miṣenta lauk[e] tarkam enkalñe | warto-wṣeṃñai saimtsa wes śayeṃ omte pintwātsa ‘because of avidity for tastes, rank and glory disappeared; because of attachment [to the material world], [those] half-pulled [to the world] are seen among the assemblies; and a burden [or ‘impediment’?] to us [are our] fields; we will set far our avidity; in the refuge of a forest-dwelling we will live there by alms’ (PK-AS16.2a3/ [Pinault, 1989:155]). ∎Whatever its meaning, it is presumably a derivative of täl- ‘raise, lift’, (as if) from a PIE *telno- (cf. Greek téllō ‘rise [of the sun]’ for the form and tlênai ‘bear’ for the meaning). See also täl-.


casi (n.) ‘± snake venom’ (?)
auśiye casi (499b2). ‣The possible meaning is inferred from casi's collocation with auśiye which probably is an adjective derived from auk, q.v., and from the word's position in a medical formula. ∎Etymology unknown.


cāk (n.) ‘hundred quarts [dry measure]’
[cāk, -, -//cakanma, -, -] wasa kantine yikṣye cāk wi tom ‘he gave for bread, [one] cāk and two tau’ (433a11), yap wāltsa wi cakanma wi tau ‘he ground barley, two cāks and two tau’ (459a5). ∎A borrowing from Chinese, cf. Old Chinese *d‘iak ‘stone; hard; barren; measure of weight; measure of capacity (= 10 dõu)’ or its Middle Chinese descendant dz̨i̯ak (contemporary Chinese shi; Naert, 1965). Compare the borrowings for similar words denoting measurements, tau (= one-tenth cāk) and ṣank (= one-tenth tau). While the Chinese antecedent for Tocharian cāk may be used of either weight or capacity, the antecedents of tau and ṣank are exclusively measures of capacity. Since the three Tocharian words are used only to measure liquids or grain, it is almost certain that all three words were measures of capacity rather than weight. However, the possibility certainly remains that cāk was also a measure of weight for Tocharian speakers as was its antecedent in Chinese.


cākkär (n.) ‘wheel; cakra, wheel as mystical symbol’
[cākkär, cakkarntse, -/-, -, cakkarwi/] sportoträ läklentaṣṣe cākkär ‘the wheel of sufferings turns’ (11a7), [pe]laikneṣṣe cākkär se walke stamoy ‘may this wheel of righteousness long endure!’ (313b5=S-5b3). -- cākkär-lakṣāṃ ‘sign of the cakra’ (109a7);
cākkär-ṣotri ‘id.’ (365b4);
cakkartse* ‘possessing a cakra’ (267b3). ∎From BHS cakra-.


cāne* (n.) a unit of money
[-, -, cāne//cāni, -, cāneṃ] pañikte pakenta kalwa wi 2 ṣkäsār plänkāre cāneṃntsa śak-wi 12 ‘Buddha obtained two [2] parts, each by sixths were sold for 12 cānes’ (KLOST.38,3 [Couvreur, 1954c:90]), tarya tumane wiltse [sic] piś känte pśāka-wi wässanmaś cāñi ‘32,552 cānes for the clothes’ (Otani-3, 1/2 [Thomas, 1954:762]). ‣The relationship of this word with kuśāne, another monetary unit, is unknown. ∎A borrowing from Chinese, cf. Archaic Chinese *dz‘ian ‘copper coin’ [= Modern Chinese qián] (Naert, 1965).


cāro only attested in the compound: cāro-korśo* ‘turban’ (?)
//ṣṣe wantau āṣtsa cāro-korśai ‘having wound a turban over the head’ (212a1). ∎Etymology unknown.


cāl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
[-, -, cāl//] śanm[eṃ w[ä]ntr[e]n[e] ot cai aiśaly[i] śaulaṣṣe ceu cālne wrocc[e] [k]us[e] /// (AMB-b1).


cāvvi (n.) ‘Piper chaba Hunter’ (a medical ingredient)
[cāvvi, -, -//] (497b6, P-3b5). ∎From BHS cavi-.


cänk- (vt.) ‘please’
Ps. II /cänk'ä/e-/ [A -, -, cañcäṃ//] entsesa attsaik eśne wawālaṣ mā cäñcan-me āyor aitsi ‘through greed [their] eyes [are] covered; it does not please them to give a gift’ (K-6a2). ∎TchB cänk- reflects PIE *teng- ‘think, feel’ [: Latin tongeō ‘nōsse, scīre,’ Gothic þagkjan ‘think, reflect on,’ Old Norse þekkja ‘perceive, recognize, know; make agreeable,’ OHG denchen ‘think,’ Old English þencan ‘id.’ (< *tongeye/o- as in Latin tongeō), Gothic þugkjan ‘seem, appear,’ OHG dunchen ‘id.,’ Old English þyncan ‘id.’ (< *tṇgye/o-), OHG dank (m.) ‘thanks, thought,’ Old English þanc (m.) ‘thought, sentiment, purpose,’ Albanian tëngë (f.) ‘resentment, grudge, ill-feeling’ (P:1088; MA:575)] (Pedersen, 1941:244-5, VW:250). It should be noted that the Tocharian present is (as if) from a simple PIE thematic *tenge/o- which is not matched in Latin or Germanic. See cäñcare (~ ciñcare) and tankw.


cäñcare (~ ciñcare) (adj.) ‘lovely, agreeable, charming, delightful’
[m: cäñcare, -, -//] [f: cäñcarya, -, -//-, -, cäñcrona] ciñcareṃ eñcareṃ mā eñcareṃ sparśmeṃ tetemu [] ciñcareṃ ... [ciñcareṃ = BHS iṣṭo] (197b2), mäntrākka alokälymi cäñcare [täñ] = BHS evam ekāntakāntaṃn te (251a1), wñā-neś cäñcareṃ brahmasvarsa weksa ‘he spoke to him with [his] beautiful brahmasvara voice’ (384b3), cäñca[r]e = BHS priyam (U-8a4). -- cäñcarñe ‘pleasure’: pyapyaints ācc[e] cäñcarñesa ṣeṣṣirkoṣ ‘surpassed by the thick pleasure of flowers’ (237a1). ∎Like its TchA equivalent cäñcär, an adjectival derivative based on the present stem of cänk-, q.v.


cämp- (vi.) ‘be able to’ [always followed by an infinitive]
Ps. I/II (= Ko.) /cämp('ä/e)-/ [A campau, -, campäṃ// -, campcer, campäṃ; AImpf. -, -, campi//; Ger. cämpalle]; Ko. I/II [= Ps.] [A -, campät, -// -, -, campeṃ; AOpt. cämpim, -, campi// -, -, cämp(i)yeṃ]; Pt. Ia /cämpyā-/ [A cämpyāwa, cämpyāsta, campya// -, cämpyās, cämpyāre] mā cämpau ci klautkästsi wrocce r[ṣā]k[eṃ] ‘I cannot make thee a great seer’ (127b2), sū cämpan-m[e] laklene waste nestsi ‘he can be a refuge in suffering’ (77a2), kā ye[s ri]ntsi mā campcer pel=ostaṣṣe totkā-yärm ‘why can you not renounce the prison of the house [even] a little?’ (5a1), ṣñār ekñentasa soytsi lāñco mā campeṃ ‘by their own possessions can kings not be sated’ (22a3), mantanta ksa ṣp nāge campi pältak swese swāsästsi ‘never could any nāga make a drop of rain to fall’ (350a3), mā wes cämpalyi erkattäṃñe kaltsi ‘we [are] not capable of bearing ill-treatment’ (79a3); mā tw=ot [ca]mpät toṃ laṃsūna lāṃṣtsi pelaikneṣṣana ‘Wilt thou then not be able to prepare the works?’ (15b5=17b7), aiśämñesā späntai wentsi cämpim-cä ‘out of wisdom may I be able to speak to thee trustfully!’ (248b2); [i]nt iṣṣe samuddär mā soyässi cämyāwa [sic] ‘I couldn't satisfy the ocean of the senses’ (TEB-63-01), ma nta ksa campya srūkalñe taṅt[s]i ‘never could anything stop death’ (46b3). ∎AB cämp- reflect PTch cämp- from PIE *temp- ‘± stretch, exert an effort on’ [: Lithuanian tempiù ‘pull in length, stretch, extend,’ tìmpa ‘sinew,’ TchA tampe ‘force, ability,’ Icelandic þambr ‘swollen, thick’ (< *‘stretched’), and possibly such other words as Latin tempus ‘time’ (< *‘stretch of time’) collected at P:1064-1065; MA:187)] (VW, 1939:127, Pedersen, 1941:162, nt. 1, VW, 1976:249-250, though details of the extra-Tocharian cognates differ). See also cämpamo.


cämpamo (adj.) ‘capable, able’
[m: cämpamo, -, -//cämpamoñ, -, -] po-cmelaṣṣi pacera mā cämpmoñ ‘parents in all lives [are] not able’ (A-1a2). -- cämpamñe ‘ability’: kos ñi cämpämñe tot weñeu ‘as much as [is] my ability, so much will I speak’ (248a2), orotse cpī mäsketrä cämpamñe ‘great is his ability’ (K-9a3);
cämpamñetstse* ‘having ability, able’: cai yakṣī orotstse-cimpamñecci ‘the yakṣas of great ability’ (506a3). ∎An adjectival derivative of cämp-.


ci See tuwe.


ciñcare See cäñcare.


citt* (n.) ‘thought, spirit’
[-, -, citt//] sälpiñ cittsa wolokmar ‘I dwell with a burning spirit’ (TEB-64-05). ∎From BHS citta-.


cittakālyät* (n.) ‘± thing anticipated’ (?)
[-, -, cittakālyät//] (405a8). ∎From BHS cittakalita-?


Cittarakṣite (n.) ‘Cittarakṣita’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cittarakṣite, -, -//] (434a4).


Cittavārg (n.) ‘Cittavarga’ (a portion of the Udānalankara)
[Cittavārg, -, -//] (A-3a3).


cittābhisaṃskār (n.) ± ‘conception of thought’ (?)
[cittābhisaṃskār, -, -//] (200b1). ∎If from BHS *cittābhisaṃskāra- (compound not in Monier-Williams or Edgerton).


citrāk (n.) ‘Plumbago zeylanica Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[citrāk, -, -//] (497b7, W-17a5). ∎From BHS citraka-.


Citre (n.) ‘Citra’ (PN of householder)
[Citre, Citrentse, -//] (40a3).


Cina (n.) ‘Cina’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cina, -, -//] (459a4). ‣A short form of Cinatyuti?


Cinatyuti (n.) ‘Cinatyuti’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cinatyuti, Cinatyutintse, -//] (459a5). See Cina.


cintāmaṇi (n.) ‘fabulous jewel yielding its possessor all desires’
[cintāmaṇi, -, -//cintāmaṇinta, -, -] kārūnäṣṣe cintāmaṇi ‘the jewel of compassion’ (73b5), [in Manichean script] čynt’m’nyy (Winter/Gabain:11). ∎From BHS cintāmaṇi-.


cipak (n.) ‘Pentaptera tomentosa’ (a medical ingredient)
[cipak, -, -//] (W passim). ∎From BHS jīvaka-.


ciṣṣe (adj.) ‘thy, pertaining to thee’
[m: ciṣṣe, -, ciṣṣe//] ciṣṣe saimäś kloyomar ‘I fall toward the refuge that thou providest’ (TEB-64-11), cine yāmu śrigupti yolo yāmor nauntā-ne ciṣṣek saimtsa (TEB-64-12). ∎An adjectival derivative of ci ‘thee’ (the accusative of tuwe, q.v.). See also taññe.


cukkrikäṣṣu* (n.) ‘distilled vineger’
[cukkrikäṣṣu, -, -//] (Y-2b1 [= BHS cukra-]). ∎A compound of cukra- + TchB kaṣṣu?


cūrṇ ~ cūrm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘(medicinal) powder’
[cūrṇ -, cūrṇ//-, -, curṇanma] apsāltsa yāmu pīle kektseṃne curṇanmasa ṣälypentasa nano mīsa rättankeṃ ‘[if] a wound [is] made by a sword in the body, with powders and salves the flesh will heal again’ (15b1/2=17b3), se cūrṇä kewiye wentsa kante ṣpärkaṣṣälle ‘this powder with cow urine [is] to be dissolved [at a ratio of] 100 [to one]’ (W-2a5). ∎From BHS cūrṇa-.


ce(k) See se.


cenk- See tänk-.


ceccalor See täl-.


cetaṃ (n.) ‘soul, mind’
[cetaṃ, ceta[nä]ntse, -//] (200a5). ∎From BHS cetana.


cetiṣṣe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a shrine’ (?)
///ñe ñemtsa ṣpä ̇ cetiṣṣ ̇ tane ̇ /// (507b1). ∎In form an adjectival derivative from an unattested *ceti which is presumably BHS ceti ‘object of veneration, shrine.’


cepy- (vi.) ‘± tread’ (?)
Ps. II /cepy'ä/e-/ [MPPart. cepyemane; Ger. ceppille] /// cepyemane [] cakkartsane painesa lalaṃṣkane (386a5), sankik raktisa ṣam[ā]nentse ~ eñatketse m[ā] cepi[l]l[e] mā wsaṣṣälle ‘on the community's mat the monk is not to tread unurged or to lie [on it]’ (TEB-65-17= H-149.X.4a1/2 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). ∎Etymology unknown. VW (251) suggests a connection with Greek déphō ‘soften (by working with the hand)’ but the meaning is distant.


ceyak See se.


celāmäññe* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: //-, -, celāmäññana] pañcwarṣikänta kakonta wrocceṃ stamäṣṣäṃ celāmäññana ain wat=āyornt=asta yettse (290a1). ∎A derivative surely of celeññ- but its exact meaning and the exact method of derivation are unknown.


celeññ- (vi.) ‘appear’
Ps. XII /celeññ'ä/e-/ [MP // -, -, celentär; MPImpf. // -, -, celeññiyentär] māka täṅwañe lkātsi celenträ ‘many appear to look at love’ [?] (74a3), cākkär svastik nandikāwart ṣotruna enenka celeñiyentär ‘the cakra, swastika and nandikavarta signs appeared within’ (107a1). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (251) suggests a connection with the family of PIE *telha- ‘lift, raise.’ Such a connection is possible but the meaning is rather distant and the exact morphology of the form of celeññ- is not matched by anything among the certain descendants of *telha-. See also celāmäññe and possibly täl-.


ceśalle See täk-.


cew See su.


caitasike (adj.) ‘prtng to the mind’
[m: caitasike, -, -//] (172a2). ∎From BHS caitasika-.


Caitike (n.) ‘Caitike’ (PN in carvan passes and graffito)
[Caitike, -, -//] (LP-14a2, G-Qa-1.2). See Caiytiśka.


Caiytiśka (n.) ‘Caiytiśka’ (PN in monastic records)
[Caiytiśka, Caiytiśkantse, -//] (461a1). ‣A diminutive of Caitike.


cok (n.[m.sg.]) ‘lamp’
[cok, -, cok//-, -, cokanma] cok ñiś twāsäṣṣim ‘may I light the lamp!’ (364a4), yṣiñe cokiś ṣalywe ‘oil for the night lamp’ (451a2), cok kekesorne ‘in the extinguishing of the lamp’ (588b8). ∎AB cok reflect PTch *cok but extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. It may be that we have a virtual PIE *dhēgwhu-, a derivative of *dhegwh- ‘burn’ (so Krause, 1943:32, and Pedersen, 1944:23). Against such a derivation, otherwise attractive, is that fact that Tocharian from a very early date seems to have generalized word initial ts- in this root, giving no basis for the initial c- of cok (c is the productive palatalization of Tocharian t). VW (252) reconstructs *tēgu- and connects this word with Old English þeccan ‘burn,’ fäcele ‘torch, lamp,’ OHG dahhazzen ‘flare up’ (P:1057). However Old English þeccan ‘burn’ appears not to exist (see the discussion in Bosworth and Toller) and þäcele may be merely a variant of fäcele ‘id.’ from Latin facula, all of which leaves Tocharian cok and OHG dahhazzen isolated.


codake (n.) ‘objector (in disputations), adversary’
[codake, -, -//] tusā mā wesk[e]m codake weṣṣäṃ ‘thus we do not speak, [rather] the adversary speaks’ (197a2). ∎From BHS codaka-. See also cotit.


cotit only attested as a part of a phrasal verb: cotit yām- ‘accuse’
cotit yamaṣṣa-me toy aśiyana po lalāṃṣuwa stare ‘he accused them [thus]: these nuns have finished everything’ (PK-AS-18B-a2 [Pinault, 1984b:376]). ∎From BHS codita-, past participle of cud-. See also codake.


comp See samp.


corak (n.) ‘Trigonella corniculata Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[corak, -, -//] (FS-a4). ∎From BHS coraka-.


col* (adj.) ‘wild’
[m: //-, -, coläṃ] ṣkäss yälloṃṣṣeṃ coläṃ yakweṃ yātäṣṣatai ‘thou didst tame the six wild horses of the senses’ (213a1). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (252-253) suggests we have here a virtual PIE *tēlu-, a derivative of *tel- ‘± flat surface’ [: Sanskrit tala- (nt.) ‘surface,’ tālu- (nt.) (< *tolu-) ‘gums,’ Armenian t`aɫ ‘district, region,’ Greek tēlía ‘board or table with raised rim,’ Latin tellūs ‘earth’ (< *telnos rebuilt morphologically after rūs), Old Irish talam (gen. talman) ‘earth,’ Old Norse þel (nt.) ‘ground,’ Old Prussian talus ‘floor of a room,’ Lithuanian pãtalas ‘bed,’ Old Russian tъlo ‘ground,’ etc. (P:1061; MA:247)]. VW assumes a semantic development similar to that seen in Greek ágrios ‘wild,’ an adjectival derivative of ágros ‘field.’ However, it should be noted that none of the known derivatives of *tel- mean ‘field’ or the like, rather ‘earth,’ and ‘earthly’ would not seem to be nearly so good a starting point for ‘wild’ as ‘pertaining to the field’ would (so also Hamp, p.c.). Perhaps it is possible to see in col a PIE *dhwēs-lu-, a cognate of Latin bēlua ~ bellua ‘beast, large animal’ < *dhwēs-lu-ā- (cf. bēstia) from the widespread *dheus- ~ dhwes- ‘breathe, be full of (wild) spirits’ (P:268-267; MA:82). Perhaps Latin b- is regular for PIE *dhw- when the *-w- has not otherwise been absorbed (cf. forēs ‘doors’).


colorme* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, colormeṃ] /// [tärkarwa]tstse i[pre]r ramt colormeṃtsa mant /// (355b2).


Cowaśke (n.) ‘Cowaśke’ (PN in graffito)
[Cowaśke, -, -//] (G-Su7).


cowai (particle) only in the compound or phrasal verb: cowai tärk- ‘rob’
c[owai tär]k[a]n[aṃ] ś[aumo] kos [c]wi [ritteträ] ‘a man robs as much as he can gather to himself’ [cowai tärkanaṃ = BHS vilumpati] (22a2/3), [tumeṃ no a]lyai[k c]owai tärknaṃ [= BHS vilumpanti] cowaicce cowai tärkauca [= BHS viloptā] cowai tärkau mäske[tär] [ = BHS vilupyate] ‘for, however, others rob the robber, the robber becomes the robbed’ = BHS tato nye vilumpanti sa viloptā vilupyate (22a3), ñakta Puttisene ce [= kuce] sankrām lkāṣi taiseṃ terisa [c]owai carka ‘O lord, whatever monastery P. has visited, he has robbed in that same fashion’ (DAM-507-a7/8 [Pinault, 1984a:24]). -- cowaitstse* ‘± robber’ (see above). ∎Etymology uncertain. Since cowai occur only in this compound its exact meaning cannot be tested from other contexts. Penney (1989:66) plausibly suggests that cowai is not at heart an adverb but rather the accusative singular of an otherwise unattested noun meaning ‘theft, robbery’ and that cowai tärk- is etymologically something on the order of ‘commit a robbery.’ Hilmarsson (p.c.) then plausibly connects this word with Gothic þiufs ‘thief,’ Old Norse þjófr ‘id.,’ Old English þēof ‘id.,’ OHG thiob ‘id.,’ and Old Norse þȳfi ‘theft,’ Old English þīefe ‘id.,’ OHG thiuba ‘id.’ (MA:543). The Tocharian word might represent *teup-eha-h1en-. The Germanic-Tocharian correspondence would be remarkable. Less plausibly, VW (253), assuming the meaning to be ‘away,’ takes it to be a frozen accusative singular of a noun whose nominative singular would have been *cowo, a borrowing from an unattested TchA source, itself descended from a PIE *dēw-u- and related to Sanskrit dūrá ‘far off,’ Hittite tūwa (< endingless locative *duweha) ‘far, in(to) the distance,’ tūwats ‘from afar,’ tuwān ... tuwān (< *dweham) ‘here ... there,’ Greek dēn (< *dweham) ‘(for) a long time,’ all derivatives of a PIE noun *dweha- ‘distance (in either time or space)’ for which one should see Melchert, 1984:30. (Cf. also Eichner, 1978:160, fn. 69.)


cau See su.


cautāṃ (n.) ‘honey’
[cautāṃ -, -//] cautāṃ = BHS kṣaudra- (Y-2b5). ∎Etymology unknown. See also mit.


ckācko* (n.) ‘leg, (particularly) shin, calf’
[-, -, ckāckai/-, -, ckāckane/] onkolma tañ lkātär saiwai ckāckaine ‘a she- elephant is seen on thy left calf’ [in a top to bottom description after a mention of the thighs] (74b6), ///ne caṇḍāli waikiññeṃ penkeṃpa tasemane mcuṣkantaṃts ckāckane ersank śa/// ‘... comparing the legs of the princes with the penke of the untouchable ...’ (589b5). -- ckāckaṣṣe ‘prtng to the leg or shin’: ckāckaṣṣe mrestīwe warsa päkṣalle ‘shinbone marrow with water [is] to be cooked’ (W-5a5). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (252) suggests a reduplicated formation, like that seen in pyāpyo ‘flower.’ He takes it to be (as if) from a PIE *teukeha-teukeha- and compares *teukeha- to OHG dioh, Old Norse þjó, Old English þēoh (nt.) ‘thigh.’ The semantic side of the equation is of course excellent but the phonological side less so. The loss of PIE *-äu- in both its occurrences in a putative *cäukā-cäukā- is both surprising and ad hoc. Phonologically easier is Anreiter's assumption (1984:64ff, with differing details) of a reduplicated derivative of *tek- ‘run,’ namely *tekeha-tekeha-. Very difficult is K. T. Schmidt's suggestion (1980:40) of a relationship with Sanskrit sakthi, Avestan haxti- ‘thigh.’ Under this hypothesis, the Tocharian and Indo-Iranian words would be from a PIE *skakt- with different metathesis and dissmilatory loss.


cke See cake.


cpi See su.


cmimra ‘?’
/// yśamna cmimra mlake/// (584b6). ‣Perhaps with Krause (1952:247) a misspelling for cmimar ‘may I be born.’


cmel, cmeltse, cmelṣe, and cmelaṣṣe See camel.


cmelñe See täm-.


cro(-) ‘?’
///ṣleṃts tsänkarwane cro/// (518a6).


cwi See su.


cwiññe (adj.) ‘belonging to him, his’
[m: cwiññe, -, -//] [f: //-, -, cwiññana] kre[ntau]n[a]ne cwiññana ‘in his virtues’ (15b2/3). ∎A derivative of the masculine genitive singular cwi ‘his.’ See further s.v. se.


cwimp See samp.


chandakanivartaṃ* (n.) a meter of 4 X 12 syllables (rhythm: 5/7, or 7/5).
[-, -, chandakanivartaṃ//] (86b4).


jaṭ (n.[m.sg.]) ‘braid’
[jaṭ -, -//] (TEB-59-27). ∎From BHS jaṭā-. See also jaṭiläññe*, jaṭilapūrvake*.


jaṭiläññe* (adj.) ‘provided with a braid’
[m: -, -, jaṭiläññe//jaṭiläññi, jaṭiläññeṃts, -] poyśi saswe jaṭilñe sānk päs wāya ‘the lord Buddha led the braided one away [to] the community’ (108b2). ∎A Tocharian derivative in -ññe from BHS jaṭila-. See jaṭ.


jaṭilapūrvake* (adj.) ‘formerly having a braid’
[m: //-, -, jaṭilapūrvakaṃ] (108b3). ∎From BHS jaṭilapūrvaka-.


Jambudvīp (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Jambudvīpa (India)’
[Jambudvip, -, Jambudvip//] (3a2): -- jambudvipṣṣe* ‘prtng to Jambudvīpa’ (217a4). ∎From BHS Jambidvīpa-.


jar (n.) ‘old-age’
[jar, -, -//] (180a3). ∎From BHS jarā-.


jarāmaraṃ (n.) ‘old-age and death’
[jarāmaraṃ -, -//] (149b5). ∎From BHS *jarāmaraṇa- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).


jātak* (n.) ‘story of a buddha's previous incarnation’
[//jātakänta, -, -] (104b6). -- jātakäṣṣe ‘prtng to a jātaka’ (77a5). ∎From BHS jātaka-.


jāti (n.) ‘birth’
[jāti, -, jāti//] (149b5). ∎From BHS jāti-.


Jātiśroṇe (n.) ‘Jātiśroṇa’ (PN of a brahman)
[Jātiśroṇe, Jātiśroṇi, -//] (2b4).


jāmadigniñe (adj.) ‘prtng to Jamadagni’
[m: jāmadigniñe, -, -//] (K-12a5).


jīvak See cipak.


jīvake (n.[m.sg.]) ‘living being’
(373.b). ∎From BHS jīvaka-.


jīvanti (n.) ‘cocculus cordifolia’ (a medical ingredient)
[jīvanti, -, -//] (497a1). ∎From BHS jīvantī-.


Jetavaṃ* (n.) ‘Jetavana’ (PN of a grove near Śrāvastī)
[-, -, Jetavaṃ//] (A-4a4).


jojjä ‘?’
kausa jojjä y ̇/// (424a1).


Jñāti (n.) ‘Jñāti’ (PN of a woman)
[Jñāti, -, -//] Jñāti-seyi = BHS Jñātiputrasya (28b5).


jñātike* (n.) ‘relative, kinsman’
[-, -, jñātikeṃ//] jñātikeṃ wāpatsi watkaṣäṃ mā tränko ‘[if] he orders a relative to weave [it], [it is] not a sin’ (H-149.37b5 [Thomas, 1954:727]). ∎From BHS jñātika-.


Jñānakāme* (n.) ‘Jñānakāma’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Jñānakāmi, -//] (477a2).


Jñānakupte (n.) ‘Jñānagupta’ (PN in graffito)
[Jñānakupte, -, -//] (G-Su12).


Jñānaghoṣe (n.) ‘Jñānaghoṣa’ (PN in graffito)
[Jñānaghoṣe, -, -//] (G-Su33).


Jñānacaṃndre (n.) ‘Jñānacandra’ (PN in monastic records)
[Jñācandre, -, -//] (G-Su34.1.2).


Jñānamokṣe (n.) ‘Jñānamokṣa’ (PN in graffito)
[Jñānamokṣe, -, -//] (G-Su25.b).


Jñānawirye (n.) ‘Jñānavīrya’ (PN in graffito)
[Jñānawiryem -, -//] (G-Qa4.b.1). See also Ñānawirye.


jñānasaṃbhār (n.) ‘a great amount of knowledge’
[jñānasaṃbhār, -, -//] (591b3). ∎From BHS jñānasaṃbhāra-.


Jñānasene (n.) ‘Jñānasena’ (PN in monastic records)
[Jñānasene, -, Jñānaseneṃ//] (DAM-507-a3 [Pinault, 1984b:24]). See also Ñānasene.


Jñānasome (n.) ‘Jñānasoma’ (PN in graffito)
[Jñānasome, Jñānasomentse, -//] (G-Qm6). See also Ñānasome.


Jñānasthite (n.) ‘Jñānasthita’ (PN of a Tuṣita-god)
[Jñānasthite, -, -//] (77a2).


jñāpake* (n.) ‘rule, law’
[-, -, jñāpake//] (197a2). ∎From BHS jñāpaka-.


jyotiraso (n.) a kind of jewel
(242b2) ∎From BHS jyotīrasa-.


jyotiṣpati (n.) ‘Cardiospermum halicacabum Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[jyotiṣpati, -, -//] (W-2b3). ∎From BHS jyotiṣmatī-.


1 enclitic pronoun of the first person singular. See ñäś.


2 the ending of the causal ∎Possibly we have here an archaic instrumental of an n-stem, namely -niT seen in (Vedic) Sanskrit dakṣiṇít ‘with the right hand,’ or, outside of n-stems, in cikitvít ‘with attention, care,’ or in the Hittite instrumental ending -it (for the Sanskrit and Hittite, cf. Melchert, 1984:98). One should note with Melchert that the -it occurs with both thematic and athematic nouns.


ñake (adv.) ‘now’
śaul attsaik totka śāmnaṃts ñke wrīyeṣṣe pältakwä atyaṃts a[k]entasa ‘the life of men [is] now [as] little [as] the droplet of water on the tips of grass’ (3b3/4), nauṣsu plyāwa alyenkäṃ ceṃ ñake ceu wes pälwāmo ‘earlier he lamented others, now we lament him’ (46b2), kuse no su Uttare mñcuṣke ṣai se ña[k]e Rāhule st[e] ‘whoever prince Uttara was, he is now Rāhula’ (95a2), pinkte meñe āra ñake ṣuktañce ṣkas meñantse-meṃ motte [lege: mante] ñwe mape śātre śwātär ‘the fifth month has ended; now from the seventh [day] of the sixth month on is newly ripened grain to be eaten’ (461a4/5), larauñe śaul kekts[e]nn[e] ... ñke ra cämpim mussi [ñke ra = BHS adyāpi] ‘may I be able to put aside love of life and body even right now!’ (S-3a1/2). ‣Form, function, and position in its clause are discussed by Thomas, 1979. ∎Presumably with VW (323) (as if) from PIE *ne-gho where the *ne is the same as that seen in Sanskrit ná ‘likewise,’ Old Latin ne ‘as,’ Lithuanian nè ‘as,’ Latin ego-ne, tū-ne, etc. or Greek (Thessalonian) hó-ne, tó-ne, etc. (P:320). This *-ne would be related in some fashion to the pronominal *h1(e)no-. The *gho is a particle of reinforcement often occuring after pronouns, e.g. Sanskrit sá gha, OCS -go, etc. (P:417). The entire *ne-gho may be matched by Serbo-Croatian nego ‘as’ (in comparatives). See also ṅke.


ñakte (nm.) ‘god’ [voc. ñakta often used as respectful address to a king] [ñakteṃts ñakte is an epithet of the Buddha or of a maitreya]
[ñakte, ñaktentse, ñakte (voc. ñakta)/ñaktene, -, -/ñakti, ñakteṃts, ñakteṃ] ñäkteṃts ñakte pūdñäkte lac lename[ṃ tso]nkaiko ‘the god of gods, the Buddha, went out of [his] cell at dawn’ (5b3), ñakteṃ śāmnane ‘among gods and men’ (30b4), te weweñ[o]rmeṃ ltaiś ñaktene ‘having said this the two gods left’ (88b5), ñäktetsä = BHS -devānām (251b1), wärttoṣṣi ñakti ‘the forest gods’ (364b7), ñakt[e]ntse = BHS buddha- (U-11b1). -- ñäktetstse* ‘having gods’ (PK-NS306/305a3 [Couvreur, 1977:177]);
ñäkteññe ‘divine’ (H-149-Add.122a4). ∎TchA ñkät and B ñakte reflect PTch *ñäk(ä)te but extra-Tocharian connections are not altogether clear. VW (326-327) suggests a derivation from PIE *h1neḱ- ‘obtain, take’ [: Sanskrit aśnóti ‘attains,’ náśati ‘id.,’ Lith. nešù ‘carry,’ TchB enk- ‘take, seize,’ etc. (P:316-318; MA:35)], i.e. *h1neḱto- ‘he who brings, he who obtains.’ He notes the semantic similarity (which stops well short of a semantic identity) with Sanskrit bhága- ‘master,’ Avestan baɣa- ‘master, god,’ derivatives of a verb seen in Skt, bhájati ‘shares.’ Alternatively Watkins (1974:102) takes ‘god’ to be ‘the libated one’ (from PIE *ǵheu- ‘pour’ [P:447-448; MA:448]) with reference to Sanskrit āhuta- ‘begossen’ as an epithet of Agni. Normier (1980:267ff.), however, is probably right in taking PTch *ñäk(ä)te to reflect a virtual PIE *ní-ǵhuhx-to- ‘± the one called down’ (more particularly *ní-ǵhuhx-to- with the retracted accent characteristic of nouns derived from adjectives). The vowel of the root syllable has been shortened to *-u- (or the laryngeal was lost) in pre-Tocharian but after that the development is phonologically regular. Normier suggests that the laryngeal is lost as a result of the word's being a compound and comparing such formations as Sanskrit suṣuti- ‘easy birth’ from sū-. The existence of such "compositional loss" of laryngeals, at least when not before a vowel, is, however, controversial (Mayrhofer, 1986:149-150). In any case, such an explanation for the Tocharian short vowel will not account for the short vowel in what by this hypothesis is the closest extra-Tocharian cognate, namely Germanic *guδa- (nt.) ‘god’ (< *hutóm) (cf. P:413; MA:231). For this Germanic word and for related words with a short vowel in Celtic (cf. Old Irish guth (m.) ‘voice’ < *hutus) and Gallic gutuater, the designation of a class of priests, which may be *hutu-pḥater- ‘father (= master) of the invocation [of the gods]’), Normier adduces a general rule, "Dybo's Law," of pretonic shortening of *-- and *- (usually from *-uhx- and *-ihx-) in Germanic, Celtic and Latin (e.g. Proto-Germanic *sunu- compared to Sanskrit sūnú- or Proto-Germanic *wira-, Latin viro-, Old Irish fer ‘man’ but Sanskrit vīrá- ‘id.’). However, Dybo's Law is not without its problems and the more general question of aniṭ and seṭ roots awaits a unified solution. See also ñäkciye, ñäkteñña, yñakteṃ, kauṃñäkte, pudñäkte, pañäkte, bramñäkte, ylaiñäkte, śrīñäkte, and, more distantly perhaps kwā-.


ñakre* (n.) ‘± darkness’ (?)
[-, -, ñakre//] /// epastyu śaiṣṣe lyuśsi ñakremeṃ ‘skilled one, to illuminate the world from darkness’ (244b3). ∎If the meaning is correct, then this word is the exact equivalent of the otherwise isolated Latin niger ‘black, dark,’ both being from a PIE *niGro- where the *-G- may be either aspirated or not, palatal or velar (Isebaert, 1977[79]:382).


ñatke (adv.) ‘± urgently, quickly’ (?)
/// wektse w[e]k tärkänaṃ ñätke kārāś yaṃ ‘he utters a loud voice and quickly goes toward the forest’ (118b1), (283a1). ∎If correctly identified as to meaning, a derivative of nätk- and the formation underlying eñatketstse?


Ñatte* (n.) ‘Ñatte’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Ñatti, -//] (463a5).


ñare (n.[m.sg.]) ‘thread; (both sg. and pl.) fringe’
[ñare, -, ñare//-, ñreṃts, -] mäkte ña[re] tne pännowo kos sarkimpa w[ā]p[ā]trä ‘as here the stretched thread, as often as it is woven with the warp’ (3b5), watkaṣṣi pi pañäkte niṣīdaṃ ñremeṃ kälymi raso tsamtsi ‘may the Buddha order the sitting-mat to increase a span [in] the direction from the fringe’ (H-149.X.4a6 [Couvreur, 1954b:43]). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (1941:77, 1976:324) takes ñare to reflect a PIE *nero- and related to the otherwise isolated Baltic group represented by Lithuanian neriù ‘thread a needle’ or narýs ‘joint, articulation’ (P:257-956; MA:573). It is also possible to see in it a PTch *ñärwe- (cf. ṣmare ‘fat’ < *smerwo-) and thus the equivalent of Latin nervus ‘sinew, tendon, nerve.’ As Meillet and Ernout explain (1967:439), in nervus (< *nerwo-) we have a popular deformation of *neuro- still to be seen in Greek neûron ‘id.’ and related to the widespread PIE *(s)neh1- ‘weave, spin’ (P:973) and its nominal derivative *(s)neh1-wṛ ‘sinew, tendon’ from which, by backformation was formed the derived verbal root *(s)neh1w- (i.e. *(s)neh1-wṛ is reanalyzed as *(s)neh1wṛ) A connection with *(s)neh1- was proposed for ñare by Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:381. In any case, not a derivative of närs- ‘press, urge,’ q.v. (Krause, 1952:254). See also ṣñor.


ñaś (pronoun) ‘I, me’ ; plural: wes ‘we, us’
[ñaś (~ ñäś, ñiś), ñi, ñaś (~ ñäś, ñiś)/wene, -, wene/wes, wesi ~ wesäñ, wes] ∎The formation of the first person singular pronoun in Tocharian is as thorny a thicket of morphology and phonology as one can find there. TchA is practically unique in Indo-European in distinguishing a masculine and feminine first person singular pronoun, as näṣ (m.) and ñuk (f.). Neither matches, in any obvious way, the unisex TchB pronoun ñaś. Starting from the enclitic -, we note that there is general agreement that this must represent a PIE accusative *me/*mé or reduplicated *méme (see the discussion of Cowgill, 1965:170). PIE *méme remains as such only in Indic (Skt. máma). In Balto-Slavic and Iranian we find the dissimilated (Aves an mana) and in Greek and Latin we have derived genitives showing dissimilatory loss (Latin meus and Greek (emós). In Greek the same dissimilation must be seen in the accusative emé.
Tocharian too starts from *mene or, perhaps with very early loss of an unstressed vowel, *mne. This *m(e)ne became *m(ä)ñä > *mñä > *ñä, whence the initial - was extended throughout the paradigm (VW:315, with previous literature). The TchB nom./acc. ñaś must be in Indo-European terms memé ge (cf. Greek emé ge and Gothic mik from *me ge); this Tocharian-Greek-Germanic equation goes back to G. Schmidt (1978). The genitive singular must be *ñä + the genitive ending -i (< PIE *-eis). In pre-Tocharian A a nominative *yäku, regularly from *eǵō-hxom (= Greek egōn and is similar to Sanskrit ahám from *eǵ-hxom; cf. also the second person sg. *tuwe (B t(u)we and A tu from *tū-hxom), was conflated with *ñä, originally only accusative, to give *ñäku whence feminine ñuk (P:291, 702; MA:454). Cf. Jasanoff (1989) though details differ. TchA näṣ and nāñi remain opaque to me though Jasanoff has suggestions for them.
TchA was and B wes are normally taken to reflect PTch *wes, a conflation of the PIE nominative first person plural stem *wei- and the oblique *nos (generalized to the nominative in Latin nōs and Albanian na < *nos), thus only accidentally looking like the PIE second person plural oblique stem *wos (VW:547, following Petersen, 1935:205, and Pedersen, 1941:133ff.) The PIE word-final *-s is preserved here in a monosyllable (as in ṣkas ‘six’ from *s(w)eḱs). The dual wene is (as if) from PIE *woh1 (similarly rebuilt from *noh1) plus the regular dual ending -ne (< *-noh1) (P:758; MA:454). See also -1, ñiññe and ñśaṣṣe.


ñasso (n.) ‘share, portion, inheritance’
[ñasso, -, -//] s[e] [lege: kuse] ñasso [ṣäp] cewsa = BHS yoṃśaś cānena [yoṃśaś = yo aṃśaś] (547a2). ∎Perhaps (as if) from PIE *nesweha-h1en- (> *ñäswoyo > *ñäss(o)yo [*-s- is lengthened before an original *-w- as assumed by Jasanoff (p.c.) and the *-w- is lost before a back vowel] > *ñässo by loss of *-y between o's and contraction [Adams, 1988d]). This *neswehah1en- would be a derivative of *nes- ‘± go back to, seek out a (good) state or place.’ Semantically we would have a change from *‘that which is sought’ to ‘that which is attained.’ See also ñäsk-.


Ñānattewe (n.) ‘Jñānadeva’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñānattewe, -, -//] (G-Qm7).


Ñānawirye (n.) ‘Jñānaīrya’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñānawirye, -, -//] (G-Qa4.a). See also Jñānawirye.


Ñānasene (n.) ‘Jñāsena’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñānasene, -, -//] (G-Qm7). See also Jñānasena.


Ñānasome* (n.) ‘Jñānasoma’ (PN in graffito)
[-, Ñānasomi, -//] (G-Su14). See also Jñāasome.


ñās See ñyās.


ñātse See ñyātse.


ñäkciye (adj.) ‘divine’
[m: ñäkciye, -, ñäkciye//ñäkc(iy)i, -, ñäkciyeṃ] [f: ñäkciya, -, ñäkciyai/ ñäkciyane, -, -/ñäkciyana, -, ñäkciyana] ñäkcye ... śaiṣṣene = BHS svarge (14a6), ñäkcyai = BHS divya (23a3), ñäkcye śaiṣṣeś = BHS devalokam (23a3), tūsa pilko ñäk[c]iye yänm[āṣṣäṃ] ‘thus he achieves divine insight’ (523a6), ñäkcyenne yśelmen[n]e = BHS divyeṣu kāmeṣu (H-149-ADD.105b3 = U-4 [Thomas, 1972a:230, fn. 21]), ñäkciye = BHS devako (U-18b6). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñakte, q.v.


ñäkteñña (n.) ‘goddess’
[ñäkteñña, -, -//] ś[a]na ñäkteñña weṣṣäṃ ‘the woman, the goddess, speaks’ (88b3). ∎The feminine of the adjective ñäkteññe ‘divine’ (s.v. ñakte). Cf. also TchA ñäkteññā ‘id.’


ñäś See ñaś.


-ñäṣṣe (adj.) ‘-seeking, exerting (?)’
[m: -ñäṣṣe, -, -//] [f: //-, ñäṣṣanaṃts, -] /// nervvaṃ-ñäṣṣe /// ‘nirvana-seeking’ (140b2), /// ñäṣṣanaṃts = BHS ceṣṭānāṃ (H-149.47b5 [Couvreur, 1966:162]). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñäsk-, q.v. For the formation one should compare -paṣṣe from pāsk-.


ñäsk- (vt.) Act: ‘demand, require’; Middle: ‘seek’ [akālk ñäsk- ‘cherish a wish’]
Ps. II /ñäsk'ä/e-/ [A ñaskau, -, ñaṣṣäṃ// -, -, ñaskeṃ; AImpf. -, -, ñaṣṣi//; MP -, -, ñaṣtär// -, -, ñäskentär; MPImpf. ñäṣṣimar, ñäṣṣitar, ñäṣṣītär// -, -, ñä(ṣṣi)yentär; APart. ñäṣṣeñca; MPPart. ñäskemane; Ger. ñäṣṣalle]; Ko II (= Ps.) [A ñaskau, -, -//; MP ñäskemar, -, -//]; Pt. /ñäṣṣā/ [A -, -, ñaṣṣa//] mapi ca[mpät] c[e]u pito rīntsī kuce ñiś ñäskau-cmeṃ ‘thou canst not indeed renounce the price that I require from thee’ (100a1), tumeṃ su Upanandeṃnmeṃ kampāl päst ññaṣṣi [sic] ‘then he demanded the cloak back from U.’ (337b1), śrāddhe ṣek ñaṣträ kre[ntäṃ] l[k]ātsi ‘a believer always seeks to see good [ones]’ (23a6/7), ankaiṃ ytārasa [lege: ytārisa] mokṣ cai ñäskentär ‘they sought extinction/deliverance by a false path’ (30a7), ce akālk ṣek ñäṣṣī[tär] ‘he always cherished this wish’ (28b8); paine toṃ ātpi āyor ñäskau-ne ‘I will require both his feet [as] a gift’ (Amb-b2); ñaṣṣa Śreṣṭhakeṃ kakāte-ne akālkäś ‘he required Ś. [to come forward] and invited him to a wish’ (22a5). ∎TchB ñäsk- reflects PTch *ñäsk- (as if) from PIE *nes-sḱe/o-, a derivative of *nes- ‘± move (back) toward or seek out a good state or position’ [: Greek néomai ‘return home,’ Sanskrit násate ‘unite with, approach,’ OE genesen ‘save’ (P:766-767; MA:484)] with the -sḱe/o- extended throughout the paradigm (as also in the case of nāsk- ‘bathe, swim,’ pāsk- ‘guard,’ tresk- ‘chew,’ etc. [one might notice, too, that all these verbs have a full rather than zero-grade of the root]). PIE *nes- is represented by Sanskrit násate ‘approaches, resorts to [a person]; copulates,’ Greek néomai ‘go/come (back) [home],’ Gothic ganisan ‘recover, get well; be saved,’ Sanskrit níṃsate ‘touch closely, kiss; salute,’ Greek nīsomai (somewhat irregularly from *nínsomai) ‘go/come (back).’ This connection, which seems to be routinely accepted from the Germanic side (Feist and Lehmann for Gothic) as well as from the point of view of Indic (Mayrhofer), is doubted, for semantic reasons, by Frisk (1970:305). However, the morphologically exact three-way equation of *nes/o- and the even more probative two-way equation of *ninse/o- would seem to be unassailable. All the attested meanings can be derived from that given above (which differs from that given by Pokorny [766] ‘sich vereinigen, geborgen sein’) by relatively straightforward processes of semantic change. In Germanic it has narrowed to ‘go back to a good state’ while in Greek it has narrowed to ‘go back to a good place.’ In Indic we have broadening from ‘go/come toward a good state/place’ to ‘go toward, approach, resort to’ and in Tocharian to ‘seek (out).’ Not (with VW:324) from a PIE *mnesḱe/o- from *men- ‘think’ for both semantic and morphological reasons (where would the *-e- of such a form come from?). See also neske, -ñäṣṣe, ñasso and, borrowed from TchA, ñyās.


ñi See ñaś.


ñ(i)kañce* (adj.) ‘silver(n)’
[m: -, -, ñ(i)kañce//ñ(i)kañci, -, ñ(i)kañceṃ] [f: -, -, ñ(i)kañcai//] ysāṣṣeṃ ñikañceṃ wmera ‘gold and silver jewels’ (109a4). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñkante, q.v.


ñikciye See ñäkciye.


ñiññe (adj.) ‘my, prtng to me’
[ñiññe, -, ñiññe//] po läklentaṃts kselñeṣṣe sak källoyeṃ piś cmelṣi ñiññ=akālksa ‘by my wish may those of the five births achieve the good fortune of extinguishing all sufferings’ (S-7b3), /// nesäṃ ñiññe = BHS nāsti mamāyitam (U-25a7). -- ñiññeṣṣe* ‘id.’: ñiś ñiññeṣṣeṃ wäntarwa weśeññai-yärm eñcīmar (S-5b5). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñi ‘my’ (the genitive of ñaś, q.v.).


Ñirot (n.) ‘Nirodha’ (PN of a prince)
[Ñirot, -, -//] (294a3).


ñu (number) ‘nine’
ṣuk[t] okt śak wat satāṣṣäṃ | ṣkas piś ñu wat no ṣaṃṣtär ‘seven, eight, or ten he exhales; however, he counts six, five or nine’ (41a8/b1), tricemeṃ-ne ñune ‘in the third month, on the ninth [day]’ (LP-31a2). -- ñu-ñu ‘by nines’: ñu ñu pakenta tsarästär ‘it is divided into shares by nines’ (591a3) [see also ñuwār];
ñu-meñantse-ne ‘on the ninth of the month’ (433a28). ∎AB ñu reflect PTch *ñuw(ä) from PIE *(h1)néwṇ or possibly *(h1)néwṃ (on which see below) [: Sanskrit náva, Avestan nava, Armenian inn (< *enwṇ), Greek ennéa (rebuilt after the ordinal *enwṇto-), Albanian nëndë (< *(h1)newṇti-), Latin novem, Old Irish nói n-, Gothic niun, Lithuanian devynì, OCS devętь (= Albanian nëndë, with the initial, as in Baltic, by dissimilation from the following *-n- or by influence of the word for ‘ten’ *deḱṃ, or both) (P:318-319; MA:403)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:328-329). It is usually assumed that the final sound was *- and that the *- presupposed by Latin novem (cf. the ordinal nōnus) and TchB ñumka ‘ninety’ is by analogy to *septṃ ‘seven’ and *déḱṃ ‘ten.’ See also ñunte, ñumka, and ñuwār.


ñunte (adj.) ‘ninth’
[m: ñunte, -, ñuñce//-, -, ñuñceṃ] śkänte-ñunte ‘ninteenth’ (123b4), ñuñce meṃ-ne ‘in the ninth month’ (LP-11a2). ∎From PIE *(h1)newṇto- [: Greek eínatos (< *enwṇto-), Gothic niundo, Lithuanian deviñtas, OCS devętъ, and, morphologically more distant, Sanskrit navamá-, Avestan naoma- (both < *newemó-), Old Irish nómad, Welsh nawfed (both < *neumeto-), and Latin nōnus (< *neweno-) (P:319; MA:403)]. Cf. Winter, 1991:138-139. See also ñu.


ñuṃṣṣu(-) ‘?’
/// palāmai ṣpä | ñuṃṣṣu/// (584a8).


ñumka (number) ‘ninety’
ñumka klautkents=ākalṣlyets ytariṃ toṃ waiptār akṣāre ‘they announced, all separately, the paths of the ninety ways to [their] students’ (28a5). -- ñumka-ṣe ‘91’;
ñumka-ṣkas: ‘96’;
ñumka-okt ‘98’;
ñumka-ñu ‘99’. ∎TchB ñumka is the best evidence we have that the PIE word for ‘nine’ was *(h1)néwṃ rather than *(h1)newṇ (see the discussion s.v. ñu). A PIE *(h1)newṃkomt would give regularly ñumka (for the development of -ka see the discussion s.v. täryāka). On the other hand, the -m- may reflect the analogical interference of *deḱṃ. TchA nmuk shows mysterious depalatalization and rebuilding after oktuk ‘eighty’ (cf. Smith, 1910:132, VW:319, Winter, 1991:121-122). See also ñu.


ñultse (number) ‘nine thousand’
keṃ ñor ṣukt nrainta toṃ tmān[e] ñul[tse] kwärsarw=enkwa keṃ ‘beneath the earth [are] these seven hells, nineteen thousand leagues surrounding the earth’ (45b3). ∎A compound of ñu + yaltse.


ñuwār (adv.) ‘by nines’
uwār pake[nta] puttanktär ‘it is shared out by nines’ (591a4). ∎From ñu ‘nine,’ q.v., + the distributive suffix -ār. See also ñu-ñu, s.v. ñu.


ñuwe (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘new’; (b) ‘day of the new moon’
[m: ñuwe, -, ñweṃ/] (a) ñweṃ prastrāṃ yā[kwameṃ] ‘a new bedroll from wool’ (316b4), ñwe mape śātre śwātär ‘newly ripe grain is eaten’ (461a5), cewä śerkwameṃ wente yamaṣle cew wentesa ñuwe kuntiśke taṣale ‘from this cord a covering [is] to be made; over this covering a new little pot [is] to be put’ (M-3b2);
(b) ñweṃne trukāle Sumaiśe wasa kantine yikṣye ‘on the newmoon-[day] S. gave [as his] share flour for bread’ (433a6), piś kṣuṃntsa ñuñce meṃne [] ñweṃne ‘in the fifth year of the regnal period, in the ninth month, on the day of the new moon’ (LP-11a2). ∎TchA ñu and B ñuwe reflect PTch *ñäwe from PIE *néwo- [: Sanskrit náva-, Avestan nava-, Greek néos, Latin novus, Old Lithuanian navas, OCS novъ, Hittite newa-, all ‘new’; more distantly Gothic niujis, Lithuanian naũjas ‘new’ (< *neuyo-), or Armenian nor ‘new’ (< *nowero-?), etc. (P:769; MA:393)] (VW, 1941:77, 1976:328). See also ñwetstse and possibly naimaññe.


ñem* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘name’ [ñem tā-, ñem ai-, ñem klāw- ‘to name’]
[-, -, ñem//-, ñemnaṃts, ñemna] rājarṣi ṣey Gaye ñem om mäskeñca cwi ñemtsa wartto klāwa ‘there was a seer, Gaya [by] name there [and the Buddha] called the woods by his name’ (108b2), ñem ersna kselñemeṃ ‘from the extinction of name and form’ [= BHS nāmarūpaniro] (157b1), [śānta] ñem tässānte ‘the sheep were named’ (349b5), kete ñemntsa pwarne hom yāmäṃ su mā walke na ṣṭa ‘in whosoever's name one will make an oblation in the fire, he [is] not long destroyed’ [= ‘it is not long before he is destroyed’] (M-1b5), ñemne = BHS saṃjña- (Y-3b1). -- -ñematstse* ‘having [such-and-such] a name’: ñake palsko ṣärpalñe-ñemace pratihar[i sä]lk[āte-meś] ‘now the wonder having the name of thought and explanation was drawn out for you’ (108b7), [U]ttare-ñemase soy ‘[his] son, Uttara by name’ (401a2) [for the formation, see Winter, 1979];
ñem-kälywe ‘fame’: keklyauṣormeṃ krent ñem-kälywe wroccu wlo tañ ‘having heard of thy good fame, O great king’ (AMB-b4);
ñem-kälyweṣṣe ‘prtng to fame’: ñem-kälyweṣṣe mahursa ṣäñ tärne yaiytu ‘thine own head decorated with the diadem of fame’ (214b1/2). ∎TchA ñom and B ñem reflect PTch *ñēm (the rounding of PTch *-- to -o- in TchA is regular in the neighborhood of a labial), (as if) from PIE *h1nēmṇ, a variant of the more usual *h1nomṇ ‘name’ [: Sanskrit nāma (nt.), Avestan nāma (nt.) (the Indo-Iranian forms could be from either *h1nomṇ or *h1nēmṇ--whatever its origin, the -- has been extended throughout the paradigm as well as fixed accent on the root syllable [if that was not original]), Armenian anun (< *h1nomno-?), Greek ónoma (nt.) (assimilated from *énoma), Albanian emër (m.) (< *h1ṇmen-), Latin nōmen (nt.) (with the long vowel by conflation with *(g)nōmen ‘sign’--cf. cognōmen ‘surname’ [Cowgill, 1965:156]), Old Irish ainmm n- (nt.), Welsh anu (< *h1ṇmṇ), Gothic namo (nt.) (< a "collective" *h1nomōn), Old Prussian emnes ~ ennens (m.) (< *h1ṇmen-), OCS imę (< a "collective" *h1ṇmēn), Hittite lāman- (with dissimilation of the initial nasal), all ‘name’ (P:321; MA:390)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:327). If, as Cowgill and Beekes (1969) have both supposed, the initial e-/o- of Greek or the a- of Armenian are prothetic vowels of non-laryngeal origin, then of course our reconstructions will be *nómṇ, etc. rather than *h1nómṇ. (Others, e.g. Beekes (1969:229-230) have assumed *(h1)ne/oh3mṇ, on the basis of the Indo-Iranian nāman- and Latin nōmen (Greek ónoma would be from *(h1)nh3mṇ with generalized zero-grade).
It is difficult to reconstruct the original paradigm for this word. Cowgill himself (1965:156) ventures proterokinetic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómṇ, gen. *h1nmén-s (> Old Irish anme) parallel to the *dóru ‘wood, tree,’ *dréus that lies behind Sanskrit dāru, drós. To the evidence of Celtic for such a weak stem should probably be added that of Anatolian. In the latter group we find Hieroglyphic Luvian at(a)man- ‘name’ and probably Lycian adâma(n)- from *a(n)dman- < *anman- < *(h1)ṇ(h3)mṇ- (Melchert, p.c.). Also possible would be an acrostatic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómṇ, gen. *h1némṇs. Perhaps arguing for an original acrostatic paradigm is the strong evidence for a weak grade with -mn- rather than -mén-, e.g. Sanskrit instr. sg. nāmnā, Gothic nom.-acc. pl. namna, Hittite gen. sg. lamnas (but note the other Anatolian data presented above), etc. (see Beekes, 1969:230). In these cases we need assume only that the vowel timbre of the nom./acc. sg. was extended to the weak cases. From either *h1nmén-s or *h1némṇs a new nom.-acc. sg. *h1nēmṇ could be constructed.
There is no need to assume that the initial *-- is the result of "progressive palatalization" brought on by the preceding *h1- as does Winter (1965:202) or that it results from some complicated reallocation of allomorphs *nem-/ñäm- from *h1nómṇ/h1némn- or *h1nómṇ *h1ṇmén- (> *nemä(n) and *eñmäns where the medial cluster *-mn- has been palatalized) as does Hilmarsson (1986:57).


ñemek (n.) ‘harvest’
[ñemek, -, -//] śaktalye iṅauṃ kästwer katnau ñaś ñemek takoy-ñ aśle [ṣek] ‘day and night I scatter seed [in the hope that] it will lead to a harvest for me’ (205a3). ∎(As if) from a PIE *nēm-ok-om (nt.), a derivative of *nem- ‘take’ [: Greek némō ‘deal out, dispense; pasture, graze,’ némesis (f.) ‘retribution,’ nómos (m.) ‘usage, custom; law,’ nomós (m.) ‘place of pasturage; habitation,’ nomízō ‘use customarily; consider as; enact,’ nōmáō ‘deal out, distribute,’ Gothic niman ‘take,’ andanēm (nt.) ‘taking,’ OHG nāma ‘robbery,’ Old Norse nām (m.) ‘taking, learning,’ Lithuanian núoma (f.) ‘rent, hire’ (namaĩ [m.] ‘house, dwellings,’ given by P, probably does not belong here but rather reflects *dom- (Hamp, p.c.), etc. (P:763-764; MA:564)]. It is noteworthy that both Tocharian and Germanic show reflexes of a vṛddhied *nēmo- ‘a taking.’ There is no need (with VW:325) to see here a compound of *nēm- with *-h3okw- ‘appearance.’


ñerwe (adv.) ‘today’
/// ñerwesa mante śak-wi pikul=eṃṣke ‘from today on for twelve years’ (350a3), /// ceu kautāsta ñerwe ‘thou hast split it today’ (520a2). ∎Etymology uncertain. VW (326) assumes a putative PIE *ne-yeh1r-wo- where ne- is the same demonstrative element seen in ñake ‘now,’ ye/oh1r- is ‘period of time, year’ seen in Germanic year and Greek hōra ‘period of time, year; hour’ [also hōros ‘time, year,’ Avestan yārə (nt.) ‘year,’ Russian Church Slavonic jara ‘spring,’ Luvian ari- ‘time’ (Melchert, 1989:41, fn. 28), and Latin hornus ‘of this year,’ if an adjectival derivative of *hōiōrō ‘in this year’ (P:296; MA:654)] and -wo- is a secondary suffix. (For *ne- Hamp [p.c.] suggests as possible alternatives *ni- or *h1eni.) Semantically we would have *‘at this time’ > ‘today.’ VW points to OHG hiuru (< hiu jāru) which in Austrian German has given heuer ‘in this year’ with its derived adjective heurig ‘of this year, current.’ VW's suggestion works phonologically if we can assume an early contraction of *eyē- to *--.


ñor (adv.) ‘below, beneath, under; down’
nigrot [s]t[ā]m ñor ṣek su mäskīträ ‘he was always to be found beneath the fig-tree’ (3b3), asāṃmeṃ ñor klāya ‘he fell down from the throne’ (93a5), /// tverene [sic] lyinālle ṣat kolyi ñor ṣuktañce kauṃ lyutasken-ne ‘... [is] to be stuck in the door, a sliver of hoof below, [on] the seventh day they leave him’ (M-3b1). -- ñoru-wär ‘downstream’: se ṣamāne plākisa aśiyana[mpa o]lyine ṣamäṃ kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat parna totte kat[k]alñesa pāyti ‘whatever monk by agreement sits in a boat with nuns and guides the boat upstream or downstream except [it is] to cross to the other shore, pāyti’ (PK-AS-18B-b4/5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]);
ñorīye* (adj.) ‘lower’: /// ñorīya kātso orottsa tākaṃ tesa päst ṣamäṃ ‘[if] the lower belly is big, by this it subsides’ (W-14a6). ∎Etymology uncertain. Semantically and morphologically attractive is Hilmarsson's connection of this word (1986:297-304) with the otherwise isolated Greek adjective (attested only in the feminine) neíaira ‘lower’ (hē neíaira ‘abdomen’ [cf. TchB ñoriya kātso], neíatos ‘lowest,’ neióthe(n) ‘from the bottom,’ neióthi ‘at the the bottom, under, beneath’). He takes neíaira to be a derivative of a *nē(w)ar from PIE *neh1wṛ. This *neh1wṛ would give B ñor regularly (cf. the same development in ṣñor ‘sinew’ from *sneh1wṛ). The semantics and phonology of this suggestion seem very good, no matter what cognates, if any, exist in Indo-European for this word. Alternatively one might follow Meillet in Hoernle (1916:380, also VW:328) and connect ñor with that group represented by Greek énerthe(n) ‘beneath,’ éneroi ‘inferi,’ nérteros ‘lower,’ the Germanic family represented by English north, and a group in Baltic represented by neriù ‘plunge, dive into,’ nėróvė ‘water nymph’ (P:765-766; MA: 611; and Hilmarsson, 1986:76). In this case ñor would reflect a PIE *nēru. See also ñormye.


ñormye (adj.) ‘± lower’
[m: ñormiye, -, ñormiye//] [ñor]my[e] bhūmimeṃ vairāk yaṃ [] ñormye bhūmi/// (185b1), /// auṣämiye ñormiye wassi /// ‘upper and lower clothing’ [or ‘outer and under clothing’?] (332.1a). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñor, q.v., but except for auṣämiye, q.v., the formation in -miye is otherwise unattested. See also ñor.


ñkante* (n.) ‘silver’
[-, ñkantentse, ñkante//] yasa ñkante wrākaññeṃ wmera makci priyeṃ ‘they themselves were wearing jewels of gold, silver, and pearl’ (PK-NS-18A-a2 [Thomas, 1978a:239]). ∎TchA nkiñc and B ñkañte are usually taken (with Rahder, 1963:107, also VW:634) to be borrowings from Archaic Chinese *ngiɛn ‘silver’ provided with Tocharian suffixes. Hilmarsson (1986:202) suggests that the PTch *-änte that probably lies behind the B -nte and the further derived -ñc of A are by analogy to a lost *ārkänte ‘silver’ from PIE *h2erǵṇtom. However, remembering that what is transcribed as ng- in the Archaic Chinese is actually not a cluster but a dorso-velar nasal, the phonological equation becomes much less appealing. We might expect *ŋy- to have given Tocharian *ñ- tout court. Witczak (1990b) more plausibly suggests that we have PIE *h2reǵṇtóm (as in Sanskrit rajatám ‘silver’) that underwent progressive assimilation to *h2neǵṇtóm whence ñkante regularly (P:64; MA:518). See also ñ(i)kañce.


ñyās (n.[m.sg.]) ‘desire, longing for’
[ñyās, -, ñyās//] ñyasa[meṃ] = BHS chanda- (7a2), pelaikneṣṣe śaul śpālmeṃ cauk twe ñyāssa ñäṣṣitar ‘thou seekest this excellent righteous life with desire’ (231b1), cwī saṃtkenta ślek saṃtkīnau ñāssa ñṣalle [sic] ‘likewise the doctor [is] to seek with desire the remedies for him’ (286b4), ñās tanmästä[r] = BHS cchandaṃ janayati (537b2). -- ñyasassu ‘desirous’ (294a5) ∎A borrowing from TchA ñās ‘id.’ (Winter, 1961:279). This ñās (gender and plural unknown) reflects a PTch *ñēsā-, a derivative of the verbal root *ñäs- which underlies ñäsk-, q.v.


ñyātse (nnt.) ‘danger; plague, distress’
[ñyātse, -, ñyātse//-, -, ñyatsenta] mai ñi tākaṃ laitalñe wrocc=asānmeṃ laṃntuññe | epe wat no śaulantse ñyātse ñi ste nesalle ‘will there be for me a falling from [my] great, royal throne? or is there to be a danger to my life?’ (5a4), toṃ mā tākoṃ śaiṣṣene mā nke tsanko[y] pudñäkte | toṃ ñyatstsenta wikässiś poyśinta tne tsenkeṃtar [lege: -tär] ‘[if] these were not in the world, the Buddha would not arise; buddhas arise here to vanquish such dangers’ (5a6/7), ñātse [= BHS īti] [] snai ñātse [= BHS anīti] (543a5). ‣The shape ñyātse would appear to be the older one. Ñātse is the result of a simplification of initial ñy- to -, primarily in the eastern part of the TchB-speaking area (Hilmarsson, 1991b:137). -- ñyatseṣṣe ‘prtng to danger, dangerous’: tsäkṣträ śaiṣṣe empele ñyatseṣṣe ceu puwa[r]ne ‘the world burns in this horrible, dangerous fire’ (295a8);
ñyatsassu ‘± dangerous’: ceṃts welñeś ṣek ñyatsasu krentäṃ etswai nessiśco rmamñe eru (S-5b6); -- -ñyatsetstse* ‘having danger’ only in the compound makā-ñyatsetstse* ‘having many dangers’ (35b1). ∎Etymology uncertain. Related to TchA ñātse, probably because the A form is borrowed from B. Extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. Plausible is Hilmarsson's suggestion (1991b:137-139) that the nearest relatives of ñyātse are to be found in Germanic [: Gothic neiþ (nt.) ‘ill-will, envy,’ Old English níþ (nt.) ‘enmity, hate, combat,’ OHG níd(h) ‘enmity, hate, combative fury, etc.’ (all < Proto-Germanic *nīþa- (nt.)] and Celtic [: Old Irish níth (gen. nítho) ‘combat, combative fury’ (< *nítu-), Welsh nwyd ‘passion’]. Hilmarsson equates the Tocharian and Germanic forms as *nihxtyo- and *nihxto- respectively. I would be more comfortable, since the semantic match is not exact in any case, reconstructing pre-Tocharian *nihx-eha-tyo-. (Rightly rejected is VW's suggestion [324] of a putative PIE *mn-iyeha-tyo-, a derivative of PIE *men- ‘compress.’)


ñwetstse* (a) (adj.); (b) (n.) (a) ‘new’ [ñwecce klutk- ‘renew’]; (b) ‘novice’
[-, -, ñwecce//-, ñwecceṃts, -] (a) war yokaiṣṣe witskaṃ waiwäṣṣäṃ ne nnok ñwecce klutkäṣṣä[n-n]e ‘the water of thirst wets it and again it becomes new’ (11b3);
(b) weña pūdñäkte ... tarya śpālmeṃ ślokanma ñwecceṃts traike wikässi[ś] ‘the Buddha spoke the three excellent ślokas to drive away the confusion of the novices’ (5b7). -- ñwetstsäññe ‘± newness, renewal’ (360a1);
ñwetsäññeṣṣe ‘± new’ (?): mā ñwet[sä]ññeṣṣe ̇ai ̇e/// (128b5). ∎An adjective in -tstse derived from ñuwe, q.v.


ñśaṣṣe* (adj.) ‘± prtng to me, my’
[m: -, -, ñśaṣṣe//] nauṣ ra preśyaine ñśaṣṣe trenkältsa śaul rintsate (109b4). ∎An adjectival derivative of ñaś, q.v.


ṭikkakāre (n.) ‘commentator’
[ṭikkakāre, -, -//] (197a2). ∎From BHS ṭīkākāra-.


Ṭepankar See Dīpankar.


taka (~ tkā) (adv.) ‘then; certainly’
/// eśnesa menkitse [su] tkā ra [t]rīśäṃ aiśaumye ‘he [is] lacking eyes; thus the wiseman confuses [him]’ (293b1), taka rano anaiwatse srukalñeṣṣe ime onolmets ‘certainly the thought of death [is] unpleasant to creatures’ (K-11a5), kaun-yaṣi anahār ṣmale taka arkwañaṣṣa tāno puwarne hom yamaṣäle ‘day and night [one is] to sit [in] abstinence, then an arkwaña-seed [is] to be put in the fire [as] an oblation’ (M-1b5). ∎From PIE *tu ‘and, but, then’ [: Sanskrit tú ‘however, but’] + Tocharian -kā, a particle of reinforcement (VW:491).


takaru (~ tagar) (n.) ‘Ervatamia coronaria Stapf.’ (= ‘Tabernaemontana coronaria R. Br.’ [Filliozat]) or ‘Valeriana wallichii DC’ [Chopra] (a medical ingredient)
[takaru ~ tagar, -, -//] tagar palāśäṣṣe piltasa = BHS tagaram palāśapatreṇa (308b5). ∎From BHS tagara-.


takarṣke (adj.) ‘faithful, believing; clear, unsullied; gracious’
[takarṣke, -, takarṣkeṃ//-, -, takarṣkaṃ] [f: //takarṣkana, -, -] pelaikne klyauṣtsi nauṣ pete-ñ tak[arṣkeṃ palskosa] ‘give me early to hear the law with clear spirit’ (100a6), takarṣke ñiś = BHS abhikrānto haṃ (541a2), takarṣke = BHS prasanno (PK-NS-107b2 [Thomas, 1976b:106]), takarṣkaṃ mäskentär = BHS viprasīdanti ‘become serene, calm’ (-b3 [ibid.]). -- takarṣkäññe ‘belief; clarity; graciousness’: cewne persat takarṣkñe ‘evoke it in [scil. the law] belief!’ (19a2), takarṣkñe = BHS śraddhā (23a2), takarṣkñesa tne pel=ostaṣṣe rintsi yā[taṃ] ‘[if] he through faith is capable here of renouncing the prison of the house’ (50b2), mā tu pañäktene takarkṣäññentse [sic] [takarṣkäññentse = BHS -prasādasya] (307a2), takarṣkäṃñe ṣañäññecce = BHS prasādanīya[ṃ] (541b8);
takarṣkäññetstse ‘gracious, attractive, fair’: [= BHS prāsādika] (541b8). ∎An adjectival derivative of tāk- ‘be’ (s.v. nes-) whose original meaning must have been ‘true’ or the like (cf. atākatte ‘unreal, false’). The meanings ‘clear’ and ‘gracious,’ etc., are calques on the BHS prasanna- ‘believing in; clear; gracious’ (VW:492). For the formation one should compare pautarṣke, mäntarṣke, and mällarṣke, all adjectives derived directly from verbal stems. See also tāk- (s.v. nes-) and atākatte.


takur (n.) a medical ingredient
[takur, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients (W-34b2). ‣The same as takaru?


takälñe See täk-.


tagar See takaru.


tanki (adv.) ‘very, fully’; ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘full, blocked’
tparyane tanki wartsane āṃtsne ‘high, very broad shoulders’ (73a5/6), perpette premane ra ankaiṃ yamalle ṣp melyi tanki mäskeṃnträ ‘like [one] bearing a burden [he will] vomit; [his] nose is stuffed’ (FS-a2). ∎TchA tänki and B tanki reflect PTch *tänki from a PIE *tṇk- ‘± thick’ + a PTch suffix *-i [: Sanskrit tanákti ‘pulls together,’ takrá- (nt.) ‘buttermilk’ (< *tṇkló-), Afghan tat ‘thick’ (< *tahta- < *tṇkto-), Middle Irish técht ‘coagulated’ (< *tenkto-), Icelandic tél ‘buttermilk’ (< *tenklo-), Lithuanian tánkus ‘thick, copious,’ etc. (P:1068; MA:516)] (VW, 1964b:614, 1976:502).


tankw (n.[m.sg.]) ‘love’
[tankw, -, tankw//] yokaiṣṣe ce kraupe weña tū ñke taṅsa päklyauṣso ‘he spoke this section about desire; hear it now with love!’ (8a7), weksa sr[a]kañce kwoytär-ne taṅsa snai kärsto ‘he cried out with a hoarse voice with love, without interruption’ (85a1). -- tänkwaññe ‘pleasing, lovely’: tänkwaññe omteṃ poyśi nes[a]ñ[ñ]e yamaṣate ‘there the Buddha took [his] favorite spot’ (108b3), tāw no māka täṅwaṃññai Bārāṇasi rīne ‘in this much beloved city of Benares’ (359b1), ṣmare yetse täṅwaññe wnolmentse ṣek cpī mäsketrä ‘smooth and lovely is always the skin of such a being’ (K-10a3);
tänkwäññaññe ‘desirableness’ (394b5);
tänkwaṣṣe ‘prtng to love’ (339b4);
tänkwassu* ‘dear, beloved’: pātär mā ärne täṅwassu ṣaim ‘I was dear to father and mother’ (412a3);
tänkwatstse* ‘± having love’ only in the derived abstract noun: tänkwtsäññe* [sic] ‘± love’ (515a7). ∎TchA tunk and B tankw reflect PTch *tänkw (for the vowel in TchA one should compare yuk ‘horse’ from Ptch yäkwe [> B yakwe, q.v.]). This *tänkw is (as if) from PIE *tṇg-wṇ, a verbal noun from PIE *teng- ‘think, feel’ (Krause, 1943:29, Pedersen, 1943:209-210, VW:518). Further discussion at cänk-, q.v. See also tänkwaññ-.


tañ See tuwe.


taññe* (adj.) ‘thy, pertaining to thee’
[m: -, -, taññe//] taññe cau yaitko[r] /// ‘this thy command’ (90b1). ∎An adjectival derivative of tañ, the genitive of tuwe ‘thou,’ q.v. See also ciṣṣe.


tatākar See nes-.


Tati (n.) ‘Tati’ (PN in graffito)
[Tati, -, -//] (G-Qm11).


tattari (n.) a very large number
śe tattari [[>] it could also be read tantari] piś-känte cmelane’ (400a2). ∎Etymology unknown.


Tathāgatavārg* (n.) ‘Tathāgatavarga’ (a portion of the Udānavarga)
[-, -, Tathāgatavārg//] (313b3=S-5b1).


tanalle ‘?’
/// traiwo tanalle /// (W-13a2). ∎In form it would appear that we have gerund formed from a stem /tänā-/. Could this be a derivative of PIE *ten- ‘extend’?


tanākko (nf.) ‘grain; spot’
[tanākko, -, tanākkai//] śwālyai [pai]yyeññe mokocintse āntene tuciyai tanākkai lkāṣṣäṃ ‘he sees a yellow spot on the tip of the big toe of the right foot’ (580b2), [list of ingredients] tānakkai tānakkai tsämṣalle ‘grain [by] grain [it is] to increase’ (Y-1b3). ∎A derivative of tāno ‘grain,’ q.v. (contra VW:642).


tanāpate (n.[m.sg.]) ‘benefactor, patron’
[tanāpate, tanāpatentse, tanāpateṃ//tanāpati, tanāpateṃts, tanāpateṃ] tanāpatentsa ostwasa ekñintasa entseño mäntañyentär ṣemi ‘some became evil-minded out of envy for patrons, houses, and possessions’ (31b7), tanāpate ksa ṣamāneṃ aśiyana ṣpä śwātsiś kakāte ‘a certain patron invited monks and nuns to eat’ (H-149.X.5b2/3 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]). -- tanāpattäññe ‘prtng to a patron’ (517a2). ∎From BHS dānapati-.


tanā-mot See tāno.


tane ~ tne (adv.) ‘here, (there)’
[an unmarked, often neutral, locative] eṅwentse tane tetemoṣepi peret ko[yne tämasträ no] [tane = BHS iha] (16a5), kuse tne cmīträ mā srūko[y] ‘whoever is born here, would not die’ (46b2), te keklyau[ṣo]rmeṃ Araṇemiñ lānte pit maiwāte-ne k[eṃ]tsa klāya [] tane orottsa kwasalñeṣṣa weśeñña klyauṣāte ‘having heard this, the gall of King A. shook [= he fell unconscious] and he fell to the ground; there was a great voice of woe heard’ (85b4/5), Mokṣawarme tane śem tuntse ṣotri ‘M. came here; thereof the sign’ (G-Qm13), mäksū no yāmor mäkcewsa tne onolmi nraintane cmenträ solmeṃ omte śaul śāyeṃ ‘however, what is the deed through which beings here, [if] they are born in hells, will live there [their] whole life?’ (K-2b4). ‣For a full discussion of meaning, form, and function, see Thomas, 1979. -- tnek ‘id.’ (täne + kä): olypo ost lamam tnek wes āyo[r aitsi cämpem] ‘[if] we sit/remain [in] a house, we could give a gift there’ (50a7), nrai[ṣṣe lwāññe] pretenṣe tnek nai kṣanti kälale ‘for hellish [being], animal or preta, only here [is] forgiveness achievable’ (554b5). ∎Probably in origin the neuter deictic pronoun te plus the locative -ne preserved as such in tene, q.v. Täne (> tne) is the expected unstressed form (cf. päst [unstressed] and pest [stressed]), while tane is the secondarily restressed form (Melchert, p.c.). See also tene and te.


tanaulyko* (n.) ‘± fly’
[//tanaulykañ, -, -] tanaulykaṃ ramt sekwetse pīle ra ptark[aso] ‘leave the suppurating wound [which you are buzzing around] like flies’ (48a5). ∎Etymology unknown. See VW (492) for a suggestion (tanau- from PIE *(s)ten- ‘make a sound’ and lykā- ‘thief’).


tant* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘± power, dominion’
[-, -, tant//täntanma, -, -] täntne yaneṃ srukallentse ‘they come into the dominion of death’ (304a4), [pi]ś-känte aśokäṃñana tantanma oro/// ‘Aśoka's 500 powers/dominions’ (415b2). ∎Possibly a derivative of PIE *ten- ‘pull, extend’ [: Sanskrit tanóti ‘extends, spreads; stretches [a chord], bends [a bow],’ Greek tánutai ‘stretches, strains,’ teínō ‘stretch, pull tight,’ (dialectal) Albanian ndënj ‘expand, pull,’ Latin teneō ‘have, hold,’ Old English þenian ‘stretch out, extend,’ Lithuanian tìnti ‘swell,’ etc. (P:1065-1066; MA:187)]. More particularly we have a PIE *tṇti- ‘extension’ as seen in Greek tásis (f.) ‘stretching, tension; extension; intensity, force,’ Sanskrit tati- (f.) ‘mass, crowd, the whole mass; ceremony.’ (Cf. VW:501, though the details are completely different.) See also possibly tanalle.


tanmäṣṣuki (n.) ‘one who engenders’
[tanmäṣṣuki, -, -//] tarya vedantats putkau tanmaṣuki viṣai mā nesäṃ ‘separated from the three-fold veda there is no engenderer of the range of the senses’ (197b3/4). ∎A nomen agentis from täm-, q.v.


tanneṃ (adv.) ‘± thereto, thereconcerning’
akalṣälyi weskeṃ upādhyāya kuse wesäñ tanneṃ yamaṣä[l]le ‘the disciples say: what [is] to be done by us about it?’ (81a4/5). ∎Etymology uncertain. This word must be related in some fashion to the demonstrative pronouns seen in te, tu, or tam but the exact history is obscure.


tapatriś* (n.) ‘the thirty-thre